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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

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SOUTH AFRICA: NUCLEAR PLANS

1993

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ATTACHED ARTICLE FROM WSHDC TIMES OF 4 NOV, ON SOUTH AFRICA'S
NUCLEAR CAPABILITY AND FUTURE INTENTIONS, MAY BE OF INTEREST. YOU
WILL NOTE THAT IT IS AN EXCERPT FROM A LONGER ARTICLE IN "FOREIGN
AFFAIRS" OF NOV/DEC 93.

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PAGES, INCLUDING COVER.

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BARBARA GIBSON

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NUCLEAR LEGACY

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at Advena In several recent editions of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.
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�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

South; Africa is the world's first
s t a r ) W e initiated its own "nuc)eaW&gt;liback"
It is the first nation in the world to
have voluntarily dismantled a fully
mature nuclear arsenal.
"At one stage, South Africa did develop a limited nuclear deterrent capability," President EW dc Klerk told
a special joint session of the South
African parliament on March 24.
1993.
But "early in 1990 final effect was
given to decisions that all the nuclear devices should be dismantled
and destroyed."
Mr. dc Klerk's speech was the
first official confirmation of what
long had been suspected: Pretoria
had actually developed nuclear
weapons.
. Despite Mr de Klerk's exhortations about opening a new chapter of
"international cooperation and
trust," South Africa's nuclear past
casts a long shadow.
For some, Mr. de Klerk's announcement resurrected old questions about the country's nuclear behavior and new concerns about
plans for the highly enriched uranium taken from its nuclcer devices.
It also raised questions about
South Africa's future adherence to
the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the prospects for an African
nuclear weapon-free zone.
As the country moves toward its
first nonracial elections in April,
these issues have direct implications
not only for South Africa, butalsofor
its new government's relations with
neighbors and the West,
The African National Congress
(ANC), the United States and other
key members of the international
non-proliferation community continue to look for reassurance about
Pretoria's future intentions.
Following Mr. de Klerk's announcement on March 24, the International Atomic Energy Association
was avowed to inspect all the facilities previously used in the nuclear
program.
While the ANC, which is likely to
dominate South Africa's government
after the elections, welcomed Mr. de
Klerk's speech, the tardiness and incompleteness of the government's
revelations, combined with its past
policy of nuclear ambiguity, left
many unanswered questions.
Did South Africa ever intend to
detonate a nuclear device?
Did Pretoria's nuclear weapons
program receive any foreign assistance?
Has the government accurately
accounted for all the highly enriched
uranium that was produced?
It is known that the United States,
France and other countries provided
South Africa with assistance and
technology for civilian nuclearenergy projects that did not directly
abet the bomb program.
But this cooperation nonetheless
increased the technical competence
of South Africa's nuclear engineers,
scientiatsand technician?.
More important, during the past
two, decades, various news reports

have linked South Africa and Israel
as partners in military and nuclear
matters.
Sou th Africa has also allegedly received German assistance with the
complex technology needed to produce weapons-grade enriched uranium.
When Mr. dc Klerk was questioned about his government's past
failure to be fully candid about the
nuclear program, he characterized
previous official responses as "neither lies nor the full truth."
Right now, the future of the country's uranium stockpile is the most
pressing nuclear issue facing South
AfricaThe debate over the future of the
weapons-grade uranium takes place
within the context of a larger dispute
over Pretoria's transfer from the
public to the private sector of many
governmental and quasi-governmental institutions.
The ANC believes a major objective of this restructuring by the
apartheid regime, which is occurring prior to the elections, is to place
these institutions beyond the reach
of an ANC-led government.
Heading off this restructuring is
high on the ANC's domestic agenda.
Any decision by the current administration regarding the future of
tbe highly enriched uranium would
qualify as a type of unilateral reorganization. It would be strongly
opposed by the ANC,
There have been reports of South
Africa's Atomic Energy Corp. trying
to sell the uranium to foreign powers
btfore next April's election.
lb ensure that the uranium and
other weapons-related technologies
arc not misused to serve any group's
narrow interests, the ANC insists
that a government of national unity
be involved in future decisionmaking on matters of such strategic
importance.
Any foreign government that
Signs an agreement with Pretoria regarding the enriched uranium stockpile, without the prior knowledge
and approval of the ANC, wilt jeopardize future peaceful nuclear activities of a democratic South Africa.
Some foreign governments interpret the ANC'S opposition to the
present government's selling or otherwise removing the uranium stockpile from the country as an abdic a t i o n of a l o n g - s t a n d i n g
commitment to nuclear non-pro
liferation.
These doubts about the ANC's fitness as a nuclear custodian are not
new. They most recently surfaced in
December 1992.
At that time, the ANC criticized
the apartheid government's continued refusal to publicize its nuclear
policy, a refusal that was undermining the confidence of the majority in
the democratic process then under
way — the negotiations of the Convention for a Democratic South Africa.

At an international press conference in Johannesburg, the ANC
warned that continued government
secrecy would amount to holding the
country hostage to a nuclear threat.
It was during this period of sustained ANC pressure that foreign
news reports suggested an ANC-led
government would sell the highly enriched uranium and nuclear technology to Cuba and the Pale Stine Liberation Organization to pay off old
political debts.
The ANC dismissed these reports
as mischief-making by Pretoria's in
tclligencc apparatus and as an attempt to confuse the issues.
The ANC said the minority government was trying to stoke fear of
the ANC's stewardship in order to
justify unilateral restructuring of
the nuclear program.
The minority government may
also have sought to strengthen its
bin-gaining position in the sale of the
uranium to foreign .joveffiments
afraid of proliferation.
Fortunately, the current administration and the ANC now appear to
have reached consensus on what
should be done with the uranium
stockpile.
In July, at a meeting of senior
ANC: ond Atomic Energy Corp, officials, Waldo Srumpf. the corporation's chief executive, assured the
ANC that his firm had no intention
of selling the uranium during the
transitional period.
In addition, because the Atomic
Energy Corp. intends; to become a
commercially viable enterprise, he
argued, it will need to retain all the
uranium for medical isotope production.
Mr. Stumpf claims that South Africa could become one of the world's
top three producers of. these, isotopes, yielding much-needed export
trade and exchange of foreign currency.
The picture painted by Mr
Stmnpf and the energy company is
obviously appealing, but the commercial potential of isotope pmduc
tion for export is still unclear.
Very clear, however, is the potential of the uranium !ror proliferation
should the material fall into the
wrong hands. This adds a special dimension to dealing with isotope production. Indeed, a purely economic
decision may not be possible.
For the ANC, the options regarding the future of the uranium are:
• Sell it to a foreign government.
• Blend it into low-enriched uranium for use in nuclear-power reactors. .
• U6e it to produce medical i60topes.

• Sell it to a foreign government
for safekeeping and repurchase it as
needed for the medical isotope program.
If this last option is economically
viable, South Africa will be able to

�h'OV' OS

v..

Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act •
01U8PN 202 632 7792 CDN EMB POL/Er??f um * nt ^wiilgue en vertu detaWtsur I'acces aTinformt
assuage international concerns over
proliferation and still realize the
economic potential of isotope production.
South Africa will need to decide a
•'host of other non-proliferation issues during the next few years, but
it has already
taken some reassuring
6teps..:
.'••,'•
Pretoria has accepted membership in the Zangger Committee,
which lists nuclear exports that require special safeguards. It has clready applied for membership in the
Nuclear Suppliers Group. Membership in the Missile Technology Control Regime is under discussion.
ANC President Nelson Mandela
has declared that South Africa must
never again allow its resources, scientists and engineers to produce
weapons of mass destruction.
Mr, Mandela indicates that South
Africa's nuclear policies will seek to
make the country a responsible
member of, the. international nonproliferation community. ;
In' May 1993, the SoJth African
parliament1 enacted non-prolifera
tion legislation that prohibits South
African citizens from assisting in
any program related to the construction of nuclear weapons.
The government has also adopted
export policies commensurate with
established non-proliferation guidelines, which include restrictions on
dual-use technologies. Regulations
and enforcement procedures to ensure compliance with these laws are
being developed.
',
Following next year's elections,
the ANC will seek full participation
for South Africa in the International
Atomic Energy Commission.
South Africa also intend9 to cooperate fully with its neighbors to establish an African nuclear weaponfree zone.
The ANC is disinclined to support
further uranium enrichment, given
the massive, investment of public
funds this undertaking would require.
The danger of proliferation also
merits consideration in the decision
whether to continue uranism enrichment.
,i
Regardless of how the uranium
enrichment issue is, decided,, an
ANC-led government will share the
expertise of South Africa in peaceful applications of nuclear technology with other African states
through applied training and.scientific cooperation.
;,.
Moreover, Pretoria's action in voluntarily renouncing its own nuclear
apparatus establishes the precedent
of rollback for other states on the
•'threshold" of being able to produce
nuclear weapons.
The careful and responsible man;
ner in which South Africa dismantled its weapons, joined the NonProLiferationTreaty and cooperated
fully with the international Atomic
Energy Commission may serve as a
useful model.'
,,.'
, Pretoria's awareness that its nuclear weapons are not only superfluous but actually counterproductive
to South Africa's political, military
and economic objectives may ha the
most important lesson of all. g, ,.,!
J.W. de VilHers is chairman of the
Atomic Energy Corp. ofSouthAfrica.
Roger. Jardine is national coordinator of science and technology policy for the African National Congress,Mitchell Reiss is guest scholar
at the Woodrow Wilson International
Center for Scholars in Washington.
Research far this article was funded
by Thomas W. Graham and the Roch
efeller Foundation. Adapted from,
the November/December issue of
the journal Foreign Affairs.
* Distributed by New York Times

y

001024

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