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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document div^gu'ifiajtt.dU^'MJshUu*^
I'information

I

EXTERNAL AFFAIRS

AFFAIRES EXTERIEURES

MEMORANDUM

D.L.(l) Division (Attention: Mr. C.J. Marshall)

TO

A

SECURITY

CONFIDENTIAL

SfcwrM

FROA
Os

Disarmament Division

DATE

September 22, 196?.

NUMBER
Numero

REFERENCE
Rifirence

DOSSIER

Flue
SUBJECT
Sujet

Your Draft Paper on Implications for Canada of United
States ABM Deployment

OTTAWA

^/A7

MISSION

ENCLOSURES
Annexes

DISTRIBUTION

You hav© invited suggestions on the above-jfcentioned draft paper,
which we understand will be the basis for a document to be considered either
by the Minister or by Cabinet. The comments which follow are neither
exhaustive nor fully developed but are intended rather to suggest trends of
thought and areas for exploration with other interested Divisions.
2.
MY first point is that in its present form the paper seems to be
very narrowly based in that it presents the subject almost exclusively in
terms of Canada-U.S. relations in the context of North American defence* In
my view, the issue confronting ua is serious and important with far-reaching
implications for several other aspects of our foreign policy. It seems to
roe important that some discussion of these and of various adjustments of
policy to meet the changed situation should be included in a document on
which Ministers will presumably take a decision. As I see it, there are
three areas of policy which appear to be affected in particular. These are
(1) arms control and disarmament, (2) our hopes for detente in Europe, and
(3) our China policy. Some thoughts on each of these are set out below.
Arms Control and Disarmament Policies
3.
The first and principal point is that the U.S. decision to go in
for anti-ballistic missile defence has been taken and has been announced.
Whatever suspicions we may have about the reasons underlying the decision or
fears about its probable effects on current negotiations (the non-proliferation
treaty) or future negotiations, the plain fact is that from now on we must
live with American ABM deployment. The immediate problem which confronts us
is how Canada should respond to the American invitation to participate in the
ABM defence of North America.
h*
From the point of view of an arms controller one interesting
feature of Mr. McNamara's San Francisco speech is tte amount of attention
devoted to discussion of ISA and USSR strategic forces and the nuclear
deterrent* The following points are of particular note:
(i) Both the U.S. and the Soviet Union now have nuclear deterrent
forces in excess of their needsj
(ii) Both would benefit from an agreement to limit and later to reduce
their offensive and defensive strategic forces; and

Ext. 407D/BII.
(Adm"n*5er"?ices Div.)

•••'000124

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de^aLQimrXatjces a Tinformation

- 2 (iii) Both would benefit from an agreement which would prevent
the continuation of an arms race which has resulted in
nuclear arsenals in both countries greatly in excess of
those required* •
These highlights are accompanied by a firm warning to the USSR that
the U.S. cannot and will not be outmatched in the development of
strategic forces and by an explicit invitation to begin talks about
a limitation agreement which is stated to be in the interest of both
countries. It seems obvious that one American purpose is to increase
pressure on the USSR to begin negotiation of a limitation agreement.
At the same time, of course, the U.S. is attempting to get across
the message that its ABM deployment is not directed against a threat
from the Soviet Union; Soviet reaction would therefore be unjustified
and unwarranted.
£•
In the short run, by continuing to call for talks aimed at
limiting and controlling offensive and defensive nuclear forces and the
eventual reduction of such forces, a prominent point in our arms control
policies, we will not therefore be taking a line which conflicts in
any way with declaredtf.S.policy. On the contrary, we will be
reinforcing a line of argument carefully and explicitly set out by
Secretary McHamara.
6.
Xn the longer view, if American pressure leads to negotiation
with the USSR, then we have one situation, the consequences of which
cannot be foreseen. In the more likely situation that there are no
talks, and as ABM deployment proceeds and after a period of time
thickens in response to the increased Chinese nuclear threat, it will
come to be accepted as a fact with which we must all come to terms and
with which we must learn to live. Insofar as our arms control policy
is concerned, X would judge that over a period, inevitably the ABM
issue will diminish in Importance. Two things appear to flow from this:
(1) We should begin to cast about for other arms control issues
to advocate (there are several available)j and
(il) Arms Control policy is not a substantive factor one way or the
other in the decision which confronts us.
?.
A second matter of serious concern Is the effect which the
U.S. decision may have on the non-proliferation negotiations. While it
is too early to discern the attitude of the non-nuclear countries, It
Is easy to imagine that their immediate reaction may be increased
exasperation with the United States and cynicism about its disarmament
policies. The timing is particularly unfortunate: the announcement
comes just when the USA proposes to sign a treaty stating inter alia
that "the proliferation of nuclear weapons seriously enhances the
danger of nuclear war" and is strongly urging non-nuclear countries
to renounce the acquisition of nuclear weapons. At the same moment
the United States is announcing decisions which certainly in the short
run, and probably over the longer term, will result in a substantial
increase in its own nuclear weapons and launchers. Such a reaction,

.3
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�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu cU^^^»HfJ,'ffcees a I'information

- 3*

~~

if it occurs, could lead to increased pressure fron the Europeans for
their own ABM defence, and to etiffer demands from the non-aligned
for concessions in the NPT negotiations or outright refusal to sign
the non*proliferation treaty.
8.
The Americans have obviously foreseen this danger and
McNamara?s statement, as well as the guidance given to U*S. diplomats*
argues that the decision should not contribute to other countries'
desiring their own nuclear weapons. The Americans also stress that
by providing defence against Chinese nuclear attack, ABM deployment
will enhance the U.S. ability to come to the assistance and support
of Asian countries threatened by China. Regardless of what we may
think about the timing or the accuracy of U.S. forecast about the
reaction of the non-aligned and particularly the Asians it would seem
that it is clearly in the Canadian interest to support the U.S.
arguments and to do what we can to minimize adverse reaction among
our allies in the non*aligned world if the non-proliferation negotiations
are to be saved.
Detente in Europe
9*
As you have pointed out in the notes prepared for the background information of our delegation to the Nuclear Planning Group
meeting in Ankara, another area where the U.S. decision is likely to
haye a marked effect on the general political climate and possibly on
the decision of our allies, is in respect of detente in Europe* As
you know, during the past year there has been a pronounced trend to
study seriously what might be done to relax tensions in Europe and to
move from the present situation of rather ritualistic suspicion of
Eastern Europe towards a condition of genuine detente. It is generally
agreed, of course, that during this process we must continue to maintain
NATO's defences in a high state of preparedness and to continue their
modernization. Among measures being studied are ways of maintaining
effective deterrence at lower force levels by balanced mutual force
reductions, and a range of other arms control measures. Proposals
are being advanced to strengthen NATO machinery to deal with such
measures. Simultaneously, In the Nuclear Planning Group, NATO is
studying the question of an ABM defence for Europe and the U.S.
decision Is almost certain to have some effect on the attitude of
our European allies* While the outcome of this study cannot be
foreseen, it seems safe to predict that a decision by our European
allies to establish an ABM defence in Europe would have a strongly
adverse effect on the prospects for some relaxation of tension and
genuine detente on the continent. While Canada's voice In the debate
dn European ABM defence will be marginal, nevertheless, our reaction
to the USA offer will be noted with interest by our allies and may
have some indirect bearing on their own attitude and consequently on
the prospects of moving towards European detente. It seems to us that
this is also a matter that should be brought to the attention of
Ministers in their consideration of this question.
China Policy
10.
It also seems clear that our reaction to the U.S. invitation
is bound to have some implications for our China policy* X think that

• **t*
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�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur Tacces a Tinformation

CONFIDENTIAL

Canadian participation in a light ASM defence of North America
specifically oriented against the Chinese nuclear threat would not
go unnoticed in Peking. It might well be viewed try the Chinese as
a hostile act and In concrete terms might have adverse effects on
our wheat trade with China* In the more nebulous area of foreign
policy, it might seem as though Canada were becoming more closely
aligned with Washington with consequent negative implications for
whatever hopes we may still have of seeing China brought into the
UN and into the international dialogue on disarmament and other
questions. No doubt you will wish to canvass this matter more
fully with Far Eastern Division but at first glance I think
Ministers might also wish to weigh this element in deciding on
our response.
ORJG.'N'AL * " - •
D

-&gt; - /

- Al. C o ^ . u V

Dlsarraament Division

000127

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