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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Accesslo Information Act -

Document
k

d\vu\gti$-^mmW$amcmffi$$mation

. - . - * .

EXTERNAL AFFAIRS

TO

A

Mr, U. N. Bow

FROM
De

Mr. A. Bernier

AFFAIRES EXTERIEURES

SE C U RfTY,-, r. n JJ rs m
Sfeurite O &amp; W t t g : !

December 13, 196#
UMBER
Numero

«

REFERENCE
Reference

FILE

SUBJECT
Sujet

ENCLOSURES
Annexes

DISTRIBUTION

Canadian Participation in A M Defence.

DOSSIER

MISSION

A meeting to deal with the above subject was held in
December 11 in Mr. J. S. Nutt»s office. Besides Mr. Nutt and
myself, the participants were: J. G. Harris and C. J. Marshall
of the North American Defence and KATO Division; and Mssrs. 5.
Lindsay, J. Riddell, Vigder and Kaye of DND (Operations Research
Division). The immediate purpose of the meeting was to discuss
the preparation of a briefing, to be given next Monday by Br.
Lindsay to the Defence Council, on Canadian participation in the
anti-ballistic missile defence of North America. The discussion
centered on a chart summarizing the various implications for
Canada and the United States of Canadian participation in ABM
defence. (Attached is a copy of the chart with the corrections
made during the course of the meeting.) As it turned out, the
discussion also touched upon the long-postponed briefing of the
Cabinet Committee on External Policy and Defence to be given by
Lindsay. This briefing is tentatively set for Friday, December 20.*
2.
The briefing to be given to the Defence Council is to
leal exclusively with the technical aspects of Canadian participation
in ABM Defence, leaving to a further time all political implications. However, since the original chart handed out by Lindsay
sas divided along the lines of "advantages" and "disadvantages"
for Canada (and the same for USA)
resulting from participation,
and also because some headings1- under each category were politically
'loaded" (e.g. "Sovereignty"^ , the discussion foeussed mainly
an political considerations, in the end, it was unanimously
iecided that this chart, to be used in a "recap" at the end of
the "technical" briefing, would not imply, directly or indirectly,
any value judgement and would exclude any consideration of policy.
Thus, the words "advantages" and "disadvantages" would be dropped
and replaced by the more neutral term "implications" for Canada
(or USA). In Order to acknowledge that there would political
Implications to any Canadian participation, Lindsay would simply
nention this at the end of his briefing without discussing it
further.
• •. *-•

&lt;=&amp;Ext. 407D/BN.
(Admin. Services Div.)

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000279

�7

Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

-23.
One of the first major points to be discussed was
whether the ABM system v/ould be more efficient from a Canadian
point of view if Canada took part in it. DND experts agree
that Canadian participation in "planning" and "control and
command" would increase the planned protection of Canadian
targets (however, the incidental protection afforded to Canadian
cities close to the border, e.g. Windsor or Toronto, would be
the same v/ith or without Canadian participation.) Some other
technical advantages were dealt with rather quickly: control
over risks from "friendly" ABM bursts; access to intelligence
and technology; participation in future planning. The other
side of the coin is that Canadian participation would be
costly (for the defence budget), that it would bring a certain
inflexibility in our military commitment and that it would most
likely result in an increased U.S. military presence in Canada.
While these last three "implications" were considered by most
as disadvantages, it v/as agreed that, during the briefing, they
would simply be stated as facts, without qualifications, leaving
it to the listeners to decide what in their mind was desirable
or not*
4.
Although they were in the end struck out of the
chart, the political implications v/ere the ones most discussed
by the participants. Most of the discussion centered around
two likely results for Canada of its participation in the ABM
system:
(a) closer and better relations with the USA, with possibly,
more influence over US disarmament policy;
(b) reduced international flexibility, with at the same time
a reduced effectiveness (and independence) in disarmament negotiations.
5.
Leading off the discussion on this point, Nutt
proclaimed that ABMs..were really a good thing for disarmament,
that we should encourage at the same time investment in ABM
systems everywhere, and a reduction in offensive missile capabilities of the major powers. In that way, everybody would be
well defended but would have less offensive capacity to start
a war. When, as an example, he proposed the deployment of ABM
in the Middle East to keep peace there, I reminded him that
short distances there would make ABMs rather dangerous offensive
weapons. So much for that.
6.
Marshall then stated that our position in disarmament
negotiations v/ould be reinforced by participating in the U.S.
ABM system, since we would then be insiders and not talk as a
country v/hich was not involved at all in the possible consequences

...3
000280

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

-3*

of SALT, I replied that it would look strange for us to take
an active part in a further step in the nuclear arms race after
having advocated forecefully an early start of SALT. Surely
this would create a credibility gap. When Nutt said that ABM
were not a further step in nuclear arms race, I quickly disagreed; my point was that ABM systems were not an escalation
JX.
, Jr^ c
if looked at as a protection of populations. However, as a Y^
J v/ef!&gt; '
i shield for the second strike offensive capability they were \
&lt;** ^^y
., Im sureUgafurther escalation in the arms race. Harris agreed witn
!*• .&amp;$**•*, t0y position and proceeded, *?ith a very convincing argumentation,
x, ^
^ ft
show how we might be considered like hypocrites if we advocated
f*E,«A&lt; ^e*c SALT and joined the U.S. ABM system,; which he considered to be
y^-jj r
a dangerous upsetting factor in the actual balance of forces*
&amp;/ \

7.
Under the persistent influence of Nutt and Marshall$
Lindsay eventually came to the view that in considering whether
Canada should participate or not, the overridii^ factor should
be our relations with the USA, This factor should weigh much
more in the balance than the effectiveness in disarmament neg«
otiations. Marshall agreed that there was not much use anyway
in retaining the liberty to make "pompous and pious" speeches
about the need for disarmament, and that what really counted
for Canada was v/hether or not we could talk persuasively to the
Americans. I reminded Marshall that other people in the Department v/ould disagree with this, and that we could not let such
one-sided views be expressed in any Cabinet briefing as representing the Departments general opinion. It was then agreed
that before the technical presentation is made to the Cabinet
Committee, a paper, prepared jointly by NAD and NATO and Disarmament Divisions, dealing with policy implications of Canadian
participation in ABM defence, be sent to Mr, Sharp for his use
in replying to any questions from his colleagues*
8.
It was agreed at the end of the meeting that another
meeting between representatives of DND and External be held
shortly to discuss the technical implications of SALT. I
insisted that this be done early enough (possibly next week)
to give us time to prepare a coherent position before NATO
discussions on this subject.
A. Bernier

*fc~

Qs^r&gt;~^&gt;3^J^&amp;Uy{ j^Y^r^Jr^

.

/

000281

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