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                  <text>Dlsarma*^

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Access to ln rmation

f°

Act

-

j

ocument divulgue en vertu de fa Loi sur I'acces a I'information

EXTERNAL AFFAIRS '

AFFAIRES EXTERIEURES

SECURITY t - n p
S-CUr». *-&gt; fi t» «

^OFFICE OF POLI_TCO-MII_tTARI JIFFAIRS

DATE

ofteARl-aMENT DIVISION

p »i
Jl 3,

Harch 2 6 , 1969 .

NUMBER
NvmeVo

REFERENCE
Reference

FILE
OTTAWA

DOSSIER

•//- 7
.37MISSION

SUBJECT

s-jw ABHS CONTROL IMPLICATIONS ON THE "SAFEGUARD"
AMT-BALLISTIC MISSILE SYSTEM
ENCLOSURES
Annexes

DISTRIBUTION

Hr. Robinson
U.N. Dir*
European Div.
Hr. M-Qill
USA Division
Far Eastern
Division

At the meeting last week of the working group on
AM policy, you asked us to prepare three or four paragraphs concerning
the arms control implications of this question and of Canadian reaction
to it. Our understanding is that these paragraphs are to be included
in a paper for the use of the Minister and the Prime Minister when this
question is considered by Cabinet and that they will be balanced by an
assessment of North American defence considerations which the Department
of National Defence is preparing; technical information concerning the
weapons which DRB is analysing; and some political background material
which you are assembling. We have prepared these paragraphs on the
understanding that no specific reconciliation of Canadian interests
and no recommendations are to be formulated at this time.
,0 ©$.

M,N-

Disarmament Division

Ext. 407D/BII.
(Admin. Services Div.)

000039

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de laSo&amp;i/S/'Bce&amp;s^ I'information

March 26, 1969.

Arms Control Implications of the "Safeguard"
Anti-Ballistic Missile System

One of the most important aspects of the Safeguard ABM system is
the impact or potential effect it will have on arms control and on Canadian
interests in that area. How the Soviet Union perceives this development
and the simultaneous evolution of more sophisticated offensive missiles
and warheads will determine whether escalation of the nuclear arms race
will result* Unless the Soviet Union can be reassured about American
intentions, possibly by the beginning of the strategio arms limitation
talks (SALT), the Soviet Union may decide it must reciprocate in order to
preserve its second strike capacity either by deploying more ABMs to defend
its offensive missiles or by increasing its offensive capability in order
to make sure that its nuclear deterrent remains credible. The latter decision
could only be described as an escalatory step leading to a defensive-offensive
buildup with resulting uncertainty and destabilizing effects which would
increase the possibility of a nuclear exchange.
2.
There are other ob-slous and specific implications for arms control
measures currently under consideration
(1) SALT-»Slnce President Nixon's announcement that he intends
to proceed with deployment of the Safeguard ABM system under
certain carefully circumscribed conditions, the Soviet Union
has Indicated its continuing interest in commencing strategic
arms limitation talks at an early date. Defense Secretary
Laird1s statements that ABMs are needed to strengthen the
United States bargaining position &amp;&amp;} however, neither conducive to productive negotiations nor credible In the context
of President Nixon's claim that they are essential to protect
the United States against a potential Chinese threat.
(2) CTO—The ABM decision has seriously prejudiced the possibility
of achieving agreement on a comprehensive test ban -treaty*
Since President Nixon*s announcement of the Safeguard ABM
project, the Pentegon has pointed out that it will be necessary
to continue underground tests of nuclear warheads for the
Spartan and Sprint missiles at least until 1973.
(0) " C a t - o f f —B* the light of the United States decision on ABMs
there seems little possibility of progress toward an agreement
on the so-called "cutoff" in the produotion of fissionable
material for weapons purposes.
fl*) HPT—The decision to deploy ABMs places the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in Jeopardy because many non-nuclear
countries will interpret the Safeguard deployment of ABMs as
proof that the United States and the USSR are incapable of the
restraint they are attempting to impose on others through the
NPT and as a contradiction to Article 71 of the Treaty which
oails upon the nuclear powers to demonstrate their good faith
through measures to end the arms race.
000040

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

- 2 -

3*
Canadian participation or co-operation in the command and
control of the projected ABM system would involve additional implications for our vital interests.(four collaboration in this venture could
be construed as an extension of the system and hence as an escalatory
stepAAfibe
eventual "extent and significance of our participation would
be difficult to decipher immediately and this element of uncertainty
would have a further destabilizing effect on the deteiTent/j/'Canadian
participation in Safeguard would infer approval of the decision to deploy
It and Canada's position as a_credlble leader in the field of arms control
and disarmament negotiations would be undermined* Support of a project
which is avowedly aimed against the People's Republic of China would not
enhance the credibility of our efforts to bring the PRO iff-o the world
community and to establish diplomatic relations with that country* Canada
would also inevitably become involved in "thickening" of the "thin"
Safeguard system and possibly in the guidance systems of a new generation
of offensive missiles, with financial commitments which preclude increasing foreign aid rather than defends expenait*afe_f*—
k»
The potential "thickening" of the ABM system is one of its most
escalatory and destabilizing features. Not only the % a d momentum intrinsic to the development of all new nuclear weaponry" (Robert S. McNamara's
"The Essence of Security") is involved but also the demand which would
probably originate in Ganada for some_protection of populations as well
as nuclear hardware. Moreover, a "tl-in" ABM system is not ^-credible
means of protecting a second strike capacity) it is incredible that the
Ifoited States second strike capacity is as vulnerable as this would imply
or that it can be made invulnerable by deployment of a "thin" ABM system;
and any additional protection purchased by a "thin" ABM system would
almost certainly be overtaken by deployment of additional offensive
missiles or warheads to supersaturate the additional protection. Equally
lacking in credibility are the other arguments advanced in justification
of "Safeguard" as protection against Chinese missiles of an undetermined
design or numbers and as a precaution against accidental launchlngs of
missiles which are known to be equipped with self-contained "destruct"
mechanisms to guard against this very possibility* Indeed it is very
difficult from an arms control point of view to evaluate the Safeguard
system—which would only protect % of the United States second strikeas anything other than the thin edge of a much more escalatory and expensive
wedge.
5*
The two super-powers appear to be on the verge of a "point of no ^
i«tui___L-t-----__salati&lt;»l if bo**, of them deploy multiple warheads (MIRVs)
"in order to~offget ABMs it will no longer be possible to ascertain with
how many warheads each missile is armed or to verify any arms control
agreement which might be contemplated; if this happened, the equilibrium
of deterrence (or, more vitally, its credibility) would have been destroyed.

000041

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