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                  <text>ur/che/if^e Access to Information Act vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

«

* out by John T. McNaughton, AsI si statu Secretary of Defense for Arms
Control, in a speech at a .symposium
ai Ann Arbor, Michigan, in DeceniU-i. 11)02. He said:
' Wc iiu.st, in every decision we
make,
concern ourselves with the
f
NORMAN MOSS
factors of stability and of the dynamic effect of the arms rare. This
EHIND the argument about wheth- 7"hcir chief mentor., .p_sxb.ii.ps-- nd is so whether the decision lies in the
er we should match the Soviet one of the most influential academic area of strategy, force structure or
anti-missile-missile system lies a seri- specialists in defense .strategy, was research and development.
ous blow for tlie policy o{ Secretary Thomas Schelling, a RAND alum"That is, when faced with the
of Defense Robert B. McNamara: the ndS^rnTT - 'Har v ;&lt; rd professor of need to make decisions in any of
failure to persuade the Russians economics who published The Strat- these three key areas, we should
to accept a common view with the egy °! Conflict in I960. In this and have two questions in mind:
United States of strategy in a other books and articles, he con"How will the action affect stanuclear-armed world.
structed some elegant metaphors for bility—stability against technological surprise, against accidents and
If the Russians saw the world in competitive bargaining.
McNamara's terms, in their own
unexpected or misleading events,
CH£L!,ING sees most international
interests they would not be buildagainst a tendency for every conconflict as, in game-theory terms, frontation to spiral upwards into
ing an anti-ballistic-missile system.
All the arguments that he uses "variable-sum games." These are violence?
|
against an ABM in his disputes with games in which the amount to be
"And how will the decision con-,
those American military chiefs who gained by one side or the other is f
favor it apply with even greater not a constant, so that a gain for one ((tribute to either quickening ori
weight to a Soviet ABM system. On is not necessarily a loss for the other. . .dampening the arms race?"
this and other strategic questions, he Since it is a game in which both sides The Threat of Shelters
and his chief civilian advisers have have shared interests as well as com- This represented a sharp break
been hoping that the Russians would peting ones, the immediate problem with the traditional value scale of
heed their arguments on nuclear is communication^ Significantly, one national defense. In this scale, our
strategy. On most issues, the Rus- of Schellings major essays on the weapons arc a plus, the enemy's a
sians have rejected the arguments or subject was entitled "Signals and minus. In the new outlook, weapignored them. Although this is not Feedback in the Arms Dialogue." He ons however powerful that weaken
the first such rebuff, it is the firmest discussed methods of communicating stability.have a minus value; weapso far because it is formulated not these interests by gestures, demon- ons that contribute to stability have
strations, or commitments, and a plus value, whichever side has
in words but in costly hardware.
showed how a dialogue of a kind them.
Washington's disappointment goes
could be established in this way, 'X'C first-strike-only weapon, which
to the heart of the historic novelty
based on mutual interest.
can be destroyed in an enemy attack
of the strategic discussion today, of
which the most startling new feature
Actions too would play a big role and must be used in the first mois the universality of the recommen- in such a dialogue. As in Freud, ments of a nuclear exchange if it is
dations. T o put it another way, every action is seen also as a gesture, to be used at all, is obviously deMcNamara is the first Secretary of and an action taken for the most stabilizing. A second-strike weapon,
Defense to prescribe strategies for immediate and obvious goal can be "sulticiently shielded to survive a
tliis country's potential enemies in viewed primarily in terms of the , nuclear attack, can provide time for
the hope that they will adopt them signal it sends. For instance, Her- evaluation and judgment, and is
for their own sake as well as ours.
man Kahn has said that one reason stabilizing.
When McNamara took office, this we should have the ability to evacuHence, when McNamara was
!
country's military power was pre- ate our cities is that this is the asked by Stewart Alsop, in a Saturdominantly nuclear. Yet a rigorous only convincing way to communi- day Evening Post interview pubanalysis that he made of super- cate a nuclear-war ultimatum.
lished in December, 1962, when he
power capabilities during his first
Such concepts helped to provide thought the Soviet Union would
weeks on the job convinced him that the Defense Department with a ra- have invulnerable second-strike misit was impossible to win a nuclear tionale for trying to deal with the siles, he replied.,that it boils down
war in any meaningful sense. The thermonuclear dilemma. With both to "the sooner the better." Then
intellectuals, many of them from the sides sharing an interest in stability, Tbinus 1'auTing drew the logical conRAND Corporation, who came to the" objective was to design forces elusion and told a friend in the Dethe Department of Defense in 1961 primarily to achieve stability rather fense Department that the United
could not ignore this contradiction. than victory, and to influence the llStates should build some Polaris
Indeed, most of them had been other side to do the same.
^submarines for Russia. "=
~ "
deeply concerned with it even
~Ih
McNamara's
view,
a
major
cityT h e implication of all this for
before joining McNamara's staff. U.S. strategic planning was spelled defending program, whether active

McNamara's ABM Policv:
A Failure of CoimmwMoaAkHi*v

¥T

B

S

34

THE REPORTER
000282

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur Tacces a I'information

e^Rss
(ctefensive^Kissiles)
or passive (civil
defense) ^ ^ V have to be considered
destabilizing, it would imply prepara tions for nuclear war and would
try to deny cities to the other side as
hostages; hence it would be provocative, and likely to accelerate the
arms race. Indeed, a senior Pentagon official told me recently that an
ARM system is considered a first-strike
•weapon, since it works optimally
only when the side po55ejisi!ig~Eu
strikes first anr| damages the other
side's offense. He admitted that one v
could extend this evaluation, logically if somewhat metaphysically, to
the point where shelters could be
called a first-strike weapon.
The Pentagon strategy called for
all kinds of barriers to be erected
this side of all-out nuclear war, including even the option of limited
nuclear war. i ne major deterrent, of
course, has taken the form of a
counterforce strategy, in which an
attack is concentrated on the.enemy|s.
forces rather than his cities, holding
_ his cities hostage for yours. But this
kind of barrier, like a bridge, must
\ rest on both sides of the chasm.
The Russians were expected to
acquire an understanding of all this
by observing the American defense
posture, by studying the literature
and arguments on military strategy
within America, by noting the significance of occasional gestures in
(heir direction, and by private meetly ings with U.S. scientists and strategic
| analysts. Communication was to be
| subtle, and agreement tacit.

preted. Schelling says this indicates
a sharpened Soviet interest in what
American strategic analysts are saying, and he draws from the episode
a maxim on communication: "If
you want to get somebody's ear,
listen to him."

Do They Read Ue?
In the Defense Department view,
the United States defense posture
has been clearly delineated by a
succession of signals. There was for
all the world to see an emphasis on
second-strike weapons like Minuteman and Polaris. In 1963, McNamara canceled the B-70 program
(bombers are always first-strike) in
favor of still more missiles. The
United States dismantled the firststrike Thor and Jupite¥~Tc-ckets,
p*oise3~and exposed on their launching pads irTTSntain, ttafy^and
T u r k e y It had also consistently
abjured evacuation programs and
ABM deployment.
The significance of these moves has
failed to get through to the Russians
delighted to see them take such an in the way the Defense Department
interest in it. I'm as proubd of the planners hoped it would. As one
effect this report is having as any- government official said, "If you told
a Russian general that you hoped
thing I've done around here."
There has also been communica- Russia got invulnerable, missiles
tion on less official levels, rol' in- soon, he would simply assume that
stance, in the course or~trie Pugwash he had a lousy interpreter/'
Conferences between scientists of
There is no equivalent in Russia
East and West that have been of the Amei ican*~civUiah defense
held over the last ten years, intellectual. Soviet strategy is fashAmerican scientists have discussed ioned and debated almost exclusivesophisticated ideas of nuclear strat- ly by military men who have a
egy with Soviet scientists and suc- simple, fixed-sum-game view of the
\ ceeded in putting across some of the world, which they share with most
American points of view, by no means American military men: what's good
"JITCNAMARA himself paid unusual
•*•'-•• testimony to the importance of always the same ones. But while for the other side must be bad for
this kind of oblique and provisional many of the American scientists have ns, and vice versa.
Soviet military commentators have
communication in the course of an been men close to or directly ininterview with Richard Starnes of the volved with Pentagon planning, few said that counterforce and limited
Scripps-Howard Newspapers that if any of the Russians have an equiv- war are devices by which the Americans hope to wage aggressive war
ap|5eared on January 25. Referring alent influence in Soviet policy E
TITis is not to say that Soviet and escape nuclear retaliation. Soto the annual statement for Congress
on defense policies, McNamara said: military men do not read the Ameri-* viet leaders have said several times
"This one is the classified version, am journals in which strategic dis- quite pointedly that any kind of
but we also put out an unclassified cussion goes on, not to mention the attack on the Soviet Union would
version that I believe has done more annual Defense Department state : bring down on the attacker's cities
i to dispel Soviet misunderstanding of ments. Schelling has pointed out the full weight of nuclear _ retafi.
/American policy and aims than any- that the authoritative Soviet text- atioTTTTntleecrrEvTaisiial Sokolovsky's
/ thing else we've ever done. As soon book Soviet. Military Strategy, ed- boo IT" rejects counterforce doctrine
/ as (be unclassified report is pub- ited by Marshal Vasily Sokojovsky, as "some sort of suggestion to then
/ lished, the Soviet Embassy grabs contained revisions in its second Soviet Union as 'rules' for the con-l
[ dozens of them and ships them edition that took account of Amer- duct of nuclear war."
ican comments upon it, clarifying
home.
T o be sure, Soviet deployment has
"We don't publish them for their some points that the authors felt not run counter to all the Defense
exclusive benefit, of course, but I'm the American writers had misinter- Department's prescription for it;
February

23,

1967

t

000283

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a Tinformation

t

some Russian reactions to the situa- MK.s that weie useless as night fighttion in which we all live are bound ers, they are drilling the population
to be the same as Washington's. in civil defense, am! now they nre
They have, for instance, hardened deploying an AIVM systt-m. They
their missiles, converting most of
tend to feel (hat a in A met it an uhn
them into second-*«like weapons. tells them how to defend thru counBut this is old-fashioned military try has got one hell of a nerve.
common sense. They have been even
Major General Nikolai Tulenski.
more unequivocal than we have in the most articulate Soviet commenfollowing a non-jjroliferatioh policy: tator on nuclear strategy, has argued
.&gt; \f| there is no question of any kind of explicitly in favor of an ABM system
nuclear-sharing arrangement between in an article" printedEtn the Soviet
the Soviet Union and its allies.
magazine International Affairs. GenThey have even begun to con- eral Talenski is^eirTftlormed on
sider' a non-nuclear option. Thomas western strategic discussion, and has
W._ Wolfe, the RAND Corporation talked with leading American deanalyst of Soviet military affairs, has fense intellectuals. His article shows
noted several remarks in Soviet jour- k the gulf still dividing them. To him,
nals recently that a war in Europe I defense is still defense, and cannot
need not necessarily be nuclear, and I be provocative:
the WafS3w Pact" maneuvers in the
"Only the side which intends to
.fall of 1965 involved fighting in use its means of attack for aggressive
"Europe without the use of nuclear purjDoses can wish to slow down the
weapons. But all the signs are that creation and improvement of antiI tiiese strategies have been arrived missile defense systems. For the
at independently, and have not been jjeace-lovmg stales, anti-missile sysj influenced by American arguments. tems are reafly~a"means of building
~~
There was actually one moment, up their security." *
B
e
went
on
toEay:
"The
creation
however, when things looked as if
they might work out according to of an effective anti-missile missile
the Schelling book. In April, 1964, system enables the state to make its
President Johnson announced that defenses dependent chiefly on its
the United States was cutting back own capabilities, not only on mutual
on the production of fissionable ma- deterrence, that is, on the good will
terial for weapottir"SimuItaneousJy,~ of the other side."
the SovieT^ovefnrhent. unilaterally
The latest American message to
and with no reference to the Ameri- the Russians, carried by Ambassador
can move, announced that it was Llewellyn E. Thompson, Jr., when
cutting back on prochicdoiEj&gt;FT^ he returned to his post, goes beyond
sionable niatenalC This was Tlie gestures, implications, and argukind of tacit agreement, non-nego- ments in scholarly journals. It makes
tiated arms comro], that Defense an explicit, government-to-governDepartment intellectuals were hop- ment offer: a straightforward, olding to achieve. Unfortunately, it fashioned treaty barring ABM systems.
didn't progress far. And in Novem- This is the equivalent of saying,
ber of that year, the AEC stated that "If you won't listen when I whisjier,
so far as it knew, Soviet production will you listen when I shout?"
had not been cut back.
It seems unlikely that they will. For
one thing, they are already dejjloyMoscow's Defense Mechanisms
ing ABMS; for another, even the
The clearest rejection of the Ameri- leadership must by now have heard
can strategic concepts has been the arguments, and turned them
the Soviet emphasis on defense. down to act in the way they were
Russian history and Communist taught. Most Soviet-affairs experts in
ideology both emphasise fighting off Washington feel that defense of the
attacks from without: the Russians frontiers with whatever weapons are
will go through the motions of de- available is still an article of faith
fending their territory with" what- with Soviet officials, and rational
1
ever they haverA"fih"dugh^ney~now analyses that could undermine thisjV
il have on station"an impressive array Jpositibn are to be repulsed ratherj
of ICBMS, it falls far short of match
than answered.
V
ing the U.S. missile force. They
The one aspect of McNamara's
produced an expensive force of policy that the Russians have ac-

(

cepted completely is precisely that
which theyTmight seem least likely
to accept: American numerical superiority in missiles. They have not
-&lt;-rio»sly challenged it; they did not
even try to steal ;r march on the
United States after their first sputnik.
What their strategic posture
amounts to is minimum deterrence,
modified today, perhaps, by aEionnuclear option. While tlie United
States emphasizes restraint, tight
control over nuclear weapons, and
the prospect of careful discrimination in their use, the Soviet Union
threatens furious, spasmodic destruction in response to anyETttackE
In terms of deterrence, it must be
said, this is a more jilausible stand
for the power with fewer missiles
than is the position taken by the
United States. If you carry a smaller
stick, then it may not be a good idea
to speak softly.
On the other hand, this Soviet
inferiority makes even less sense of
their ABM systern. Th" military terms.
It could proviHeeffective defense
only against a weaker opponent, unable to overwhelm any single part
of the system with the quantity and
variety of his missiles. China could
be such an opponent in the next
decade, but the ARM system seems not
to be deployed against that threat.
rj^HF. FAILURE so far to achieve
-*• much of a strategic understanding
with the Russians does not imply
any basic failure in American strategy. Nothing in the U.S. defense
posture requires Soviet agreement,
neither the controlled-response doctrine nor the absence of ah ABM
system.
Not everyone on this side is
equally disappointed. Secretary McNamara himself feels that useful
communication has been established,
and he is prepared to exercise patience and wait for more. The strategic problem that we and the Russians
face is, after all, still relatively new.
McNamara has not yet persuaded
all of the American military or Congress of the correctness of his approach; it is hardly surprising that
he has not yet persuaded the Russians. The problem is, essentially,
the coexistence of vulnerability to
annihilation
with national soveran
i
eigntyEand it will be with us for
some time.
"

36

p

-— —

THE REPORTER
000284

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