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Canada

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ARKIN REPORT - CONTINGENCY OVERSEAS DEPLOYMENTS OP NUqLEAR WEAPON

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Contingency Overseas Deployments of Nucloar Weapons
A Report

MAR

1985

William M. Arkin
Director, Arms Race and Nuclear Weapons Research Project
Institute for Policy Studies
\

1901 Que Stroot, NW
Washington, D.C. 20009
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Fabru*ry

1983

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The U.S. military has been given Presidential Authorization

co deploy nucloar warheads to eight foroign nations that do not
have nucloar weapons on their soil in peacetime

The oight

nations earmarked to receive these nuclear weapons aro Bermuda (a
British colony), Canada, Icoland, Puerto Rico &lt;a territory of the
United States), the Azores of Portugal, tho Philippines, Spain,
and the British island of Diego Garcia in the Indian Ocean.
None of the governments of these eight nations was Informed
of any U.S. plans or authorizations to deploy nuclear weapons in
their nation.

The plans and preparations to deploy nuclear

weapons in Puerto Rico violate the Latin American Nucloar Free
Zone Treaty ("the Treaty of Tlatelolco") which the United States
signed in 1967.

Plans to deploy nuclear weapons in Canada,

Iceland and Spain are an affront to the non-nuclear policies of
those countries.
After the plans had been revealed in tho Canadian press,
Lord Carrington, Secretary-General of NATO, stated in Toronto on
January 23, 1985, that the United States should consult Its allies
when drawing up contingency plans for nuclear weapons deployments
and not leave consultation until times of crisis. "I think it's a
good idea if countries are consulted while the contingency
planning is going on" he told the Toronto Globe and Mail. tl&gt;
Retired Admiral Robert Falls, former chief of Canada's dofonse
staff, and chairman of the NATO Military Committee from 1980 to
1983, told the Globe and Mail that "The United States has a moral
obligation to consult us when using our territory for something

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as emotional oo nucloar weapons.

2

It io on immoral attitudo to

make piano without consulting tho countrioo involvod." &lt;2)
&gt;

Admiral Falls also otatod that U.S.

nucloar doploymant

plans had novor boon discussed in tho councilo of N A T O — "tho
implication i«r thoy'ro saying, 'To hell with you little guyo»
Icelanders, Bormudans, Canadians, we're going to do it. anyway.'"
(3)

As an oditorial in Tho Globe ond Moil on January IS, 1983,

stated: "Thoro could hardly bo a worse oxamplo of nucloar
planning.

Tho United States has devised a scenario which aooms

calculated to worry its allies while it delights ito
adversaries." (4)
This report will discuss U.S. contingency piano for
deployment of nuclear weapons and the gravo political impact ouch
plans can havo.

As tho public furor over thoso piano

demonstrates, the excessive secrecy which hides U.S. nucloar
deployment plans can injure U.S. alliances and foroign rotations.

I.

THE NUCLEAR WEAPONS DEPLOYMENT PLAN AND CONTINGENCY

DEPLOYMENTS

The Nucloar Weapons Deployment Plan (also known ao tho
Nuclear Weapons Doploymont Authorizations), a oocrot memorandum
approved by the Prooidont ooch yoar, authorizes tho doploymont of
nucloar weapons outside the United States. Tho Plan opocifios
which nucloar weapons can be deployod in which countrioo during

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agacotimo, "erisis" and war.
^^

Tho Plan, along with the Nuclear Weapons Stockpile

Memorandum, is one of two key documents tho Presldont approves
each year to authorize tho composition, deployment, production,
and retirement of warheads in the nuclear stockpile Contrary to
the Canadian government's attempts to downplay the importance of
the Plan as the product of "some junior bureaucrats in the U.S.
State Department speculating on what might happen," tho Plan is
tho highest-level government order for overseas woapons
deployments. (S)
According to a DOD briefing, the Deployment Plan io prepared
by the Joint Chiefs of Staff (after considering tho roquiromonts
of the Unified and Specified Commands), transmitted to tho Office
of the Assistant to the Secretary of Defense (Atomic Energy) for
Secretarial approval, "coordinated" with the Stato Department,
and

approved by "the President." (6)

(Actually, tho National

Security Council staff and the Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs sign the authorizations for the
President.)

The DOD states that the Plan is "coordinated" with

the State Department, but it is unclear whether the Stato
Department has any input into the plan, in spite of the impact
U.S. contingency planning has on foreign policy.
Virtually all of the authorized deployments to theso oight
nations involve anti-submarine nuclear depth bombs (deployment of
other naval weapons Arm also authorized in the Philippines). (7)
For each of the eight nations, deployment of the following weapons

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is authorisodi
Azoroo
Bermuda
—.Canada
Diego Boreia
——- Iceland
Philippines
Puorto Rica
—-Spain

32 nucloar depth bombs
32 nuclear depth bombs
32 nuclrmr. depth bombs
32 nucloar depth bombs
48 nucloar dopth bombs
32 nucloar dopth bombo
113 bomrs
80 naval nuclear woapono
32 nuclear dopth bombo
32 nucloar dopth bombo

Tho B-37 nuclear depth bombs arc IS foot long, woigh SIO
pounds and havo an cxplosivo yield of about 10 kilotons.
They wore first deployed by tho Navy in 1967.

Of tho 900 B-S7

warheads in the U.S. arsenal today, 560 aro doployod at basas in
the U.S., and 290 aro deployed at four ovorooas baoos in Britain,
Guam and Italy.

The B-S7s aro to be used by land-based P-3 Orion

planes, and aircraft carrier— and ship-based S-3 Viking pianos
and SH-3 helicopters. The warheads deployed overseas (with tho
exception of the aircraft carrier replenishment woapono otorod in
Italy and tho Philippines) are to supply main P-3 Orion basos,
which explains many of the island locations.

II.

IMPLICATIONS OF NUCLEAR DEPLOYMENTS

Tho rovolation of tho secret plans for deployment of those
nucloar weapons has had a significant political impact in
Bermuda, Canada and Iceland.

Plans for deployment of nucloar

weapons to Puerto Rico had already been revealed in a report by

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the Puerto Rico Bar Association last summer, but Puerto Rico's
S-olitical status has prevented wide dissemination of the report's
findings and impeded legal actions to determine whothor tho plans
violate tho Treaty of Tlatelolco. Similarly, bocauso Bermuda is a
colony of Britain and the Bermudian government has no control
over foreign affairs or dofense, it has had littlo recourse.

In

Iceland, where nuclear issues aro a constant source of political
tension and debate, the revelations resulted in a complete
re-examination of Iceland's policy on nucloar woapons.

In

Canada, the government has attempted to downplay the rovelations,
even though many high-level Canadian officials havo questioned
how such a condition of mistrust can exist with one of America's
most trusted

friends.

The Authorization to deploy 32 nuclear depth bombs in Puerto
Pico is

significant because Puerto Rico is in the Latin

American Nuclear Free Zone created by the Treaty of Tlatelolco.
On August 28, 1984, the Puerto Rico Bar Association released the
results'of a two-year investigation into possible violations of
the Treaty of Tlatelolco. (8)

Using military regulations

released under the Freedom of Information Act'(and without
knowledge of the contents of the subsequently reloasod Nucloar
Weapons Deployment Plan), the Bar Association demonstrated that
the U.S. planned to use the Roosevelt Roads naval baso in Puerto
Rieo for nuclear operations and that there were active programs
and procedures for deployment of nuclear depth bombs to Puerto
Rico.

The naval preparations ro4erred

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&amp;

includoi

- cortificationo of naval poroonnol in Puorto Rico undor tho
"poroonnol roliability program" for duties involving nucloar
woapono| (9)
- pro-pooitioning of "Sealed Authentication Syotomo (SAS)"
material for roloaso of nucloar woapono at tho hoadquartoro of
U.S. Naval Forcoo-Caribboan hoadquartoro in Puorto Ricoi (10)
- preparations for activation of an "altomato command" in
Puerto Rico for "Fleet Ballistic Misoiloo"; (11) and
- tho oxistonco of a "Naval Station Roooovolt Roads Nucloar
Woapons Security Plan," which provides "specific guidance? for tho
activation of tho MAUW Ctfodified Advanced Undorwator Woapono, a
ouphomism for nucloar anti-submarine warfare woapono3 oito ... to
enouro adequate security for tho stowage, movement, isouo and
receipt of Special Ci.e. nuclear 3 Weapons aboard U.S. Naval
Station, Roosevelt Roads, P.R." (12)
The U.S. authorization to deploy 48 nucloar dopth bombs at
its Keflavik base in Iceland flouts Icoland's non-nucloar
policies. In response to the nows of the U.S. plan in Docomber,
Foreign Minister Goir Hallgrimsson stated that ho boliovod if the
U.S. Prooidont had authorized doploymont of nucloar woepons to
Iceland, it was a clear broach of tho 19S1 Defense Troaty between
tho two countries. (13) Icelandic Prime Minister Staingrimur
Hermansson stated on Docember 3 that the Icolandic government's
belief is that nuclear weapons must not bo deployed in Iceland in
peacotime or wartime. (14)

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Tho 32 nucloar depth bombs earmarked for Canada would

*"

violate Canada's policy against nuclear deployments on its soil.
(The last U.S. nuclear weapons stored in Canada wore Qonle
air-to-air missiles.

After these were withdrawn in July 1984 the

government ef Canada proclaimed that it would not Again allow
deployment of nuclear weapons in Canada.)

Tho dopth bombs, which

would be split between Canadian bases at Comox, British Columbia
(a former storage site for U.S. nuclear weapons) and Greenwood,
Nova Scotia, would serve non-NATO (Pacific Ocean) roles as well
as NATO roles. These two sites are tho main operating bases for
Canadian CP-140 Aurora anti-submarino warfare (ASW) planes and
*rm periodic deployment bases for U.S. P-3 pianos*

III. U.S. AND FOREIGN GOVERNMENT REACTIONS

The revelation, in the January 6 issue of the London
Observer, of plans to place nuclear weapons in Bermuda led
Prmmimr John Swan, who acknowledged that he knew nothing of such
plans, to send a letter to the U.S. government asking for an
explanation. &lt;15)

According to the Royal Gazette in Bermuda,

"Mr. Swan said he is not privy te U.S.-British agreements On the
doploymont of nuclear weapons." (16)

The Mid-Ocean Nows« o

Bermudian weekly, stated in ttn editorial on January 111 "A signal
to Washington that we aro not happy with the situation would
undoubtedly opon a new dialogue in which it would become cloar

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that Bormuda io not a pawn but a country, alboit omall. that
ito own objoctivoo." (17)

ha

Tho Royal Gazotto, Bormuda'o moot

influential daily, statod
The spirit of legal and political cooperation with tho Unitod
States basoo has boon ontiroly oympathotic and without major
incident. That fact has manifootod itoolf in many woyo
beneficial to both Bermuda and tho Unitod Statoo. Bormuda boo
accepted that America protoctod it from tho Nazi oubmarino monaco
and today protocto it from tho Soviot monaco which hoc not boon
aboont to our south. Tho Roagan Administration, concornod ao it
is by unfriendly olements in countrioo around AmoricCp should bo
careful to prooervo Bormuda'o goodwill. (18)
On February 8 tho Promior rocoivod a rooponoo from tho U.S.
government whieh stated:
It has been for many years strict NATO and U.S. policy
neither to confirm or deny tho authenticity of any allogod U.S.
classified documents. Further, tho U.S. govornmont cannot
confirm or deny tho presence of nuclear woapons. Hor Majooty'o
government fully oupports this policy. I know that you can woli
understand tho vital security requirements for withholding any
public comment on the possiblo deployment of nucloar woapons.
(19)
Premier Swan's rooponoo to this was: "I BOO no rooson to
pursue the matter further.

I havo an appreciation for tho

content of that lottor with rospoct to tho nocessity to maintain
an adequato defonso system, and that Bermuda cannot bo isolated
from that intont." (20)
In Iceland, the government aloo roquooted an explanation
from tha U.S. government.
December 17

A similar lottor was rocoivod on

by tho Icelandic Foroign Minister

Ao I know that you arc aware, it has boon a long standing
policy of tho Atlantic Alliance and tho United Statoo noithor to
confirm nor deny tho validity of documents which aro maintained to
be confidential documents of tho Unitod States or tho Alliance.
At tho same time I have been commissioned to roitorato that

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the United States has in all mattora conformed to and will
continue to conform to the provisions of the defonso agroomont
with Iceland from 1951 and the resolution of tho Atlantic
Allianco on the deployment of nuclear weapons which stipulates
that any authorization to U.S. military forces to transfor
nuclear weapons to Iceland would only bo given after having boon
approved by the Icelandic government.
Accordingly, I have been commissioned to give you the
assurance that the United States Government will continue to keep
firmly to the mutual understanding of our govornmonto with
respect to nuclear weapons as stated in a letter datod 11 August
1980 to Dr. Olafur Johannesson, tho foreign minister of Iceland.
(21)
The letter of 11 August 1980 (from U.S. Ambassador Richard
A. Ericson) read:
With respect to allegations about the presence of nucloar
weapons in Iceland, it is longstanding U.S. policy neither to
confirm nor deny the presence of nuclear woapons anywhere.
However, U.S. Government policy is in accord with tho docision
taken by the NATO Heads of Government in 1937 in Paris, wherein
it was announced that 'tho deployment of theso stocks (referring
to stocks of nuclear warheads available for the defense of tho
alliance) and missiles, and arrangements for their uso, will
accordingly be decided in conformity with NATO defense plans and
in agreement with the states directly concerned.'
The pledge is consistent with Article III of tho 1951
Keflavik Base Agreement whieh states:
The national composition of forces, and the conditions under
which they may enter upon and make use of facilities in Iceland
pursuant to this Agreement shall be determined in agreement with
Iceland. (22)
The formal U.S response to the Canadian government is still
unclear.

The initial response ef Canadian Defence Minister

Robert Coates to reporters (on January 9) was that "The U.S.
can't make any decisions on that Cplans to deploy nuclear weapons
in Canada} without consulting us." (23)

Later, however, tho

Canadian government backed down from this statemont. "It's not
something they would make overtures to Canada

about" until an

international crisis made the deployment necessary, Richard

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Logan, oxocutivo oooiotant to Dofonco Minister Coatoo told Thn
Globe and Mail.

"If tho Americano have scenarios, thoy cortainly

aron't going to oharo them with uo." (24)

Dofonco Miniotor

Coatoo thon ehangod hio tuno and otatod in Parliamont on 21
January that no plans existed to doploy nucloar woapono in
Canada. (2S&gt;
But tho chiof of Canada's Dofonco Staff, Gonoral Gorard C E .
Thoriault, told Tho Globe and Mail that "hio aidoo cenfirmod tho
oxistonco of tho U.S. plan in conversations with U.S. military
officials on Thursday CJanuary 103. Until then ho had not known
about it, he said in a telephone

intorviow." (26)

According to

tho Chronical Horald of Nova Scotia, "Gen. Thoriault told
reportors Friday CJanuary 113 that tho Unitod Statoo dooo havo a
'tentative contingency plan' to station anti-submarine nucloar
depth charges on Canada's two coasts." (27)
In tho course of the debate, the Canadian govornmont also
admitted that an agreement existed from 1967 to 1970 for tho
omcrgoncy doploymont of nucloar dopth bombs at Argontia in
Newfoundland, but that the arrangement was controlled whon tho
Argontia airbaoo was closed. (28)

In addition, Dofonco Minioter

Coates oaid that tho only other agroomont which oxistod with the
U.S. dealing with nuclear weapons wao "for ovorf lighto by_
Strategic Air Command bombers carrying nucloar woapono, and that
those flights muot have prior conoultation." (29)
On January 21, Defence Minister Coates stated that Canada
had "received renewed assurances that it would bo consul tod about

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p-Sgreoment that no nuclear weapons would be deployod in any
|

foroign country without host nation approval.

IV.

NUCLEAR WEAPONS SECRECY AND THE POLICY TO NEITHER

CONFIRM NOR DENY

The practices of the U.S. government in tho aroa of nuclear
weapons secrecy could be construed as harmful rathor than holpful
to U.S. national security. The U.S. government has a number of
standard devices to avoid dealing with the growing international
disatisfaction with U.S. policies on the use

and deployment of

nuclear weapons. Chief among them is the policy of "neither
confirming nor denying" the presence of nuclear weapons.
How did the "neither confirm nor deny" policy evolve?
According to one Congressional report, much of the secrecy about
deployment of nuclear weapons derives from political controversy
the weapons cause rather than the need to protect the information
from a potential onemy:
The U.S. Government security policy regarding nuclear woapons
locations is that it will neither confirm nor deny the existence
!?[* ?* t i o r V° * U , S * n u c l a a r weapons located anywhere. In part,
this is at tho request of the nations where the weapons are
deployed, since in most nations tho existence of U.S. nucloar
weapons within their borders is a difficult internal political
issue. Thus they generally have requested that tho United States
not declassify the fact that U.S. nuclear weapons aro located in
their specific nation — even though the ovidence that they *r*
there is obvious and generally known by their population. (31)

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Paul Warnko, who had boon Aooistent Socrotory of Dofonoo for
International Security Affairo, ochood tho oamo viaw whpn ho
tootifiod boforo Congroso in 1974 on tho "confirm nor dony"
policy.
CA3s I understand the policy about failing to confirm er
dony tho prooonco of tactical nucloar woapono anyploco, it wao
motivatod largoly by fears of poooiblo diooidont groupo in tho
alliod countrioo, and it roally otommod, I think, moro from tho
Navy's approhonsion than from any othor oourco. Tho Navy of
couroo has to havo accoso to foreign basoo, and I think thoy
feared possiblo unrest and oven oomothing clooo to robollion,
particularly in Aoia, if lt wore known that tho Unitod Statoo wao
bringing in naval vossols that had nucloar weapons aboard. So I
suspect it was moro to try ta koop peace within alliod countrioo
and to avoid dissent there than it was for any othor purpooo.
(32)
Morton Halperin, former Assistant Secretary of Dofonoo for
•»

Systems

Anolysis, told Congress in 1974 that tho "confirm nor

dony" policy
developed initially in a period in which nuclear woapono
were looked upon with kind af mysticism as oomothing vory
difforent ... and in which we were not going to talk about whore
theoe weapons arQ. It was a natural outgrowth of that and from
tho fear, ... particularly in tho Navy, ... that if tho word got
out there wore nucloar woapono in Germany or Okinawa or othor
places, you might havo domestic opposition in thooo countrioo to
the stationing of tho woapons which would make it impoooiblo to
continue to store them thoro.... CW3hon I wao in tho Pontagon
Cthc policy] was not ouscoptiblo to review....*CI3t wao woll
understood that tho foolings of tho military oorvicoo CworoJ ouch
that ono oponod thio subject at one's peril and without any
chance of OUCCQOO in changing it. (33)
Whilo tho "confirm nor dony" policy io intondod to quoll
public diocuosion, nucloar oocrocy also affocto tho diocuooian
within alliod governments.

Whon control ovor cortain typoo of

nucloar woapons information ("restricted data") was loooonod by
the 1934 ammendments to tho Atomic Energy Act, and a now category

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of information ("formerly restricted data") was croatod, ono of
the objectives was to increase the exehango of data with allies.
When President Eisenhower, in his February 17, 1954, mossago to
Congress, recommended amondments to loosen controls over
information on nuclear woapons, ho complained that "Under present
law, we eannot give them CU.S. allies! tactical information
essential to their effective participation with us in combinod
military operations and planning, and to their own dofonso
against atomic attack." (34)

He added that "all of thorn should

become better informed in the problems of atomic warfaro and
therofore better prepared to meet the contingency of such
warfare. In order for the free world to be an effectivo dofonso
unit, it must bo geared to tho atomic facts of this era." (35)
John Foster Dulles, then Secretary of State, stated before
the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy on June 3, 1954, that the
proposed ammendments would take the U.S. "in tho direction of
peace." They would increase

"the deterrent factor represented by

our weapons stockpile ... permitting us to integrate certain
tactical woapons information into our foreign military planning
Cand3 ... strengtheCnl the ties which unite the free nations by a
sen-re of fellowship." (36)
The Report of the Joint Committoo on Atomic Energy that
accompanied the new bill to tho floor of Congress stated that,
under tho old (1946) law,
Cw3ith our nation the sole possessor of atomic weapons, and
with those weapons husbanded for a strategic counterblow against
an aggressor, there was no need for acquainting friendly nations
with information concerning the effects and military employment of

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tactical atomic woapons. Today howovor wo aro ongagod with our
allioo in a common ondoavor involving common planning and combinod
forcoo to dam tho tido of Rod military powor and provont it from
engulfing Froo Europe.... -.So long ao our law prohibito uo from
giving our partnora in thoso joint efforts for common dofonco
such atomic information ao is required for roaliotic military
planning, our own national security sufforo. (37)
Sixteen yearo after tho revisions to tho Atomic Snorgy Act
were enacted, nucloar weapons secrecy again bocamo a major oourco
of tonoion, thio time between Congrooo and tho Exocutivo Branch.
Senator Stuart Symington chairod a special Subcommittoo on
Security Agreements and Commitments Abroad which oxaminod tho
role of nucloar weapons in U.S. foroign relatione. Tho final
report of the Committee in 1970 concludodi
The stationing of nuclear woapons in foroign countrioo roprooonts
a special kind of commitment between tho Unitod Statoo and the
host eountry. In almost ovory one of thoso countrioo a voil of
secrecy hides the presence of such weapons. Nowhoro io thio voil
of secrecy stronger than in tho Unitod States. (38)
The roport wont on to call tho Executive Branch's oocrocy
practices "obviously absurd;" socrecy policy wao uood "to covor
up questionable policy and practice, io unconstitutional, and is
against tho bost intorosts of tho United States." (38)

V.

IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. POLICY AND ARMS CONTROL

Fiftoon years after the Symington Roport, tho U.S. io still
not doaling with its allies on the basis of complete information
and trust. Tho revelations of tho details of tho Nucloar Woapons

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Doploymont Plan show that nucloar woapono oocrocy remains an
obstaclo to mutual respect in foroign relationo, Congressional
\*s

oversight and public understanding. Foreign governments
themselves do not know what commitments thoy aro involved in.
Moreover the U.S. Stato Department seomo to be in tho dark aa
'

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well.
The nuclear woapons infrastructure is oo complex and
worldwide U.S. nuclear operations and planning aro so pervasive
that they thwart existing nuclear-free zone treaties and tho
nuclear-free policies of sovoreign governments. Tho Treaty of
Tlatelolco in Latin America and the Caribbean is a case in point.
Tho Treaty was designed to restrict the kind o-f military plans
the U.S. has for Puerto Rico.

Yet tho Treaty did not lead to any

revision of actual U.S. military plans. The U.S. government did
indicate that it had considered the Treaty's effect on military
operations (it stated that "nuclear weapons transit or transport
operations Cin the Treaty Zone3" were not affected by tho Treaty
(40)).

But it did not act as though signing the Treaty (and its

protocols on Puerto Rico) had any effect on actual piano.

Xn

fact, the evidence collected so far indicates*that no guidance
was provided to U.S. military forces, by either the £ef«ftt&gt;t&gt;
Department or State Department, to ensure their compliance with
the provisions of the Treaty. (41)
"Nuclear-free" nations like Iceland, Canada, Puorto Rico and
Spain face a now dilemma.
ignores their policies.

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The U.S. government employs socrocy as

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ito dofonoo.

Tho U.S. govornmont foaro that any rootrictiono on

ito nucloar weapon policioo might become an opidomic? that would
threaten ito freedom to oporato around tho world.

Tho U.S.

government'o reaction to tho Now Zoalcnd govornmont*o rofuoal
ta allow a dootroyor to mako a oort vioit unleoo tho U.S. plodgod
it wao not carrying nucloar woapono io indieativo of thio foar.
According to tho Now York Timoo, "Tho Roagan Administration oaid
a firm American rooponso wao noodod... to domonotrato that allioo
could not impooo limito on tho movomonto of Amorlean military
forces and got off 'coot-froe.' A sonior official oaid tho Unitod
Statos, to deter othor alliod countries from following Now
Zealand's oxample, was oxamining Ca number of wayo of
rotaliatingS." (42)
New Zoaland, in contrast to othor nominally nucloar-froo
countries ouch as Denmark, Japan and Norway, io dotorminod to
challenge the U.S. to roopoct tho policioo of ito hoot nation,
rather than turn a blind oyo to visits of nucloar-capablo ships.
Tho dobate which tho rovolation of the Nucloar Woapono Doploymont
Plan has stimulated is forcing those and othor nationo to oxamine
thoir nucloar commitments and U.S. policioo.

In Canada, rotirod

Admiral Robort Folio told Tho Globo ond Mail that "tho ioouo io a
political ono which should bo decided boforo a crioio ariooo."
(43)

A Globo and Mail editorial on IS January 1983 concludod

"Tho tormo of nucloar deploymont in Canada ohould not bo kopt
fuzzy in tho interest of political expediency." (44) In Bormuda,
the Royal Gazetto wrote: "No matter how uncomfortablo it may maVe

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Q o and no matter how little say wo havo in tho situation,
Bormudiens have a right to know tho exact position today,
regardless of a piece of paper signed Ctho U.S.-Britioh agroomont
to establish an American base in Bermuda during World War 113
under the pressures of a more conventional war." (45)
The now debate is not some "disease" that must bo snuffed
out, but a healthy exercise.

Tho only things it threatens aro the

suspicion and distrust that currently weaken U.S. alliances.

At

a time when questions about Soviet treaty complianco and
verification aro the major obstacles to successful arms eontrol,
it is not in U.S. interests to continuo its deceptive practice of
nuclear secrecy.
Here, as is too often the case, secrecy is coneernod not with
protecting U.S. security but with protecting military prerogatives
which offend allies, citizens and U.S. policy-makors alike

Citizens

who seek to counter tho spread of nuclear weapons find that secrocy
undermines their efforts.

Legislators seeking to maintain

democratic accountablity of the military find that secrocy thwarts
their fulfilment of that responsibility.

For State Department

officials seeking to manage U.S. relations, secrecy masks
deception and misjudgements which cannot be sustained.

The time is

long overdue for a public review of U.S. nuclear woapono and
deployment policies.

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(1) Patrick Martin, "U.S. Should eonoult with allioo on
weapons, NATO hood says," Tho Globo and Mai^ CToronto3, 24
January 1985.
(2) Ian Auston and Torry Hargroavoo, "A d«»bato chorgod with
danger," Mocloon'o, Vol. 98, No. 4, 28 January 1983.
(3) Paul Knox, "Moro data noodod on anti-oub bombo, rotlrod
Admiral oayo," The Globo and Mail. IS January 1983.
(4) "Nucloar Prooumptiono," Tho Globe and Mail. 13 January
1983.
(3) Potor Goodopood, "NOP 'aghast' at U.S. plan to doploy
nucloar arms horo," Toronto Star. 10 January 198S.
(6) DOD, Offico of tho Socrotary of Dofonoo, "Brtofing
Matorialo for Incoming Officiolo," 21 Novombor 1980, p. 33.
(7) Oetailo of nucloar woapono doploymonto aro eontainod in
National Socurity Council, Nucloar Woapono Doploymont
Authorization for FY 7S, NSDM 274, October 8, 1974, and
subsequent Nucloar Woapono Doploymont Authorizations which havo
boon reviewed by tho author. Othor countrioo which havo nucloar
woapono on thoir soil in poacotimo — Britain, Bolgiura, Grooco,
Italy, tho Netherlands, Turkey, Woot Gormany ~ will aloo rocoivo
additional nuclear woapons from U.S. otorago.
(8) Puorto Rico Bar Association, Roport of tho Spoclol
Commission on Nuclear Weapons and tho Trooty for the Prohibition
of Nucloar Weaoons in Latin America. August 17, 1984| soo also
Judith Berkan, Charles S. Hoy-Maootro and Podro J.
Saade-Llorono, "Violating tho Treaty of Tlatelolco," Armn Control
Today, January 1985, pp. 4-3.
(9) U.S. Naval Station, Roooovolt Roads, P.R.,
"Identification of Poroonnol Reliability Program &lt;PRP&gt;
Positions," NAVSTA ROOSRDS NOTICE 3310, Soptombor 11, 1983|
Commander, Naval Forcos Caribboan, "Nucloar Weapon Poroonnol
Reliability Program (PRP) ,B COMNAVFORCARIB Staff Inotruction
SS10.19, May S, 1983.
(10) "Staff Organization and Rogulationo Manual, Commander
Antilloo Dofonoo Command/U.S. Naval Forcoo Caribboan/Floofc Air,
Caribboon/U.S. Naval Baoo, Roosevelt Roado, Roooovolt Roado,
Puorto Rico," CADC/CNFC/CFAC/CNB Staff Inotruction 3400.2,
January 1, 1977, p. 2-lSji tho uoo of SAS io oxplainod in U.S.
Army, "Nucloar Unit Oporationo in Combat," Fiold Manual 100-30,
March 31, 1977, p. 6.
(11) "Staff Organization and Rogulationo Manual," op.cit.
(12) U.S. Naval Station, Roosovolt Roado, P.R., "Naval
Station Roooovolt Roado Nuelear Woapono Socurity Plan," NAVSTAROOSRDSINST CS310.16A, Scptombor 17, 1979, Confidontial-Formorly
Restricted Data Cpartially declassified undor tho F0IA3.
(13) "Hallgrinsoon on Poooiblo U.S. Treaty Violation," FBIS
Europe, 7 December 1984, p. 3.

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(14) "Hormannsson Rejects U.S. Nucloar Doploymont Plan,"
FBI3 Europp, 6 December 1984, p. 4,
H 5 ) "Premier Wants Washington bomb answer," Tho Roval
Gazette, CBermuda3. 8 January 1985.
(16) Ibid.
(17) "Facing the Facts," Mid-Ocean News CBormuda3, 11
January 1965.
— — — — — —
(18) "Atomic Weapons," The Royal Gazette CBormudaJ, 11
January 1985.
(19) Joe Weber, "No direct Nueloar Answer from the U.S.,"
Royal Gazette CBermuda!, February 9, 1985.

T30T

Ibid.

(21)- Rough translation of Icelandic text contained in
Morflunbladld CIceland3, 20 Docomber 19B4.
(22) Tho 11 August 1980 lotter wao released to tho author
under the Freedom of Information Act.
(23) Peter Goodspeed, "NOP 'aghast' at U.S. plan to deploy
nuclear arms hare," Toronto Star^ 10 January 1983*
(24) Paul Knox, "Ottawa trusts U.S. to toll nueloar plans,"
The Globe and Mail. 12 January 1985.
(25) Ron Lowman, "Coates denies Canada to tako nucloar
arms," Toronto Star,, 11 January 1985.
(26) Knox, 12 January 1985, op.cit.
(27) Jim Meek, "Canada not obligated to deploy nucloar
weapons: Theriault," Chronical Herald CNova Scotia3, 12 January
1985.
(28) Knox, 12 January 1985, op.cit.% the arrangement was
"Exchange of Notes on Conditions Under Which Storage of Nuelear
Anti-Submarine Weapons in Canada, for uso of U.S. forcoo, Would
be Permitted," dated 27 July 1967; "No nuclear woapons going to
Greenwood," Chronical Herald CNova Scotia3, 11 January 1985.
(29) David Miller, "Nuclear deployment plan is doniod," The
Globe and Mail. 13 January 1985.
(30) "Clark Seeks to learn U.S. Plans Faster," Tho Globe
and Mail. 28 January 1985.
(31) U.S. Congress, Development, Use, and Control of Nuclear
Energy for the Common Defense and Security and for Peaceful
Furposes, First Annual Report to the U.S. Congress, Joint
Committee on Atomic Energy, 30 June 1975.
(32) U.S. Congress, Senate Foreign Relations Committee,,
Nuclear Woapons and Foreign Policy, Hearings, pp. 135-136*
(33) U.S. Congress, Nuclear Woapons and Foreign Policy,
op.cit., p. 36..
&lt;34) Public Papers of tho Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower,
1954, p. 38.
(33) Ibid.
(36) U.S. Congress, JCAE, Hearings on S.3323 and HR.8862 to
amend tho Atomic Energy Act of 1946, quoted in 1954 U.S. Code
Congressional and Administrative News, p. 3492-3493.
(37) Senate Report No. 1699, quoted in Ibid, p. 3438.
(38) U.S. Congress, Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
Security Agreements and Commitments Abroad, Report, December 21,

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1970, p. I S .
(39) I b i d .
(40) Lottor from Michaol J. Mathooon, U.S. Dopartmont of
Stato, to Podro J. Saado-Llorono, Puorto Rico Bar Aoooeiation,
Docombor 21, 1983.
(41) A Lottor from W.M. McDonald, Offico of tho Aooiotant
Socrotary of Dofonoo, to Richard Fioldhouso, Inotituto for Policy
Studioo, May 18, 1984, otatod that guidance "could not bo found"
in DOD filoo.
(42) Bornard Gwortzman, "U.S. Piano Actiono To Anowor Robi"f?
By Now Zoalcnd," Now York Timoo, Fobruary 6, 198S.
(43) Paul Knox, 13 January 1985, op.cit.
(44) "Nucloar Presumptions," Tho Globo and Moil, IS January
1983.
(43) "Atomic Woapons," Tho Royal Gazotto CBormudoJ, 11
January 1985.

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