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TRANSMITTAL
SLIP

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·The."

?ar.tment ..of .. External.

.Affairs.,..

OTTAWA.

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·FROM:

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Security,.

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Date .. .March.

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Release No.
by the
~~.r
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Honorable
John Foster Dulles before the ]_,-:;;_,__
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..,
Senate Foreign Relations
Committee,
-...-r.\Friday,
March 19, 1954.'

149 of March 19. 'Statement

-Reference:
Subject:

Our Telegram WA-481 of
March 20.
Dulles
States

Testimony
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000048

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STATEMENT BY

THE. HON(YRABLEJOHN .FOSTER DULLES
. ·_ ·.
·. SECRETARY OF STA"TE ., - - , - _BEFORE THE .SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS. COMMITTEE.
.. ,FRIDAY; MARCH19; 1954 &lt; . :, ·
.

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to.

I am glad:
discuss
with you the ·pres_eni;·.·sta'.te of:
.i'.. ;,
our fore:lgn policy and its relation
-to but' iµi1_ita,ry p:r1ograms.,-_.:•·.::
·,.'

... !

·I
The central
goal -of our .policy I::f ·pea~~- with freedom ..
and security.
Tl:le: menace of sovi~t :ploc ,de;spo.tism.i ·which:·.:·· . .·: ..
now holds in its' grip one-third
of the· world Is peoples;
. _&lt;_-,,.
presents
the most·s~rious
danger· th~t·has,ev~~
copfjbnted
us.
The main aspects
of this. . thr:·eat
are
apparent-..!' ...:.: ::• · . · ·_ i'...
.
.
',
'•
'
1.
The· "sovi·et r\ilers· .seem to feel se~ure on:iy' :i:n a· .-·
world of conformity
d0minated :by therri·~··· Partly.i, no. doubt,
they are drJven by lust for_p9wer,.
But to a 9onsiderable
1 •
extent,
I believe;
·they ..· are d•riven by'.'fear. of\ f.reedon:i
To.' ,·,.;:_··,;
:·~:&gt;
.!..,::.
them freedo!J}: -~s. }?:. t~reat· to&gt;~e:_J~P.mp:fcl
·out, wh,ef,e:V:\~r,,,:;t'.t:,
·
approaches
th~i_tt:;vior1.d •.' .... -:,·_;;_,;:"
... _;•,.;::,}•:,~_°':'i&lt;H:
, ,, ...

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1

0

2. The ·S-ovi~t bloc; ·p;~:ss·es;'es 1:What:_:;18°·
..tn: ~ari'y
~¼a:fs·
the i..::-:~
'.;,
most formiclabl~i:.mr~t tary :es tabl i~hm~nt the worid' 1-i'as e\reri. , . ,_'.
:i,
1but
known. · Its gre.:9:t. -str-eng,th .:i,.Eifna'.hpotye"±-•'j,
al_:;rn....i t. i:;:i
strong in term~'.':°9:f:'planes.,1;·. s-upmarine~.
and:; .atorri:Lc:::
o,apti1;Hli ttes.
This vast. empir.e :cfofo:i'.hates,,the. 'c:e·ntra·l
Eur.aS,ian l'~hd'mass.; ,-. '';'.
extending
from ;the Ri\ter., --Elb~.- ":i'.n'.
GeTnia:hy.,tO,i thel ·:eti.c:L'f:tc'-. ' ::·,_:::;
From within
·qf1,1~ ?f'._29~:9.9P:
'mi,l'.es;::-1t,,;;a(;)uJ._&lt;i'.&gt;~itJJ~e'·by ,. ' '..::-:
land at any one· of appro:1ama.tely. 20 _3tates :;Qf,:-Eu.r9J?e, the -' :::-:(::l::
Middle East and AsiaJ and by air it Could st~i~e· Jh~ .N6rth,&lt;:;:;:,r:i
American: con:tinent.
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3., Nor is the threat only 'militaryIt
a political
apparatus which operates in every
world 1 seeking to capitaliz~
upon all of the
unsatisfied
ambitions ~hich inevitably· exist
less degree throughout the free·world. ·

PR 149
also command
country of tt _
discontents
and
in greater or ..
·

4. The threat is. virtually. unlimi t.ed so. far as time is
concerned.
Soviet communism·opera.tes not in terms of an
individual
lifetime so that the threat will end with someone •s ··death •. It operates in· terms of what Lenin and Stalin
called 11an ent.1re: histor.:t¢al: epa.!"
._..II
To meet thatrnilita.ry·threat
.requires on·our side a
strategy which is both well-conce:tved:atid well-implemented.,
This military defensexrnust. be: w1.th1n.:t·he capacity of the
free world to sustain ··1:t.'fot&lt;an :indefil'tite · time without such
impairment of its economic and social fabric as would expose
1t to piece~meal seizure.'from within-by the political
apparatus .of comrnun:I:smo
' : •: : : .'.··,., ·
This calls for thinking and planning which is
imaginative;
which takes maximum possible advantage of the
special resources of :the :e:ree-n,ations; and,wh1ch is
steadily developed and.:ad~pted .to changin:g,cond1tionst
The fundamental ·aim •of ,,;.our··national• secur1ty ·policies
1~· to·•
deter aggre:ssion·.and _there'by· avert a:new-:waro.. :The essentials
of this proble,m, may be ;:.br1e•f.ly summatiizecl::as_.fol1ow.s: · .
l.:
The free :nat:tons. can Jtchiev.e: ::security :Only by a
collective
syste.m .of defense. · No. single nation can develop
alone adequate power to· deter· Soviet blo·c agg~ss1on against
1 ts vital
inte.rests o · By_providing Joint fac11i t:1.es and by
combining. thelr resources,
the free nations can achieve a:, ...
total strength and a flexibility
whieh.c.a.n surpass that·o:f-.
any potential
enemy and can do so at bearable cost.

This collective
security concept is the. most highly
developed in NATO.· But it is also embodied.in.the
Rio
Pact of 19~7 and, in more limited form, in various security
arrangements· in .the Far East.
The Turkey-Pakistan agreement maI'ks the. beginning. of applying the. collective_ security
concept in-the Middle East,
The Unite.d Nations 1s mov.ing in
the-same direction,
as· shown py its "Un,iting for Peaee 0 ·
Reso.lution.
- ~2.
In organizing their collective
defense, the free
nations should not attempt to match the Soviet bloe man for
man and gun for gun. The \;&gt;est way to deter aggression 1s
to make the aggressor know in advance that he will suffer
damage outweighing what he can hope to gain.
Th\lS an
aggressor muat not be able to count upon a sanct.,.ary status
for those resourcea which he does not use in eomiµtt1ng
aggression.
3. To apply

000051

�,;

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.

PR 149

-·)"

3. To apply this deterrent principle the free world
must maintain and be prepared to use effective
means to make
aggression too costly to be tempting.
It must have the mobility and flexibility
to bring
collective
power to bea~ against an enemy on a selective
or
massive basis as conditions
may require.
For this purpose
its arsenal m~Jt include a wide range of air, sea and land
power based on both conventional
and atomic weapons. These
new weapons can be used not only for strategic
purposes but
also for tactical
purposes.
The greatest
deterrent
to war
is the ability
of the free world to respond by means best
suited to the particular
area or circumstances.
There should
be a capability
for massive retaliation
without delayo
I
point out that the possession
of that capacity does not impose the necessity
of using it in every instance of attack.
It is not our intention
to turn every local war into a
general war.

4. The magnitude and duration of the present danger and
the need for flexibility
of means to deter that danger makes
it vital to the United 3tates,
as never before, that it have
firm allies.
A firm alliance
depends not merely upon documents, although these may be important.
There must also be
trust,
understanding
and good will as between the free
nations.
This implies not merely military
commitments, but
good economic and cultural
relations
as well.
It is not
charity on the part of the United States to be concerned with
the economic health of other nations which help to support
the basic strategy
I describe.
Neither is their good will
a matter to which we can be indifferent
o.
All of this means
that foreign policy has assumed, as never be~ore, a vital
importance for the security
of the United Stateso
In the long haul the United States has a profound
interest
in insuring that its allies
and the uncommitted
areas of the free world are able to maintain viable economic
and political
systems~ That is why our foreign economic
policy means so much to our own security.

*
State

-- PB, Wash.,

*

*

*

D.c.

000052

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