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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur Tacces a Tinformatio

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ATTACHMENT
DEFENCE

RESEARCH

IN HIPLV PLCA*C QUOTE
R f r t M N C K A P.APPIUCR

V 3338-2-1

BOARD

(C/DRAE)

CONSEIL DE RECHERCHES POUR LA DEFENSE

DCPADTMtNT OP NATIONAl. DKPENCI
MINISTER! D t LA DEP«N»« NATIONALE
CANAOA

DEFENCE RESEARCH ANALYSIS ESTABLISHMENT

CENTRE D'ANALYSE POUR LA DEFENSE

NATIONAL DEFENCE HEADQUARTERS
OTTAWA 4, ONTARIO

—-WiWmeR-GENERAL d . la DEFENSE NATIONALE
OTTAWA 4, ONTARIO

21-/I
u-

-

T
23 April, 1969.

Ext Aff

OPMA - Mr. J.G. Harris
Disarmament - Mr. A. Bernier
«»—7y* . Aff
D Con P. - LCOL K.W. MacDonald
ADM(F) - DPG - Mr. W.B. Snarr
Vvt

IMPLICATIONS TO CANADA OF ANTI-BALLISTIC
MISSILE DEFENCE SYSTEMS:
DRAFT NO. 3
1.
At a meeting in DRAE on 22 April, 1969,
an extensive discussion was held on the contents
of Draft No.2 of the paper entitled "Implications
to Canada of Anti-Ballistic Defence Systems".
2.
A number of points relating to stability,
escalation, and arms control could not be resolved
to the satisfaction of all present.
However,
Draft No.3 does represent considerable progress,
and is being circulated to serve as the basis for
another meeting, tentatively planned for 25 April,
1969.
3.
It is emphasized that Draft No.3 does not
represent an agreed document.

G.R. Lindsey
Chief
Defence Research Analysis Establishment

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ATTACHMENT

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DRAFT NO. 3
IMPLICATIONS TO CANADA OF
ANTI-BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENCE SYSTEMS

INTRODUCTION
301

One conclusion of Phase I of the Government
Review on External Affairs and Defence Policy, as
stated by the Prime Minister on April 3, was that
Canada would continue to co-operate closely with the
United States through NORAD and in other ways in the
defence of North America.

The primary military threat

to North America is from ballistic missiles and
recently attention in the United States has foeussed
on the Nixon Administration's plans to deploy an

im
anti-ballistic missile system.)

J)

-The purpose of this paper is to examine the
implications for Canadian policy of this decision.

X

4

BACKGROUND

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302

The US Department of Defense pursued an
active program of research and development in the area
of anti-ballistic missile technology for many years,
but it was not until in September, 1967 that the
Secretary of Defense (Mr. McNamara) announced that a
"light" ABM system, later called "Sentinel", would be
deployed in the US.

The Sentinel program encountered

considerable opposition, and in February, 1969 the
Nixon administration suspended the program pending
a review.

In March 1969, however, President Nixon

announced that a modified system called "Safeguard"
would proceed, subject to Congressional approval and
an annual review.

303

The three objectives of "Safeguard", as stated
by the President are:
"a. protection of our land-based retaliatory
forced/against a direct attack by the
Soviet Union^
b. J))efen&lt;/e of the American people against the
kind of nuclear attack which Communist China
is likely to be able tq mount within the
decade^ ^a^'

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C. protection against the possibility of accidental
attack from any source."

304

The Safeguard system has the same components
as Sentinel; Jthe- Perimeter Acquisition Radai^(PAR) ,
&lt;Jth-er*Missile Site Radar^MSR), an d

two

anti-missile

weapons: Spartan, and Sprint.
')

£
305

#)

WARNING AND DETECTION
The first warning of possible ICBM attack would

come from several types of long range detection systems
sited in Asia, Europe, and in orbiting satellites.
These systems can report the launching of large rockets
in the Soviet Union or China, although they cannot tell
whether the launchings are for the purpose of tests,
space launchings, or missile attack.

Ballistic missiles

on a direct trajectory toward. North America will be
detected over the polar regions by the Ballistic Missile
Early Warning System (BMEWS), which can distinguish an
object in orbit from one about to impact.
306

PARs installed in the northern US will detect
and track approaching missiles over the Canadian Arctic,
at a maximum range of about 1500 miles.

Information

from these radars is passed to control posts where
computers process the data and, on receipt of a firing
order, the MSR guides the Spartan missile to make its
intercept.

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% J£\ ABM Missiles
307

utArf^

The Spartan missile has a giamt
300 to

range ^©4— JO™:

400 m i l e s . ^
&lt;EThe effectiveness of Spartan depends on the

;

detonation of a very large nuclear warhead in the rieaT-'
vacuum of outer space.
308

The Sprint missile complements the Spartan
system by intercepting at lower altitudes those warheads
not destroyed by Spartan.

Sprint has a much shorter

range than Spartan, less than about 50 miles from the
I launch site.

e7teft$g@&amp;&amp;$j»&gt;&gt;*®%&lt;"f&amp;®&amp;BteA&amp;Aat low altitude

b^iau&amp;es^he^^ifcn^^ias a *»»By much smaller warhead yield
than the Spartan.
Safeguard Plan
309

The plan for "Safeguard" is in phased steps. The

/^A^d^^dm-7U\h^
first step involves {only two PARs, with associated MSRs,
A
Spartans, and Sprints. The sites which are near Great
Falls, Montana, and Grand Forks, North Dakota, are intended
for the protection of ilCBM and bomber bases in those areas. //
Subsequent options .could be:
i X JbiC&amp;)\

1,

•

A

X

to extend the defence of the deterrent
forces against ICBM attack,

(A./I &lt;^7^\9y\

t0

P r o v i d e defence against submarine-launched

missiles (SLBM),
•*• 3
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IAM\ ^W) 7 t 0 provide l i g h t area protection for
population.
I J
V
a l l of the .US, including
i
The totality of these options, labelled "full deployment",
&gt;*, A
include 12 sites in the continental USA.. A further
possible extension is to add sites in Alaska and Hawaii.
^ S a % f u a f d ^ W e reviewed annually from the point of
''view of (a) technical developments; (b) the threat;
\

(c) the diplomatic context including any talks on arms
limitation.

310

If the "full deployment" plan involving
12 sites

is carried out, the estimated cost is

$6.6 billion.

At this level, it might hope to provide

a meaningful defence against the size of attack that
China could mount in the mid-1970s.

It might also be able

to preserve a significant proportion of the ICBM and
bomber strength against Soviet attack, but would not
be able to prevent the USSR from being able to destroy
most of the urban population.

*f (i)
311

TECHNICAL AOT EI^OMIC

yQ^^tJi^^t^^

The technical difficulties in intercepting a
small object approaching at a speed of 16,000 miles per
hour are formidable.

However, the development of large

defensive nuclear warheads specially designed to
destroy an ICBM warhead at a distance of several miles
has made successful defence possible without the requirement
for a direct hit.

An anti-missile can intercept an ICBM

within the effective kill radius of the defensive warhead
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*"

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as has been demonstrated at the Pacific Missile Range.

4
312

Although it can be concluded that it is
technically possible for ABM to intercept and destroy
an ICBM wj^tas^MiWBywd, it does not necessarily follow
than an ABM system is an effective and advisable system
to construct.

By the use of penetration aids (such

as decoys, multiple warheads, or jamming) or indirect
trajectories (depressed, extended range, fractional
or multiple orbital) the offence may be able to overcome
the defence.

Although it may be technically possible

for the defence to defeat the measures mentioned above,
the cost of such countermeasures may be much greater than
that required for the offensive measures.
_ ? ' 313
^rrer-s4?t«#*4^.ft^n-^he^
^*Han«^^^d^by«s^y%fi^'«*Wt, the state of technology in
mssiles, radars, and warheads is so advanced that it may
well be physically possible for engineers to do almost
anything in the offence vs defence or measure vs countermeasure context, but economic factors are likely to
determine what is in fact practicable to undertake.
314 s v

Because the more advanced techniques of both

offence and defence are very complex, it tal
\

\

\

years tx&gt; develop them and put them into operational status
It is difficult for each adversary to\issess far in,

\

\

\

V

advance what\the effectiveness of his opponents moves
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afce goingrto--H.be.

Consequently,',-th^rc-d-s-a b u l l t r i n

fl

'$

y £ur fhur^s=t^ffl^- to esoa-3ra±^ Jsti4^-eaxs-h s i d e \
^jg±±^7fche s t e p s now&gt;to p r e p a r e f o r t h e worst t h a t t h e i k
opponent might have ready f o r them a few y e a r s hence.s-

JL^

-c

315

^*—js..^x^^j^^r^^-

KVf

*f**'t

IMPLICATIONS FOR CANADA
Against this background, the implications for
Canada of the Safeguard decision can.be assessed by
examining the following questions:
1. Does the decision affect the stability of the
strategic balance?
2 . -Bswe/ithe decision e-€wt*s^tu^-e==e^t?a^ra^0H=-e€1 the
nuclear arms race?
3. What are the implications of the decision for
Strategic Arms Limitation Talks, and for other
arms control measures?
4. If the program does proceed, what are the
implications for Canada, as regards potential
risk to our population and potential protection
for our population?
5. Should.the ABM system-b* integrated into the
Canada/US defence relationship, and if so, how?
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X

316

Stability
The present strategic nuclear balance between
the Soviet Union and the Western Alliance is one of
sis^lae mutual deterrence, since both sides are capable
of retaliating with.a devastating second strike, even
after absorbing the full impact of a first strike by the
other side.

The stability of the situation could be

disturbed, in the future, in two ways: first, if one side
were to develop and deploy defensive systems sufficient
to limit damage and casualties to an acceptably low
level, § second, if one side was

to develop and deploy

offensive weapons and techniques capable of overcoming
the present invulnerability of the other side's retaliatory
forces, /in either case, the situation would be less

&lt;8 "stable

because one side would have the option of initiating

a nuclear exchange with good prospects of coming out a
"winner". A Opponents of the Safeguard system argue that its
deployment is a step in the direction of the first type of
destablizing action; proponents argue that it is a response
to a USSR destablizing action of the second type.

The

detailed arguments as to whether the Safeguard decision is
or is not destabilizing are given below.

d iX^ot

ffeXtabUIXing^

,4 pM&gt;

^decision to
a. 'ihe urs-^ciecision
to give
give f±irs£ priority, in trexms

f-

of the schedule of deployment, UQ the protection
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too t*&lt;&amp; *
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^of ICBM sites and to include protection
of oomber bases and command and control

X.

\

\

facilitie-s in the program implies that the

x

\

\

US is continuing to emphasize the importance
of its second strike retaliatory capability.
The US has not only stated that it has no
intention of expanding the Safeguard system
towards defence of population centres against
a heavyNattack, but has also consciously made
\

\

it more difficult to reverse thi&amp;. policy, byv
\

\

\

positioning Missile Site Radars too far from \
cities to be of use in.controlling Sprint missives
against warheads
\
\
/aimed
Since the light Safeguard
aimed at cities.
\
system does not affect mutual deterrence and
its potential for expansion is low, it is
not destabilizing.
The provision of full area defence against a
light accidental or irrational attack from
the Soviet Union or any other nation, gives
the USNtime to assess both the intent and source
of the attack before deciding to unleash its
\

retaliatory forces.

\

In this sense the\US

action is stabilizing.

^

Always present is the possible spurious indication
of an ICBM\ttack, due to mistaken interpretation
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of signals from re-entering space vehicles-;- ""
natural phenomena, or malfunctions'"^
detector's.

The temptation^r seeming

obligation to react by* offensive action.-would
be reduced by the" existence of anyABM system;
in this sense the US^action is ./stabilizing.
e.

The US decision to deploy Safeguard matches
y *

• ^«"'"*'","'"",

•

in the public mind the ABM system already deployed
. around Moscow.

I.t^thus may provide

^

'reassurance and contribute to an internal'
political climate^favourable to bo'th stability

X''

S

and the prospects for improved relations between
f.

the US and the Soviet' Union.
When fully deployed, Safeguard will provide
effective defence against the likely Chinese

.v*.?'••

capability over the next ten^'to fifteen years,,
Ad»

/'

rsStr

7 and hence strengthens^the credibilities US

A

X

jf"7

guarantees under^'the Non-Proliferation Treaty
jf'r

to nations fefarful of nuclear blackmail by the
PRC.
Safeguard i s Destabilizing
i

7 "

g.

/*
/

Part of the US second strike-capability rests
Many US
in its bombers on stand-by alert
y
bomber bases along the eastern seaboard^are

s4-S
vulnerable to attack by SLBMS" bocausfcSubmarine
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Launched Ballistic Missiles (SLBMs) because
of the latter's short warning time, and ^-—

X

XT

Safeguard, in'protecting second strike, is
designed^o protect the basesjfrforn such attack:
On the other hand, if Soviet SLBM capability is
/

TA

/s

X

viewed as representing' part of their second
strike forces, i£*hen defence against them reduces
mutual deterrence and is destabilizing.
y
h.

Although MissileySite Radars are positioned away
from cities,^the duplication costs would be a
small fraction (a few percent) of the cost of
deploying a heavy ABM system.

Hence,^-rhe

importance of this aspect of the &lt;Safeguard system

X

/

has been exaggerated, and the US decision could
easily be^-a first step toward a destabilizing
heavy defence.
317

^Arguments at g. and^hr"'detract from a. and b.
respectively, and henc.e^eaken them to some extent.

In*""

the light of the^a*bove, it may be concluded on balance
'that the Safeguard decision is foot destabilising.

tt)

AU.«siWx t\r~~CU£JL
318

The investment of national resources in strategic
systems by both superpowers over the past twenty to twentyfive years has led-to ErfJfiJat?'!^3^-—^^m^mm.^u.;^.u
,a state of stable mutual deterrence.
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Continued investment in strategic systems for modernization
through modification or replacement, and continued
expenditure to maintain systems already deployed, can
proceed without disturbing the ^iMbimni
capability.

of balanced

If, however, a decision is made by one side

which could result in achieving a capability^tefeyond^^fao-.
.pAgjifegesau. the decision is likely to prompt the other side
to respond by initiating deployment action for a matching
or counteracting system, and the arms race
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ihus, any decision which is aimed at reaching a^new level\
(if.11*''*'

^*^*,

\

of capability or one which is claimed to*vbe in direct
response to suchxa step by other^side can be considered
as escalatory.

The sfbeond part of the definition of

escalation must be ^included siiice^it is impossible to
know whichvdecision preceded which, a difficulty which
"**

is,exacerbated by the understandable tendency ofxmilitary
\ planners to try to anticipate the other side's actions.
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lead to a new stability at a higher p.la^te'Su, the situation
would be rogrettable to^j^hiE^Tbut regrettable.

This

likelihood is ma4-g*aoubtful, however, by the very long
lead time's for development, manufacture, and deployment
otcjnaj.or^stxa^e^^^^^^-fe^^^^) The necessity to base decisions
on predictions of the enemy's posture far into the future,
coupled with the tendency to design for the "greater-than
expected-threat" (to be on the safe side), and the

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tremendous difficulties in adjusting a program once
started,

.jjA-Tir

over-reaction

When

both sides act in this way,

continues unchecked,-w-^&amp; TJ*^

the arms

£^c$J$fa^wtMty&gt;

XZts^^kj-jQr^Z^v^^

320

Although the Safeguard concept of a phased
deployment with annual reviews will mitigate to some
extent the problem of ensuring that the deployment
represents a measured response to the development of the
threat, the US decision, to deploy Safeguard can be
considered, as oreal

w
X

j\ti&amp;$^^-&amp;p4&amp;e^&amp;e&amp;*±^

Arms Control

321

A

W

.

One of the most important aspects of the Safeguard
ABM system is\ the Impact or potential effect it will have

,

w,i arms control^ and V&gt;n Canadian interests in that area.

&amp; ^As\indicated bel\&gt;w, tihere are conflicting arguments.

k^

y

Safeguard Does Not\ Hinder Arms Control
a. since the original US decision taken in 1967 to
deploy Sentinel pre-dated the Soviet Union's
positive response to a long standing invitation
to beVin the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT),
the decision to deploy the modified Safeguard
system is unlikely to have any adverse effect
on the USSR willingness to begin the talks.
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b. Safeguard, particularly since it is a phased
plan,' gives the US a bargaining counter with
respect to negotiations which may arise out
of SALT, and thus may improve the willingness
of the US to enter into productive talks.
c. The existence of an ABM system could increase
US willingness to accept balanced and mutual.
limitations or reductions in offensive weapons,
since it is. a hedge against the other side's
non-compliance with a disarmament agreement.
Safeguard Hinders Arms Control
d. The decision to deploy Safeguard leads, by US
admission, to a requirement for continued underground nuclear testing and has seriously
prejudiced the possibility of achieving early
agreement on a comprehensive test ban treaty.
e. Desire to improve the warheads for ABM missiles
already deployed may, in the future, increase
US pressures for renouncing the limited test
ban treaty and resumption of atmospheric or
exo-atmospheric testing.
f. The US decision may result in a postponement of
the date on which a "cut-off" in the production
of fissionable material for weapon purposes could
be agreed between the USSR and US despite the
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recent US proposal for opening negotiations
on this subject.
g. The US decision can be viewed as a contradiction
to Article VI of the Non-Proliferation Treaty
(which calls upon the nuclear powers to
demonstrate their good faith through measures
to end the arms race) and hence may be used to
. strengthen the position of nuclear weapon
proponents in countries capable of "going
nuclear", and may further diminish the prospects
for the coming into force of the NPT.
The question of relationship of the US Safeguard
decision to the prospects for future arms control measures
is a difficult one to answer categorically, since progress
in arms control depends on a complex interaction of both
national and international political, military and strategic
considerations.

The balance of argument seems to favour,

however, the conclusion that Safeguard hinderfe rather than
helps' endeavours towards useful arms control agreements.

POTENTIAL RISKS TO CANADA
If long range "Spartan" ABM missiles, sited near
the Canadian border* were fired against ballistic missiles
approaching US.targets from the north,
some of -lAciiiiJd^ii^ansijrr mirlnnr warheads would explode
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above Canadian territory.

These explosions would

occur well above the atmosphere where the Spartans
r neutralize the ICBM warheads

are designed to

*3

s"^r-t-t^s^Be^iQqj^^jtot~d-trteFff3&amp;&amp;&gt;

Spartans are

programmed to make their interceptions at a high
enough altitude to prevent damage to people.living beneath
the bursts. Even if the effect of the ABM explosion were
to make the ICBM warhead detonate, the high altitude would
prevent serious damage on the ground.[yV(yvQ«^DA-v t _

324

In contrast, if the attacking missiles were
to penetrate to their intended targets and burst on the
ground, very heavy fallout would ensue, which would be
spread by the winds over a large area of the United
States and Canada.

Consequently, from the point of view

of fallout, the presence of the defensive system is a
—the possibility of a

distinct advantage if
nuclear exchange^

cCcTTation from the fallout resulting from high altitude
nuclear bursts &lt;6&gt;SP§*"not constitute a more serious hazard
than that to which-^we-hajtV"already been subjected during
nuclear tests in the atmosphere.

=7^JEE^E^r

325

The shorter range Sprint3**f missiles would also
be burst at altitudes high enough to avoid serious
damage to populated areasfc~ku±_ itM^irnlikely that they
would have sufficient range to reach as far as the
Canadian border in the new Safeguard deployment.

326

The US have assured us that they will limit the
minimum height Of Spartan bursts to altitudes above 35
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nautical miles.

A Spartan burst at a somewhat lower

altitude (say 25 miles) above the earth could break
windows, and if the weather were clear, it is possible
that fires could be started in tinder-like material and
that persons with unprotected skin directly exposed could
receive burns.

Another hazard that would be present in

clear weather, even for a burst at very great heights
is that a person unfortunate, enough to be outdoors and
looking &lt;i£g!lSE££s in the /JdXrection of the burst would
probably suffer temporary flash blindness and could suffer
a permanent partial impairment of vision.
Potential Protection of Canada
The US have not suggested that any of the Safeguard equipment should be located in Canada.

Our

analysis indicates that for defence of targets in the US
against the simpler threats (direct ballistic trajectories
of single warheads without sophisticated penetration aids)
there would not be much to be gained by siting installations
in Canada, although it would be necessary to fire Spartan
anti-missiles across the border to burst above Canadian
territory.

However, if protection is to be given to

targets in Canada much beyond the border, or if the defence
is to be improved to cope with such threats as depressed
trajectories or fractional orbital missiles, it is
probable that there would be advantages to Canadian siting.
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328

The question of protection for Canadian targets
has not been raised with the US.

If Spartans are

eventually deployed to Washington State, Michigan,
and New England, as well as the Phase I sites in Montana
and North Dakota, then it should be possible for many of
the larger Canadian cities to have about the same degree
of protection that can be provided to US cities.
ABM AND THE CANADA/US DEFENCE RELATIONSHIP
329

An important instrument for practical defence
co-operation in North America is the NORAD Agreement.
The Agreement renewing NORAD for five years to 1973
provided that it "will not involve in any way a Canadian
commitment toi participate
an active ballistic missile
participate in
in •&lt;

defence".

/v^X~%7- z&amp;r^o- ti
lh©--erbi^€t_was
/Th©--^r&amp;j-&amp;€
t_was ttoo _ J j ] ^ i i r _ £ - t h a t - r o j i t i n u a t i o n

.^w-ould n&amp;frHre~'"T,eg-3xd^--aJ5j automatically
committing Canada to participate in ABM defence.

Never-

A
theless, it was agreed that Canadian authorities should
keep in close touch with ABM developments.

This was

considered important because of the newness of the concept
of missile defence and the uncertainty as to the implications
for Canada, both technical and political.
330

At the June 1968 meeting of the PJBD, CINCNORAD,
supported by his Canadian Deputy, made a strong case for
combining air and space defence under one authority.

At

the request of the US PJBD chairman, a summary of this
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briefing was officially entered in the PJBD minutes.
At the October, 1968 PJBD meeting, the US chairman
stated on record that "the United States government
was still considering these issues and had not reached
any clear consensus

(and) it would assist his

government in its deliberations to have the views of
the Canadian government on this matter".
£Prior to the decision to deploy "Sentinel" the
US'iauthi|/iiJies briefed certain Canadians (including the
/•
vl$. . .' •
Minister of National Defence) regarding the=d&amp; intentions,
and there have been occasional subsequent meetings at
which further information has been passed.

. ,/ r

It is faoped-

that the President will oooa mafii a statutory determination
/jfunder the McMahon Act4 which will enable further nuclear
information to be released to Canada.
US intentions regarding the deployment, firing
doctrine, command, and control of Safeguard are far from
settled at this time.
associated programs

The computers and their
represent a new order of

magnitude in an art that has already grown at a remarkable
rate.

The speed with which an ABM system must react is

such that almost every step in an almost incredibly complex
process must.be foreseen in advance and built into the
computer program.

It is not known how much initiative or

authority will be left to the military officers in command
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of the system.

At the minimum, it could be that all

they are authorized to do is to push a button on
receipt of an order from Washington.
333

'Mogt- of the key decisions regarding the na-tu-re
©^operation of the ABM system will, therefore, have

/

\

to be made a long time (probably years) before -^t eoull/d. P^ThefcfivngXat stake eire of fundamenta-1
ijffp»SLance MiuCh_i*feS ETTH'|1I1&lt;N-U»iJ i t-y -Q^^^4lLP3TT^ir*ar&amp;-2S&gt;n
-^f^P M m ilei-t4ju^TT-t. or losing--m-Lllions_j3f live^s—£4rro~ugh a
-&amp;eiay—or£~ a f ew—s-e^ojitLsjj***^ \i£iXhaj

well be that 9-ycn

'

l

'

l ^ F ^ V ^ ^ ^decisions will/ibe takenat a level above that of NORAD factors
/£W*^ ( ( /
/ beyond NORAD's sole responsibility are involved,
(\
for example, the requirement to co-ordinate the launching
of

ABMs with that of ICBMs.

They may also be of such a nature that the US would prefer
to make them without the involvement of any other country.
334

The magnitude and importance of these problems
are such as to engage the institutional rivalries of some
of the larger elements in the US government.

This fact

is likely to delay and obscure our ability to foresee just
how the eventual arrangements will be made. '
33^

A^key function of NORAD is the collection and
evaluation of intelligence regarding aerospace activity.
At present, all of the information.pertaining to air
defence and some @±—the sma-lier—tfTTTuTfte pertaining to
missile and space activity processed through the NORAD
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system, is seen by the officers of the Canadian Armed
Services holding positions in the NORAD organization,
and is available to Canada.

In preparing for the ABM

s&gt;5tem the US will have to decide whether to process all
of the increasing volume of information regarding
missile and space activity (including that collected
by PARs, early warning

and intelligence gathering systems)

through NORAD, or through a imrallglrjrefrb separate channel.

33

^N ^

key function of NORAD is the command
and control of the weapon system for anti-bomber defence,
consisting of fighter aircraft and surface-to-air missiles
located in both Canada and the US, and manned by servicemen of both countries.

ijA ¥
33!

A similar function will have to

be exercised over the ABM system. In the case of the NIKE
Hercules surface-to-air point defence missile, there is
a precedent for the inclusion under NORAD of a system located
entirely in the US, and manned and paid for by Americans
only. From a purely military point of view, it would be
efficient to place Safeguard under the command and
control of NORAD.
Thus, although extension of the terms of reference
of NORAD to include aerospace defence has been mentioned
at the Permanent Joint Board on Defence and recommended by
CINCNORAD, it is likely that the full significance of such
a step has not yet been fully studied within the US.

In

any event, no official US position is available.
to understand fh&lt; strategic/-pi^n, to
nadian populatrsm from'( frienc
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action, perhaps to arrange for s«me protection against
hostile action,\and perhaps to co-operate infunctioning of theVsystem,/ it will b\srieceisaryfc
to partieipatev in or at least ISearn about the
formulation of the basic plans which will determine th(
firing doctrrne__anir the pirrncip 1 ejy on which-the ABM
computers will be programmed.
If Canada wishes to play a meaningful part in

VA

the assessment of aerospace intelligence information,
to have a good understanding of the problems and the
knowledge necessary to give valid advice to the Canadian
government regarding the state of the threat, the offence,
and the defence, it would be desirable to extend the
integrated arrangements of NORAD to include anti-missile
as well as anti-bomber defence.

It is not, however,

certain that such a move would ensure Canadian participation
in the key functions of planning described in the preceding
paragraph, should such participation be desired.

340

Participation or co-operation in the command and
control of Safeguard would*involve additional implications
for Canada's interests.

Canada's involvement in this

venture could be construed as an extension of the system
and thus further escalation.

The eventual extent and

significance of our participation would be difficult to
determine immediately and would add ao. element/ of uncertainty.
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Canadian participation in Safeguard would be regarded as
approval of the decision to deploy it and Canada's
y^ewna-neiit position in the field of arms control and
disarmament negotiations would be undermined.

Support

of a US project which has as one of its objectives,
defence against the People's Republic of China, would
not enhance the credibility of our efforts to bring the
PRC into the world community and to establish diplomatic
relations with that country.

Technological

improvements

or thickening of the system would magnify the problems
for Canada both with regard to our participation and our
position in international arms control negotiations.
SUMMARY
341

If the ABM system known as Safeguard is deployed
according to the present plan,
a. it will need to plan on bursting nuclear
warheads above Canadian territory, in order
to be able to defend targets in the northern U S ,
b. if used, it will not inflict serious dangers to
Canadian population,
c. some protection to Canadian cities could be
provided, and
d. no significant improvement for defence of US
targets would seem to be gained by siting in

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Canada equipment included in the current
Safeguard plan.
342

The Safeguard system cannot provide effective
defence of the North American population against a
heavy attack from the Soviet Union.

343

The questions as to whether Safeguard represents

\

an escalation of the arms race, affects the stability of
the strategic balance, or inhibits the prospects of arms
\

control, can be argued with evidence on both sides of
each question.

On balance, the analysis in this paper

suggests that Safeguard is not destabilizing; ^^^^-/^H^jyX^^'
\Nm^

/tTJvrrSj^^t. a^^H^feaacwi; and -mtrypre j udice early progress in
arms control negotiations.

344

Extension of the terms of reference of NORAD to
include anti-missile as well as anti-bomber defence would
allow Canadians access to the flow of intelligence concerning
aerospace activity^ -as wo-11—as pravidi-ng UIIIIIIBWLUU L iffiLiimt
-iftteg¥e^4oft~-Q-£^-thc communications., and display fa"c~lli~ri^b .

345

The key planning which will determine the mode of
operation of the ABM defence, the firing doctrine, the
risks to population, and the priorities for protection will
take place long before the system reaches operational
status, and may be done at a level above NORAD.

Extension

of the terms of reference of NORAD to include aerospace
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•

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defence may not ensure Canadian participation in this
planning.

Canadian involvement in Safeguard would

have an adverse effect on Canada's position in the
field of international arms control negotiations.

22 A p r i l ,

1969.

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000106

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              <text>RG25-A-3-c, file 27-11-7, "DEFENCE - CONVENTIONAL AND NUCLEAR ARMAMENTS - ANTI - BALLISTIC MISSILES (ABM) = DEFENSE - ARMEMENTS DE TYPE CLASSIQUE ET NUCLEAIRE - ENGINS ANTIMISSILES (ABM)," vol. 10357, part 6, Library and Archives Canada, (LAC).</text>
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