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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Infonmatii
Document divulgue en vertu de la
LoLsucTacce^Tinfbrmation^

w

D E P A R T M E N T OF E X T E R N A L A F F A I R S

Subject.
Date
/

July..J.O.v.. 19.6.9

Publication

The._Gazetfce

TtBM debate has "air of unreality
Johnson, McNamara.
have responsibility
By ROBERT CAMERON

At this point, most "people
who read newspapers or look
at TV will probably know that
"Safeguard" is not some new

Trudeau
beef-up NORAD?

acosmetic deodorant, about to
|be foisted on .the ever gullable
lU.S. public. For Safeguard is
Jof course a proposed defence
system against ballistic missiles and thus of considerable

V.

'

interest to ever skeptical
Canadians.
Is it necessary? Can it be
effective? Will it encourage
proliferation and speed up the
arms race? And can_the US
afford it? These are the
principal issues involved. An
unusually large number of
people have already aligned
themselves either pro or con.
Debate on the issue seems to
be reaching a climax in the
U.S. Congress. Much has
already been said about
the problem and it is hard to
imagine anything useful being
added.
Nevertheless, t h e r e are
some aspects that have been
presented to the public with
over abundant emotion, and
so little reality, that a few
hard facts should certainly
not go amiss.
The principal hard fact and

clinching argument for some
form of action on ABM
defences, is quite elementary.
Moreover, it is one that must
surely dominate the thinking
of any administration, be it
Democratic or Republican. It
is simply this: no government
can fail to take reasonable
measures against the demonstrable ICBM threat and hope
to stay in office.
The recent Democratic administration certainly tried its
best to duck .this responsibility. In an effort to get off the
hook, former defence secre-,
tary Robert McNamara tried

they gotthemsgjves trappea
by fears ot escalation to 'fullJ
deployment' and the enormous
cost which this would involve.
When you have no choice
but to buy defence with the
low costneffectiveness of ABM
systems at the present time,
the way to proceed is by
'stepped up development' or
perhaps a 'pilot installation'.
So long as the offence has an
unmistakeable advantage over
defence — as is 'the case now
and will be for the foreseeable
future — it makes no sense
whatsoever to do much more
than provide a good hedge
against unexpected technical
break-throughs.
A most unrealistic argument against Safeguard is1
advanced by those who see it*
only as a proliferation and
liable to deter,potential signatories of the Non-Proliferation
Treaty. To them there is just
one thing to be said. No
country is going to ratify this
treaty, or having done so,
abide by it, if nuclear weapons ever seem vita! fadefence and can be obtained
To suggest that the' U.9 :
irogram would have any i

y7&gt;-:-

McNamara
persuasion failed

^

•

to persuade Russia to halt
construction ,of its Safeguard
system. But his pleas were
countered with a simple bit of
thilosophy for which there is
simple answer. As one
Russian general put it: "Only
the side which intends to use
its weapons for aggression can
wish to slow down the creation of ABM systems by
others." So, once the US had
established technical feasibility for even a limited defence,
there was no alternative but
to do something about it.
However, even' ihough you
have to do something in
defence, how you proceed can
make a world of difference.
And in this respect the U.S.
record is not brilliant. Former
President Johnson and his
team made a serious tactical
error. They correctly decided
on a relatively small ABM
expenditure. But "they then
used the wrong justification
for it. As soon as they called
it a 'limjteri deployment'
aimed at China, the fat was in
the fire. Quite predictably
000065

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur Tacces a Tinformation

•- *

iJ#h

DEPARTMENT OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS
.

•

2 of 2

Subject
Date

JuM.3.9..* 1.96.9

Publication

^...Gazette.

more effect than propaganda
value in a decision to abstain
from signing, is a conspicuous
case of dishonesty or, more
charitably, self-deception.
The ABM d e b a t e gets
larded with emotion by those
who would prostrate their
common sense simply to 'get
along with the Russians',
They therefore argue that
approval of Safeguard will
adversely affect the forthcoming U.S.-Russian a r m s
limitation talks.
But this is nonsense. In the
first place the Russians aren't
liable to complain if the U.S.
builds something which Russia itself believes in and
already hasJ And secondly,
they would probably be delighted to see the US throw as
much money as possible into
a project which, in 'the art, is
essentially a bottomless pit.
Can the U.'S. afford Safeguard? It's a good question.
But at the same time, one has
to ask whether or not the US
can afford going to the moon,
so many super-highways and
two-car garages, an incredible
number of homes with wall-towall carpeting and two or
three TVs, etc. So the simple
answer is that even if dollars
are scarce, the ABM-project
can't be rejected on this fact
alone. What it boils down to,
then, is a problem of compromise with other priorities
-and, above all, leadership.
With opposing forces on the
ABM issue being so evenly
matched in Congress, Safeguard may well be reduced in
scope: Though never much
more than a healthy 'pilot
installation', it will be more
easily justified if it is advertised as such. In these circumstances, Canada will have
time to refine and mature her
thinking on this important
aspect of the strategic weaponbalance. Hopefully she. rhighf
then tike a more- sensible'
attitude when re-assessing her
contribution to NORAD than
simply modernizing our anti-,
aircraft defences.
T^
Mr. Cameron is a freelance
journalist who specializes in
defence matters. -He is a
retired air vice marshal in
•iiig-GmiEftlian Air Fori

�«. *-•*'•

Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act - \
Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur Tacces a TinformatioA

Q

DEPARTMENT OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS

y

A A X7- 7

Subject.

/., —

Date

.J..ul.y..&amp;9., 1.96.9

Publication

The New York Times

MIRV Responsibility

If a new arms race takes place in the strategic
.-offensive missiles that multiply nuclear delivery vehiEcles fivefold, an important share of the responsibility
i.will have to be shouldered by President Nixon. The
dangerous; expensive and totally unnecessary prospect
rthat development of MIRV multiple warhead missiles
7could, pass a point, of no, return was known to- Mr.
| Nixon last November when he moved to discourage
\ Soviet acceptance of a Johnson Administration pro'•posal to open missile-curb talks. .Mr. Nixon has since
"delayed the strategic arms-limitation talks (SALT) with
j Moscow nine months, has permitted MIRV flight testi n g to proceed apace and has rejected repeated suggestions that he propose a moratorium to the Kremlin..
No one can object, of course, to a review by the
:-new,Administration of the SALT preparations of the.
;, Johnspiib,team. But there was no justification for 'the
leisurely nine-month pace nor for refusing to propose
!•• a temporary suspension of MIRV flight testing by both
Esides while the review was in progress. That is why
•.•MIRV/Opponents in Congress suspectthe Administrai lion's aim from the start was to .delay the SALT talks
! until it was too late, to halt MIRV deployment.. .
7&lt; But is it really too.late now? A Presidential decisionf
has not yet been made, it is said, and both the.formerl
Deputy Director of the Arms Control and Disarmamentl
Agency,vAcirian Fisher, and former Assistant Director*
'.Herbert Scoville Jr. have told! a House, subcommittee
bin. the-last* few Says, that a MIRV moratorium: is not
Jtinly still possible but essential and urgent.
: The Nixon'Administration case against a MIRV ban,
as put forward by Philip J. Farley, Mr. Fisher's succes-sor, starts with the possibility that the United States
.might need MIRV to penetrate a "heavy" Soviet antifballistic missile, system (ABM). But there is no evidence that Moscow intends to go beyond the light
• system already deployed and that could be quickly
i.pinned down in the SALT talks. Mr. Farley has also
f
raised the possibility that the Soviet Union could j
deploy MIRV without further testing or that it could
'test during a moratorium without detection.
*. Mr.'Fisher argues the contrary view.
"An understanding under which both sides refrained
'.from ' further" MIRV testing "could be = verified' by
Rational means,", Mr.-Fisher told the subcommittee!
"It. is of course possible that some testing looking
..toward MIRV development. : might. escape detection,
•but the . testing, necessary !t'o" '.A. .' an . effective
"system Would, I believe, fun an unacceptable risk of
detectibri."
"
,. - r ~
11 This debate, recalls the arguments before'conclusion;
in 1963 of the atmospheric nuclear test-ban treaty.-It.
was said that the Soviet Union1 would evade the ban
&gt;by testing behind "the moon or in far outer space. Any
•arms-control agreement involves taking a calculated
risk. The concept of so-called no-risk arms control, as
Representative Eckhardt (Dem., Texas) commented,
"ignores the larger and far more dangerous consequences of an escalation of the arms race."
• .No issue awaiting Mr."Nixon's decision after his
\ 'trip around the world, is more important than MIRV
or, along with-Vietnam, will more shape history's
verdict on .his Administration,

\»-.i

i

J
000067

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