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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act ocument divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

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#v

MEETING TO DISCUSS THE DRAFT AGREEMENT FOR COOPERATION WITH THE UNITED STATES ON ATOMIC
ENERGY AND THE UNITED KINGDOM PROPOSAL
CONCERNING NUCLEAR WEAPONS
A meeting was held in the office of the UnderSecretary of State for External Affairs on Tuesday, April
19, 1955, at 3:00 p.m., to discuss the draft Agreement for
Co-operation with the United States on atomic energy matters,
and to consider the United Kingdom Government's proposal that
the Canadian and U.K. Governments should present to the Uni^d
States a paper containing their views on the distinction ^p%
between large and tactical nuclear weapons.
^Is
THOSE PRESENT WERE:

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The Under-Secretary of State for
CSS £ P
External Affairs - Mr. Jules Leger (ChairmaiSM 5££.
The Secretary to the Cabinet - Mr. R.B. Bryce ^
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The High Commissioner for Canada in
the United Kingdom - Mr. N.A. Robertson.

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Secretary - Mr. J. H. Taylor.

Draft Agreement for Co-operation with the United States on
Atomic Energy
1.
The Secretary to the Cabinet reported that the
President, Atomic Energy of Canada, Ltd., had returned from
his talks with officials of the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission
with the draft of a bilateral Agreement.
(Agreement for Co-operation Between the Government
of Canada and the United States Atomic Energy
Commission - draft dated March 31. 1955)
2.
Mr. Bryce believed that the substance of the Agreement was acceptable. It required no new security precautions,
and the Canadian atomic energy programme would benefit from
the information which would become available under its terms.
It was disappointing that the U.S. authorities were not prepared to release information on package reactors under the
Agreement. This was because, as Section B(2) of the draft
specified, "the development of
certain package reactors is
presently concerned primarily with their military uses". No
information would therefore be exchanged "until such time as
these types of reactors warrant civil application". Apparently
the A.E.C.'s work on package reactors was being done under contract to the U.S. Army, which planned to install them experimentally at radar stations.
3.
There were two objections to the draft as it stood.
First, its wording made it appear too one-sided. This was
undesirable, particularly if the Agreement were to be published.
Officials were therefore working on a re-wording which would
state the provisions of the Agreement in reciprocal terms.
• • • •

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4.
Second, U.S. law required that any information or
materials made available under the Agreement would not be
used for military purposes. The Canadian authorities were
ready to accept this stipulation, since the purely Canadian
atomic energy programme was for peaceful purposes. However,
plutonium for U.S. weapons was made in Canada, and fuel systems for U.S. military reactors were tested at Chalk River.
The A.E.C. intended that these arrangements should continue,
even though on a strict interpretation, they were forbidden
under the U.S. law. The Prime Minister had directed that the
Agreement be so drafted that Canada could observe it in spirit
as well as in letter. It was therefore proposed to alter the
draft to state that information or materials released to Canada under the Agreement would not be used for military purposes
by Canada. This would not preclude its use for military purposes by the U.S. References to existing uranium and heavy
water contracts had also been written into the draft for this
reason.
5.
The High Commissioner for Canada in the United
Kingdom asked whether the Agreement would be made public. Mr.
Bryce thought that it would have to be, even though the A.E.C.
did not wish to publish it, and were hoping that it might be
approved in a private session of the Congressional Committee
on Atomic Energy. Since a similar procedure even if it were
followed in the United States was not possible in Canada, the
Canadian view was that the Agreement should be published. . There
was in any case nothing in the draft which could not safely be
revealed.
6.
Mr. Bryce pointed out that the possibility of a
breakdown in the parallel negotiations now in progress between
the U.S. and the U.K. deserved consideration. The U.K. authorities were balking at the insistence of the U.S. on full field
checks for employees at atomic energy establishments. While
the Canadian officials concerned were inclined to agree that
the U.S. were asking for more precautions than were really
necessary, they had found in their own experience that a system
of field checks, while burdensome, was not intolerable.
7.
Mr. Robertson considered that the U.K. authorities
could quite reasonably maintain on practical grounds that their
security arrangements did not need to be as strict as those of
the U.S. Beyond that, they had to take account of the widespread unpopularity of U.S. security methods in Britain. The
strength of this feeling had been reflected in the breakdown
of the tripartite security talks last autumn. However, the
U.K. authorities would no doubt be interested to learn what
' '
Canada's experience had been in operating a system of field
checks. Mr. Robertson said that he would pass on this information to Sir Edwin Plowden.
£.
The Under-Secretary of State for External Affairs
pointed out that Admiral Strauss must be determined to overcome
this difficulty, since he was planning to spend a month in the
U.K. It would place the U.S. in an unfavourable light if the
A.E.C, while failing to conclude an Agreement with the U.K.,
were able to conclude Agreements with other countries which had
no intention of adopting in practice the security measures they
accepted on paper. Mr. Bryce added that it was difficult to
imagine that the U.S. authorities would put themselves in the
ridiculous position of admitting that under the new Atomic

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Energy Act, they had found
it possible only to negotiate successfully with Canada. A t was also difficult to imagine dividing the Chalk River establishment to permit one half to work
with the U.S., and the other with the U.K., in the event that
co-operation between the U.S. and the U.K. ceased.
U.K. Proposal concerning the Distinction between
Large and Tactical Nuclear Weapons
9.
Mr. Leger and Mr. Bryce explained the Canadian background against which the U.K. proposal should be seen. There had not yet been full discussions between the Department of
National Defence and the Department of External Affairs on the
implications of the nuclear strategy, although the Department
of External Affairs had suggested at several levels, and with
the active support of the Secretary of State for External
Affairs, that such discussions needed to take place. The subject had received some attention in the Chiefs of Staff Committee, where Mr. Bryce had pointed out that there were serious
implications to a complete reliance on a nuclear strategy. Such
reliance could mean that we would lose our freedom of choice.
It might leave us defenceless should political factors and
public pressure combine to prevent the immediate use of nuclear
weapons in an emergency. It would invalidate our present
approach to disarmament. As Richard Rovere had argued in a
recent article in the "New Yorker", the industrial potential
which had enabled the Allies to recover from the initial shocks
of the Second World War and finally to win, would no longer
weigh in favour of the West in a short war. Furthermore, once
long-range missiles had been perfected to the point where they
could be fired from sites in the United States, foreign bases,
and therefore allies, would cease to be significant in the calculations of the U.S.
10.
Canada was already facing the problems posed by the
need to improve substantially the defences of North America.
If present trends continued, the Canadian Army, while nominally
committed to the defence of Europe, might in fact have to be
trained as a Civil Defence force for use in Canada. Because
none of these problems had been thought through in Canada, and
because the civilians attending the Chiefs of Staff Committee
disagreed with some of the military members on how to go about
studying them, it was especially difficult to reply to the U.K.
Government.
(Telegrams Nos. 534 and 537, from the Office of
the High Commissioner for Canada. London, to the
Secretary of State for External Affairs^- dated
April 18, 1955)
11.
Mr. Robertson thought that two separate but
related questions were raised by the U. K. draft paper.

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The first was the broad question of dependence on nuclear weapons.
The second was the more immediate danger to peace in the Formosa
situation, and the unwisdom of public statements of the sort Mr.
Dulles had made, threatening the use of "tactical" nuclear weapons
in that area. The U.K. Government were more concerned with the
immediate problem, and regardless of what might be thought about
the broader question, the U.K. authorities were on good grounds
in pointing out that it might not be possible to contain the Formosa situation if nuclear weapons were used. On the other hand,
Mr. Dulles' statements were also undesirable if they were no more
than a bluff.
12.
Mr. Leger saw several objections to the U.K. draft
paper. First, it referred in paragraph 4 to "the American proposition" that a distinction between the two types of nuclear
weapons could be drawn, and in paragraph 2 to "the suggestion
(which) had been made" that the U.K. Government should accept
this proposition, if this implied that the U.K. Government believed that a similar direct approach had been made to the Canadian Government, the paper should be rewritten to make it clear
that no such approach had in fact been made. On the other hand,
as Mr. Bryce observed, perhaps the words "proposition" and "suggestion" could be read in a more general sense without this,
implication. Second, the conclusions in paragraphs 7 and 8
were not those which the Canadian Government would necessarily
draw. The Canadian Government would wish to make clear that it
was meaningless to talk of "tactical" employment of a weapon if
the soviet Union had only large nuclear weapons with which to
retaliate. Mr. Robertson agreed. Whether or not a weapon had
been employed tactically or not depended on the riposte of the
opponent. Mr. Bryce suggested that what might have happened in
the United States was that there had been a compromise, which
authorized the use of small nuclear weapons but not large ones
by the U.S. forces near Formosa.
13.
Mr. Leger recalled that Mr. Spaak had been alarmed by
Mr. Dulles' statements. Spaak objected most strongly on moral
grounds to using atomic weapons a second time against Asians, since
this would not only alienate Asia from the United States, but
even Europe, it was certain that such weapons were available
to the U.S. forces in Germany and near Formosa, and it might even
be that U.S. forces in Korea had been or would be similarly
equipped. Mr. Spaak had proposed that the NATO governments
together should express their disapproval to the United States.
The Canadian reply had been that we agreed with Mr. spaak's
arguments, but did not think the NATO approach was the best one.
Mr. spaak had since approached the Netherlands Government, which
had also declined to join in an approach of this sort to the U.S.
Government. Mr. Robertson suggested that jealousy of Spaak might
in part account for the refusal of the Netherlands authorities.
14.
At the same time, Mr. Leger pointed out that we had
committed ourselves to M.C. 4b, and it could be argued that it
was illogical to base the defence of the NATO area on the nuclear
deterrent, while denying to ourselves the use of the same deterrent against possible aggression in Asia. He agreed with Mr.
Bryce, however, that our position on the present crisis in~TiEe
Far East was more a matter of believing it unwise to use or
threaten to use nuclear weapons in this particular situation*

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- 5 15.
So far as Europe was concerned, perhaps the root of
the difficulty was that at present, the nuclear strategy
suited the United States because of its superior arsenal of
nuclear weapons, whereas it did not suit European countries
who feared they might be made a nuclear battleground. Mr.
Bryce predicted that in a few years, the roles might be reversed.
•HT the Soviet Union improved the means of delivering nuclear
weapons, they might well decide to concentrate their initial
attack on North America and perhaps the British Isles, and take
over Western Europe undamaged. If such a stage were reached,
North America might have second thoughts about the wisdom of
a policy which prevented it from fighting anything but a nuclear
war in which this continent would bear the brunt of the attack.
16.
Mr. Leger wondered whether there was not some way out
of the dilemma posed by the rapid development of weapons.
Devices were developed which were sold to the United States
military authorities, and which became the basis of new strategic
plans. Often these plans ignored political factors, and yet
they deprived the policy makers who were forced to use them of
any freedom of choice. Perhaps an opportunity to assert that
political, not military considerations should be the fundamental
determinant of policy might come with the development of longrange missiles. The Canadian Government, while accepting defensive installations like radar systems, could deny the use of
Canadian territory for missile sites. Mr. Robertson pointed
out that it would be difficult to do so since we had already
accepted the presence of the Strategic Air Command on the Leased
Bases.
17.
It was agreed that because several of the Chiefs of
Staff were about to leave Ottawa, it would be advisable to hold
a meeting with them within a day or two to decide what answer
should be made to the U.K. proposal outlined in telegrams Nos.
536 and 537. To the extent that such a meeting might help precipitate a careful consideration by all the authorities concerned
of the implications of the nuclear strategy, it would be especially welcome.

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