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                  <text>Document disclosed under t
ocument d i y ^ l g l ^ e r i ve

tion Act 'information

sarmament/RDJ

c

AFFAlfejjxiERIEURES

TERNAUA
MEMORANDUM
TO

SECURITY

H. B. Robinson

A

SECRET

September 14, I967

FROM
De

Disarmament Division

REFERENCE
Reference

UMBER
Numero

l o u r Memorandum for the Minister of
September 12, 196?

SUBJECT
Sujet

FILE
OTTA

ABM Deployment and Arms Control

IV^

ENCLOSURES
Annexes

jy^
/E^ ,

DOSSIER

yy&gt;;A 7

MISSI

Following are some comments on your memorandum under reference.
DISTRIBUTION

2.
An arms controllers immediate reaction to Mr. McNamara's
impending announcement of USA deployment of a "light" ABM system might
be to argue that the USA is putting pressure on the USSR to begin discussions on the question of limiting and controlling offensive and
defensive strategic missiles. As you will recall, President Johnson
expressed hopes for a USA-USSR agreement to limit ABM deployment in his
State of the Union address in January of this year and there was a
diplomatic follow-up by Mr. Llewellyn Thompson in Moscow. While the
Russians, and indeed Mr. Kosygin himself, agreed to talks in March,
provided they embraced the whole range of strategic missiles, both
offensive and defensive, discussions have not proceeded beyond a rather
fruitless preliminary exchange between Messrs. Gromyko and Thompson in
April. The Americans have subsequently attempted to .prompt the Russians
through private and public channels, but without any success. During
his visit to the USA in June, Mr. Kosygin played very coy, and even went
so far as to suggest that ABM deployment in the USSR was a justifiable
"defensive" measure. Meanwhile the ABM debate in the USA has been
waxing ever louder and pressures on the Administration to undertake
deployment ever stronger.

DL (1) Div.
European Div.

&gt;

3.
Since private and public warnings that the USA is seriously
considering ABM deployment have so far failed to elicit a forthcoming Soviet
response, it might be argued that only an American decision to deploy on a
limited scale would goad the Russians into negotiation. However,this^argument
loses force when placed against Mr. McNamara*s apparent feeling that, "if
only for psychological reasons, it might not be possible to prevent half
pregnancy from becoming full." Whether this reflects a deliberate calculation by Mr. McNamara or merely a sense of resignation is not clear.

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It is not hard to surmise why the USSR is reluctant to begin
discussions. To begin with, for it to seek an accomodation with the USA
x-xhen it is assailing USA policy in Vietnam and the Middle East would open
it to criticism of "hypocrisy and connivance in imperialism" from both
.within and without the communist camp. Chinese charges of Soviet

\i&gt;^\

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*•***
Ext. 407A/BII

000059

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur Tacces a Tinformation

- 2-

SECRET

"double-dealing" on the non-proliferation treaty have been savage enough.
An ABM agreement would provide even more ammunition for attack. Probably
of more relevance to the Soviet position, however, are traditional Soviet
strategic ideas, which tend to be orientated towards simplistic concepts
\J
of "maximum national defence" and to take little account of more sophisti- [
cated concepts of global security and the complex interplay of international
strategic factors. In other words, the Soviet general staff tend to demand
the best available weaponry in impressive quantities, regardless of the
international consequences, (cf. the events leading up to the "missile-gap"
crisis in the USA in the 1950*s, which probably resulted in the USSR*s being
put at a greater strategic disadvantage then before.) Even if these dated
concepts are now giving way to more contemporary and apposite ones, it is
reasonable to assume that an active but covert debate on the ABM question
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is being conducted in the USSR and that, for the time being at least, the [ZX*
Russians are going to be reluctant to commit themselves to any limitation of
"defensive" missiles, even if it will obviously lead to a new round in the
nuclear arms race.
5.
It would, at all events, be interesting to have a frank USA
appraisal of the prospects for at least a USA-USSR modus vivendi on ABM*s,
! sigi,ee the issue is likely to have an important bearing not only on USA-USSR
-{u^ v
E*^^^ *JLHfelations, but also on the arms control debate in Geneva and, more immediately,
^ J Q J S U ^ ' &lt;•*) the non-proliferation treaty negotiations. The non-nuclear members of the
J^J? " /i/ ji t &amp; A J ^ ^ E N D C , and more particularly the non-aligned members, have become increasingly
j,i/-|f lA*rJ jjA^vociferous in their demands for a "mutual balance of obligations" under a
/H^"*"' ****&amp;" treaty, among other things, some specific commitment to nuclear arms control
glXi'J" fjj^ . and limitation. Any suggestion that the nuclear arms race is about to escalate;
^ j f *" k*^ JJS$11 almost certainly make many non-aligned countries, and among them those
^tL-^is
i*** eoun tries whose accession to a non-proliferation treaty will be vital to its
v
s/' Vt*J£*^^ effectiveness and durability, more resistant than ever to the "discriminatory
/•~° ^h'srfytfk
aspects" of the treaty.
6.
It is hardly likely that Mr. McNamara's announcement will have a
major impact on arms control attitudes of the Canadian public, although it
might be fair to say that it will stimulate whatever latent interest there is
in seeing the nuclear powers accept restraints on the size, character and use
of their nuclear arsenals, particularly as UoA and USSk ABM deployment, even
s
. on a limited, national scale, will have direct implications for Canadian defence,
s~. I [fc»-*&lt;- I foreign policy and sovereignty. In this connection, however, would it not be
Utf*1 j-Z
I reasonable to argue (in contradiction of Mr. Hellyer* s assertion in Para 8)
that whatever misgivings there may be in Canada about USA-Canada defence links,
especially NORAD, will be accentuated bv the USA decision? A reminder that
'IT /rltj&amp;*J's\f/nuclear warfare is in effect the exclusive preserve of the nuclear powers,
/v^ijjj^J^'
whether or not it affects other states, might rally those increasingly vocal
A A , A loi&lt;
elements of the Canadian public which are inclined to "opt out" of the Easts^

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7.
In conclusion, we should like to say that the decision comes sooner
vfiJt-i' / w^ than we had anticipated. Although at his press conference last xreek Mr. Rusk
that tbe U3A c
^ J f c *•** J\SUwarned
° uld not wait indefinitely, our impression was that there
0
A L ^ ^ LJ ^*'
was still considerable public opposition in the USA to deployment and that the
a o &gt; debate i n the Administration was f a r from resolved.
Disarmament Division

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000060

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