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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act •

D.L. (1) A.R.Cr&amp;#ai^ity&lt;ff\«%^

ec: Mr. R.B.Bryce, Office of the Privy Council
SECRET

no

1 5*2

, September 6, 1957.

Dear General Foulkes:
I have received your letter of August © concerning
the United states proposal for NATO stockpiles of nuclear
weapons, and 1 note with satisfaction your concurrence in
our suggestion that this question should be in due time the
subject of interdepartmental consultation. I see no
difficulty in having this subject form part of the current
study of the "Fourth Power Problem*# and agree that the
Committee mentioned In your letter should be the forum in
which to examine the United states proposal.
Be
In view of the considerable importance which you
attach, in this context, to the related problem of ^control"
over the use of nuclear weapons, this department would also
readily agree to have this particular issue considered in
the Committee at the same time as the others.
3.
I mi^it say at this stage that the principle of civilian
control over the use ©f nuclear weapons does not appear io
this department to raise the apparently controversial issues
which your letter under reference would seem to suggest*
Our department*s position* which we also understand to have
been the Government's position, has always been that of
General Graenther, which you quote with approval in paragraph 6 of your letter: the implementation of KG(48) and
the use of nuclear weapons must await a political decision:
namely, that "there was an act of war, and that it was an
aH-out act of war, and not simply a local war**. Efcls is
Of coarse what we mean lay "civilian control". We know of
course that HAfO is committed to a strategy involving the
use of nuclear weapons but the actual implementation of this
General C. Foulkes, CB, CES, DSO, CD,
Chairman, Chiefs of Staff,
Department of national Defence,
Ottawa, Ontario*

•••2
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strategy presupposes the political decision by the HAfO
governments that they are faced with an all-out act of war*.
4.
Perhaps it Is not necessary to elaborate this prin~ciple that {in Mr. Dulles* words) "the authority to push the
button*..is vested In the civilian heads of government".- In
the case of HATO, this can evidently only mean the Council,
which speaks and speaks alone for the HATO governmenta*Paragraphs 6 and IS of your own letter seem thoroughly to
approve the principle that only the political authorities ean
send HATO to war; aad it can assuredly be taken for granted
that the Counoil will not send HAfO to war until the momentous
consequences of thermo-nuclear retaliation have been taken
into account*
5.
It is true that varying circumstances, such as the
easo you raise of an all-out nuclear attack, would make the
Implementation of this principle more or less difficult; and
no one, as far as we know, has refused to accept the resulting
qualifications of the principle which circumstances might conceivably impose* But It would be wrong to suggest that,
because the principle of civilian control was not elaborately
articulated In the tt&amp;cemher 1954 meeting, agreement on this
crucial point had not been reached. You refer to the American
desire at this time for a vague formula; you will of course
also recall the misgivings of European partners about a formula
In which the principle of civilian control was not also
expressed* Subsequently, Mr. Dulles, when approving 130(48)
for the purpose of planning by the military authorities, agreed
that such approval did not involve the delegation of the responsibility iwhich, as he pointed out, rested "in the civilian
heads of government*) *for putting plans into action in the
event of hostilities"* {C-?E(54)50 p*23) Subsequent discussion pointed to the importance attached to this qualification,
which was incorporated both In the Council Resolution on
lS*C*4e{0-R(54)S0 para*43(l)) and in the final Communique which
was released* (G-M(54)123 para*6) We have attached an annex
which indicates some of the highlights of these discussions
and of the circumstances under which they took place,; but
perhaps the best documentation is the ?erbatim Record of the
50th Meeting of the HATO Council (C-VR{54)50, pp*21ff). I
wonld draw your attention particularly to the statement of the
French representative, if; Temple:
"La delegation francaise approuve la proposition qui a ete' faite par le Secretariat

...3
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International et est prete a voter ea sa
favear* Hous pensons en effet que oe texts
repond bien aux deux preoccupations que nous
avons ea vue:
I. laisser les Autorites militaires poursuivre leurs etudes sur les transformations des forces armees rendues
n4eessaires par l*empioi eventuel de
l'arme atomique:
2* laisser atix pouvoirs politiques la
decision d*employer ou non en cas de
necessity cette arme atomique*" (loc.cil.,p.2S)
6*
There is also the other consideration which you
have yoarself mentioned, that H&amp;fO finds itself in this
ambiguous position of having a strategy based on the concept
of nuclear deterrents, while its main retaliatory force is
actually to be found ia the United States Strategic Air Command* The United States Strategic Air Command does not * only
serve as the nuolear retaliatory force of HATO,, but constitutes as well the main defence of the United States, in any
case of all-oat aggression, u&amp;ether or not this aggression
Is within the HATO area* Ho one would suggest that the HATO
Council has either the right or the power to veto the
directives which the President of the United States may give
directly to his Strategic Air Command, fhe United States,,
however, have not shown any desire to "go it alone** should
it come to an all-out nuclear conflict in Europe; and it is
reasonable to expect, given the tremendous political importance
of following such a course, that they will wish, if humanly
possible, to consult their closest allies before releasing
the power of the Strategical Air Force* It is obviously for
these considerations that the United States representatives in
HATO have always beea reluctant to define the application of
the principle of collective civilian control over the use of
nuclear weapons, and it is because the other HATO members
appreciated and understood the United States position tftat
none has ever pressed in the HATO Council for anything more
than the wording used by the Council on December '17* 1954 in
approving IKC-48*
7*
In short, the principle that the civilian heads of
government would not delegate the authority flto push the
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button* was unanimously reaffirmed in December 1954 with
the clear implication that such decisions, insofar as
they were taken by HATO, would be taken in the Council and
not by the military authorities* To suggest otherwise
would* I am sure, give rise to the strongest objections
-/• from several HATO governments, and might well in fact induce
these governments to press for an even more rigid formula
of civilian control than that which exists at present*
This Is only plain political realism, which was again more
than confirmed recently when the question arose of stationing
atomic weapons in certain European HATO countries*
8*
Since 1954, however, there have been new developments
which may call for a re-assessment of the conditions under
which the principle of civilian control ought to be exercised*
Oa the one hand, a wider range of nuclear weapons have been
developed, from the so-*called "tactical weapons'* to H-bombs
of unpredictable capacity. On the other hand, governments
have now come to realize that the implications of a declaration
of war may not be as precise, in terms of weapons to be used,
as they have hem in the past* It was in part to meet these
changing circumstances that NATO members considered it necessary last year to undertake a military reappraisal andjt©
formulate at the December ministerial meeting a new Political
Directive* This directive has confirmed that aggression
against the HATO area could assume several forms, not all of
which would necessarily call for the use of nuclear weapons
at the outset* The emergence of the possibility of "minor
out breaks'*, to use Mr. Dulles* expression, means in effect
that HATO member governments may no longer have only the task
of declaring whether or not an all**out act of aggression has
been committed* but they may also have the responsi bility for
determining the actual nature and degree of the "aggression"
In case of any acts of apparent hostility such as those
mentioned in para 4(b) Fart H of the Balitieal Directive.
9*
Document 13*0.70 entitled "Minimum Essential Force
Requirements" now under preparation by SACJEGR will probably
throw some light on the possibility of graduated defence,
including or excluding nuclear weapons* and civilian and
military responsibilities may have to be reconsidered in the
light of that document* Moreover, the fact that it is now
planned to provide forward troops with tactical nuclear
weapons will give a fresh impetus to reviewing the problem
of the implementation of political control over the ma of
these weapons and to the development of procedures to reader
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- 5 this implementation as effective as possible*
fours sincerely,
JJOEES LEGER

Under-Secretary of State
for External Affairs

000472

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