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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document i'wriilgueen y^jtiTde la loi sur I'acces a I'information

EXTERNAL AFFAIRS

TO

Mr. Bow

FROM
Oe

A.D. Morgan

REFERENCE
R-ference

AFFAIRES EXTERIEURES

SECURITY
S4cot.fi

CONFIDENTIAL

DATI

March 2 6 , 1969

NUMBER
Vum.ro
FILE
m

ABMs—Is "Safeguard" Escalatory?

SUBJECT
Su/'el

"* o2 - 7 -//-7

DOSSIER

MISSION

ENCLOSURES
Annexes

DISTRIBUTION

Mr. Smith
Mr. Bernier

9

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I trust you will not regard it as presumptuous/
is at
if I add my.comments on some of the arguments over this ybteyh&gt;
subject from the spectators' gallery. My observations are j/AjAAA
also prompted in part by the impression that discussions
-/
of this subject tend to consist of assertions rather than .-^-^H,
analysis and seem general and even vague—e.g. the PMfs
•At
Triefing paper—and often irrelevant or silly—e.g..
radiation fallout in Canada. In the following comments I
intend to deal only with theoretical military-strategic .
arguments which are merely one kind and perhaps ultimately
the least important kind of-argument in this particular
issue. Political-strategic, socio-economic, and psychological
considerations {e.g. does the President's decision tend to
enhance or weaken confidence abroad in the processes and
results of US decision-making and what would be the effect
of a given Canadian decision on this point) are probably
imore cogent in the long-term. I wish to emphasize also that
while the following is an attempt at systematic analysis, it
cannot be as rigorous as the question demands because I do
not have the time for the necessary research and verification of factual statements. Finally, of course, thiscamateur
effort may already be rendered superfluous by the existence
(I hope it is} of the kind of strenuously analytical paper
for which this would only be preliminary notes.

2.
If we assume "escalatory" in the present context. * , _.
to mean stimulating the production by the USSR (the Chinese j&amp;y&amp;6ti*
will be producing more anyway) of more or better (or both) itwt&amp;ccwi,}
missiles, the paradoxical conclusion is that if the USSR . /,
VI4
produces more ICBM's the American decision to deploy
(
"Safeguard" will have been proven correct. If the USSR
produces more ABM's the implications are ..less claar since j}
'yC
they would depend upon the nature of the ABM system as a
whole (basically "area" vs. "point"). Before working out
the argument, I must point out what tends to be overlooked
in these debates, namely that any action which the USSR
decides to take as a direct result of the US decision .to
deploy will only be evident some years from now and it will
• • . &lt;c
000042

Ext. 407A/.H.

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

) e
„y
impossible to do any more than infer a connection
ct/1AJ'A °
%*Aw ^
/ between the observable effects, i.e. more Soviet mis
- iAZiA* ^•^a^^J^'and the US decision. The missiles might have been
^^^yA/yf*™&amp;
y/uf
w.s&amp;t produced ..for quite other reasons e.g. Soviet gener.
generals
jjy&amp;J) y^y/An*
successfully defend the view^f that the USSR must have
„,(/~/v'
/AAA
J^t^ULfAtj&amp;Anuclear
"superiority".
AH&gt;
3.
In order to understand the paradox mentioned
above, it is necessary to recall the strategic principles
upon which the US and Soviet nuclear strategic forces are
based. The US strategic force was (and still is though
the balance of emphasis is changing) intended to be first
a counterforce weapon and second a countervalue (or
countercity) weapon. The counterforce role called for the
US to strike a "disarming" blow against Soviet nuclear
rocket forces in the event of a major Soviet ground attack
in Europe thus requiring a Soviet first strike against the
US as a necessary concomitant of such an attack. Only
secondarily did the US threaten to strike Soviet cities and
industrial sites.. The US could adopt this strategic posture
because it had a large number of carriers and originally
Soviet missiles were "soft" (i.e. unhardened, unburied and
liquid-fueled), but it was,and remains a threat of a "firststrike" though conditioned on initial Soviet aggression and
directed against military targets identifiable in advance.
The countervalue role is connected with the doctrine of
second-strike, "assured destruction capability" and
"flexible response" and I need not rehearse for you the
rationale of this strategic posture, except to recall that
y . A it depends, crucially, on absolute confidence (particularly
(y^JAA^)
^dPy* in Soviet minds and also in Western perceptions of Soviet
minds
T—J4AA.UU£/A4K
) that no matter how the USSR attacks the US, it musty
fc UAJQ y ^ • /
asXif by a law of nature, suffer retaliatory obliteration.
AgGyQAAd y* /a / 1If Soviet perception of this point is obscured (i.e. the
^ - ^ ^ x ^ j -&lt;fl * A deterrent is no longer "credible") the basis of deterrence
A
^yuSAfitsAfaen-is undercut. Soviet strategic doctrine was originally quite
k &lt;"* "~/-?\
different (I must rely here on my recollection of discussions
in
C&amp;Ayt^^A
books by.Garthoff and Wolfe). Soviet military writers
criticized the counterforce or, as .they called it, "citysparing" doctrine and from this alone, coupled with.the
necessities imposed by the number and characteristics of
. their early missiles, one can infer that their own doctrine
was of the countercity variety. It was also implicitly and
necessarily first-strike, but the.attack was deterred by the
fact that it would leave the US strategic forces intact v/hich
could then carry out their "massive retaliation". Provided
the foregoing summary is an.accurate account of.the two
Strategic doctrines (this is where the research and verification is most needed), we now arrive at ABM's.

/f.
The principal strategic argument advanced against
"Sentinel" (the Johnson-McNamara November 1967) system was
that because it was an "area" defence i.e. defended cities
it would (a) despite its initial "thin-ness" undermine

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'informatio

M Soviet confidence in their own "assured destruction
capability" and (b) raise the possibility in Soviet minds
r- A At-^^pu^r^ ^th&amp;t
the US might eventually contemplate a countercity
/fa 0»*y
/^^t&lt;A first-strike in the absence of Soviet conventional
&lt;- ^ w7&gt;*A///~ •-. aggression because it could limit casualties to "acceptable"
i^^TfiM
tt/*AjAA) l e v e l s «
(MIRVs fitted here because with them the original .
count
•U^^yAfAA'AyffA^
erforce capability, now being undercut by hardening
f
A ^ ^ w of Soviet missiles, could be regained i.e. the US could
ft**^
with MIRVs have both counterforce and countercity capability
and (c) therefore lead the USSR to produce more missiles to
restore the confidence mentioned in (a) and perhaps also
ir
expand its own ABM system (so far slowly being installed
only around Moscow; it must be noted that there are many
other areas in the USSR which are almost equally important.
Saving Moscow and losing e.g. Leningrad, Kiev,--a-nd thereforeprv5e-i-t-.fi-aviia.t-.A-BM doploym&amp;H'fe^ek'reFS'^ot"' juatigy—a'*-US- r^sportse
an(
and
Krivoy Rog does not make sense and therefore present
/yyyctf
"oviet ABM deployment does not justify a US response)* In
So1
/ f~A/**fiAjAh
" ese terms "Sentinel" was unambiguously escalatory (this
s probably,the reason for the unconvincing anti-Chinese
rationale) and i t could be argued, speculatively, that t h i s
i s hov; the USSR viewed i t and saw the best method of halting
.the upward spiral to be SALT, i . e . "Sentinel" contributed to
the finally
favourable Soviet response, this,favourable response
JV/
0CCurr:i n
"&lt; idy&gt;t&amp;i*/VTV
'f?
,A^
*
&amp; because of, not despite "Sentinel". This could
mean
t h a t
on SALT
y^]yJJ/i^^7y'
y jh/tfbfMS- - , V. j - m e c U - O l i d . arguments
cli. £,U_il«l_&lt;-_&gt; about
d U U U i j the
0-i.fc; "Safeguards"
•QctX t - g U e l i U_&gt;" effect
to^^fftfSAfar*
on the analogy of "Sentinel" are misleading
This leads to
AvA^yy
:_*«•/\\A- "Safeguard" (the Nixon system) against th*. •Rus;
'
y Jjterf'.&amp;***,' Jt/,yiru believe President Nixon-eHtpbaoiHod'-thioi

*__£-$.

AAAA

fM"4^

5.
"Safeguard" i s explicitly designed not to defend
/
-J-i
c i t i e s . I t i s true t h a t ^ e n t i n e l " could not defeat a
y £rt"&lt;vT(£
determined Soviet attackVeither, but i t s deployment pattern
^-? - jy.7Ay~Ant required the Russians to be "determined" and, hinted at
sfaj/h. #y ys«
' f u t u r e "thickening". The deployment pattern of "Safeguard"
^yAe&amp;yc&amp;yiA &amp;"0* —tloes not carry t h i s implication (perhaps technical facts of
v*
which I am unaware v i t i a t e this argument) even though i t i s
supposed to be able to handle light Chinese attacks. (I
suspect these would have to be rather feeble or else
A&amp;AAuAf«*"j
unintelligently targetted for the system to work.)
an/ ^ - J AA&amp;yAvAto. "Safeguard" i s a "point" defence and i t s effect on the
yyyCAtoAi/ ^ y strategic equilibrium i s therefore no different from passive
yAjeAs/u***" iMs*™' measures such as superhardening because i t leaves US c i t i e s
Cfxsu^y }
unambiguous hostages to a Soviet second s t r i k e . ( I t may
be true that the same effect i . e . protection of the US
second-strike force, could be better achieved elsehow. This
i s a technical problem but i t has strategic implications,
because if such protection i s feasible, the true reason for
•yy^'
A
"Safeguard" becomes uncertain. This i s a point which
sA^vaznAZyAj *^*
requires investigation in d e t a i l . ) In other words "Safeguard"
"~"
does not, in the logic of deterrence, oblige the USSR to 'IJaAi'U

yy

• ••**-

/
000044

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

expand its strategic offensive forces specifically to
counter it. If the USSR did so expand its forces, it
could only be.contemplating a possible counterforce
if^JAjA
disarming first-strike and this expansion vsrould therefore
(this is the paradox) justify the deployment of "Safeguard".
There are several flies in the strategic ointment however..
One, already mentioned, is the impossibility of demonstrating
specific connections between US and Soviet actions; the
second is doubt about whether Soviet thinking proceeds
along the same kinds of lines as sketched in this paper.
• In other words, "Safeguard" could exemplify the precept
•*Ay//&amp;*****'"/that strategic decisions sometimes precede or even produce
&amp;y
proof of their own justifiability. Nonetheless on
1
f
ely
military-strategic grounds, I do not think "Safeguard"
tyjzA"" ^^
pur&lt;
can easily be labelled as "escalatory". It may of course
y6Aeyuj
be "escalatory" for other reasons, but it.seems to me that
in terms of the logic of deterrence it is not. On the
iwhole l would, therefore, tend to regard the ^Safpg-iar-rj'jx
rytyX I decision
KioA^y-^
decision as
as defensible
derensi-oieon
on these (theoretical)Tgfounds (which
V |bareadmittedly
intricate
and affected by uncertain factors),
ut
s?
A*JISIA«&lt;AA J^—~
this is a narrow base upon which to defend aidecibion of
j ^ yiy&gt;osi*yy&gt;
such/jnoment and it is equally narrow and slippery a
AtAAj^/y
promontory from which to criticize it. My own preference
&gt;^.
xvould be to begin by examining the issue in a trilateral
&lt;^7' (US, USSR, PRC) context and consider the effects on the
•^fjAUA&lt;LyA^A*\ AVI"** diplomatic constellation over the next two decades. But
(jyi^f /y*^ JA+^A
that would require another paper, and it is perhaps already
/yijrnjjyAyy*
too late for that. We shall once again not be forecasting
A j A AfjAAt/o*J the future but merely observing it unfold.

$d*

A&amp;A&gt;

t

/yd^

n

A&gt;-A1:

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