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                  <text>Canadian Foreign Intelligence History Project
LAC ATIP A-2018-00088
LAC RG24 Vol. 20855 File 7-26-9 Part 10
JIC Assessment
The Soviet Threat to North America, 1959-1971
CANUS-59 59-05-14
Note: There are no pages numbered 42 and 43
in this document, but it does not appear that any
text is missing. Paragraph 95 on p. 41 is followed
by paragraph 96 on p. 45 (p. 44 is blank).

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CANADA- UNITED TATE•
INTELLIGENCE ESTIMATE
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THE SOVIET THREAT TO NORTH AMERICA
1959-1971

CANADA-UNITED STATES INTELLIGENCE ESTIMATE (U)
(CANUS-59)

NOTE:

The Canadian Chiefs of Staff Committee and the U. S.,
Joint Chiefs of Staff have approved the attached estimate for use by appropriate authorities of Canada and
the United States. Final approval was recorded on 14
May 1959.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
THE SOVIET THREAT TO NORTH AMERICA
1959-1971
Page
OBJECT

1

SCOPE

1

CONCLUSIONS

3

SECTION I

- GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

7

SECTION II

THREAT FROM AIRCRAFT

11'

SECTION III

THREAT FROM MISSILES

29

SECTION IV

ELECTRONIC WARFARE

45

SECTION V

-

SECTION VI
SECTION VII -

SECTION VIII -

49
OTHER THREATS

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THE SOVIET THREAT TO NORTH AMERICA 1959-1971

OBJECT

1. To assess the Soviet Threat to North America during the period 1959
to 1971.

SCOPE
2.. This estimate covers three time periods as follows: the short-range
period (mid- 1959 to mid- 1960); the mid- range period ( mid- 1960 to 1963-1964);
and the long-range period ( 1963-1964 through 1971). The forms and scales of
attack are provided for the years 1959-1960 and 1963 to 1964 and to the extent
practicable for the long-range period.

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CONCLUSIONS
A.

GENERAL

3. An attack against North America involving Soviet military forces can
be expected only in a general war, or as an attempted surprise attack that
would initiate general war.
4. The Soviet leaders might decide to initiate general war during the
progress of a limited war, during a period of intense international crisis or
in a period of comparative international calm, although the last possibility is
considered the least likely. They are making a gigantic effort to bring about
conditions under which general war could occur without the USSR's receiving
unacceptable damage, and it is not inconceivable that at some time during the
period of this estimate they may conclude-- rightly or wrongly--that they have
attained such a position of decisive military superiority. However, the Soviet
leaders do not, in our view, intend deliberately to initiate general war; they
wish, on the contrary, to avoid serious risk of such war. Despite the acquisition of long-range missiles capable of striking the United States, the Soviets
probably believe that the scale, of damage they would suffer in a general nuclear war would be too risky to accept. ( This judgment presumes, among other
things, the continued maintenance and improvement of Allied armed strength
and the absence of an unforeseen Soviet technological breakthrough of major
military significance. ) Moreover, they appear to be confident that the final
victory of communism which they are determined to achieve is inevitable,
and to be accomplished through political and economic forms of struggle, and
through types of ;military action which they consider as posing no great risks
to themselves. The Soviet leaders would almost ,certainly not decide to precipitate general war unless they concluded that conceding a position to the
West would sooner or later threaten the survival of their regime. They
would undoubtedly initiate a general war, however, if they were convinced
that the United States was irrevocably committed to the early launching of an
all-out nuclear attack against the USSR. ,
5. In planning for general war, the Soviet leaders must relate strategically desirable objectives to what is tactically feasible with forces at their
disposal. They probably would adopt as far as possible the following general
course of action for the Bloc:
a. As the highest priority, initially to employ its strengths to attempt
the destruction or neutralization of Allied forces capable of causing immediate and significant damage to Bloc warmaking strengths.
.b. To employ its strengths, as appropriate, to destroy, neutralize,
or reduce the effectiveness of other Allied forces- in- being by ground, air and
naval action.
c. ' To employ its strengths, as appropriate, to destroy, neutralize or
capture Allied war- supporting strengths.

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d. To employ the strengths considered necessary to ensure the continued security • of the Bloc and especially of the USSR.'
6. In planning for an attack against the North American contin ent, th e
Soviets undoubtedly would seek to maximize their chance of securiii'g surprise,
consistent with the necessary weight o fatt ac k. Th e Sov iet planners would
probably select as objectives for attack the following ( not necessarily listed in
order of selection for attack):
a.

Nuclear retaliatory forces -and facilities.

b. Control centers from which direction is provided for governmental actions, continental defense and retaliatory offensive operations.

c.
B.

Population, transportation and communication centers.

12. The USSR has developed an operational pattern with their'submarine
force which would allow them to have stationed off the East and West coast of
North America a small number of submarines for use in the initial stages of
general war. It is estimated that this force would be composed primarily of
such guided missile` submarineq as are available, used in conjunction with
air- craft in the initial attack. There would -also be at sea in the Atlantic and
Pacific Oceans a significant number of torpedo attack submarines capable of
attacking- naval forces and shipping soon after the initial attack is accomplished.

AIRCRAFT, MISSILE AND SUBMARINE THREATS

1963-1964

1959-1960

13.

.7. The USSR would place. chief reliance for attacks against North America upon aircraft carrying nuc lear wea pons supp lemente d by such ballistic
missiles and guided missile submarines as are available. Guided missile
submarines' would probably be employed to launch missiles with nuclear warheads against targets along the coast, with the Atlantic seaboard receiving the
bulk of the attack: Ballistic missiles would probably be directed against area
targets in North America.
8. It is believed that the whole of th e ava il a bl e heavy bomber force p lus a substantial portion of the medium bomber forc e o fLong -Range A v iat ion
wouldbe employed against North American targets. As an example for planning purposes, it is estimat ed th a t ( di sregar di ng combat attrition); the USSR
in mid- 1959 could put a combination of about 500 heavy- and medium bombers
over continental North America in an attack designed to achieve' surprise. A
majority of the strike aircraft launched would necessarily be on one-way
missions.

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9. Soviet employment of a small surprise bomber-force ( sneak attack) to
be followed by the main body of the assault is regarded as a possible but relatively unlikely course of action. Should a sneak attack be detected enroute or
fail- to any significant de gr ee , Nor th A mer ican de fenses would be at! a maxi- '
mum alert for combatting additional Soviet forces and attacks on the USSR by
retaliatory forces would be set in motion.
10.

While so me heavy bomber operat ions could be- mounted from home

bases, the USSR would have to use forward bases in Kola, the Central Arctic,
Chukotski and Kamchatka for mounting most initial medium and heavy bomber
attacks against North America. Additional-bases elsewhere in the.Bhoc could
be used after the initial considerations. of surprise no- longer ekisted.'
4

11. The USSR would probably plan to the maximum extent possible to
penetrate all Allied radar screens simultaneously, and to take the greatest
advantage of the hours of darkness for their missions against North America.
Some portion of the aircraft would probably be employed as specialized ECM
aircraft for diversi on an d deco y purposes.

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By mid- 1963, So v iet gu id e d m iss il e capa biliti es w ill pro ba bl y allow

extensive reliance on ICBM's for the delivery of nuclear weapons against
North American targets. Manned bombers would be available in sizeable
numbers, however, and would probably be employed to , supplement missile
attacks. Submarine- launched missiles will probably contribute significantly
to the Soviet assault. In spite of reliability and accuracy factors, the inherent
speed of delivery- and relative invulnerability of the ICBM render this weapon
a most likely choice for initiating the assault on North America. The timing
of the diversified operations likely to make up the Soviet attack would pose
extremely complex problems to Soviet planners. To the extent practicable,
however, they probably would plan to place ICBM's on target at the time
Soviet bombers were penetrating Allied radar screens. By such tactics, the
USSR would hope to pin down Allied defenses and retaliatory forces until the
bomber attack arrived over its targets. Soviet bombers would probably utilize air- to- surface missiles against the more heavily defended targets.
Soviet guided missile submarines would probably be•employed in both the Atlantic and Pacific against North American land targets within missile range._
Limited numbers of submarine- launched missiles could also be directed
against the Gulf coast. The effectiveness of USSR submarine attacks, including those on shipping and naval forces in North American waters, will be
increased by the advances made in nuclear propulsion and advanced weapons.
1964-1971
14. During this period, the Soviet long-range weapons system inventory
will probably come to include ample numbers of improved ICBM's and other
advanced missiles including submarine- launched types, manned bombers, and
large numbers of nuclear weapons for all purposes and with a wide variety of.
yields. It could also include advanced- performance manned winged vehicles
capable of hypersonic speeds, with ranges of from -6,'000 n. m. ' to global, and
possibly capable of weapons delivery, and/or other radically new weapon systems. The Soviets will have markedly improved capabilities in communications,

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and in electronic warfare including many types of decoys and jamming techniques. The likely form and' scale of a Soviet attack.on North America during
the latter part of this period may be generally described as involving the
launching of large numbers of improved ICBM's as the- primary means of
attack'$ supplemented by advanced guided missile submarines and advanced
bomber and air- launched missile attacks. Nuclear submarines with advanced
weapons will probably be on stations in North American waters from the
outset:
C.

OTHER THREATS

.15.. It is estimated that the initial_ attack on North America would en tail
little threat of -am..hibious operations beyond commando- type raid s aga i
ns t
selected targets in the Aleutians, the coast of.Alaska north of Bristol Bay,
and even possibly against -parts of Canada and continental United States.
These raids would most probably be launched from submarines.
16:.- It is considered unlikely that the .Soviet Union would attempt sizeable
airborne operations against North America at'least in the early stages of a
nuclear war"', although airborne operations on a small scale against isolated...
points in Alaska and the Aleutians would be a probable course of action. Airborne operations against Northern Canada, Greenland and Iceland are considered improbable.
17. Sabotage and subversion both by known and anonymous local Commu
nists, and sympathizers and by trained saboteurs are probable -after the out_'
break of war. The means of sabotage could include BW and CW agents, and
limited numbers of nuclear weapons. Espionage would be carried out by
trained and integrated " illegal res id en ts ". Th e sca le o fa ll these operations
would, however, be limited by countermeasures, . fear of prejudicing surprise,
and by'the effects of the nuclear exchange itself.

SECTION I
GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS
A.

CIRCUMSTANCES UNDER WHICH WAR INVOLVING ATTACK ON.NORTH
AMERICA MAY COMMENCE

18. An attack against North America involving Soviet military forces can
be expected only in a general war, or as an attempted surprise attack that
would initiate general war.
:19,.
The Soviet leaders might decide to initiate general war during the
progress of a limited war, during a period of intense international crisis or in
a period of comparative international calm, although the last possibility is
considered the least likely. They are making a gigantic effort to bring about
conditions under which general war could occur without the USSR's receiving
unacceptable damage, and it is not inconceivable that at some time during the
period of this estimate they may conclude-- rightly or wrongly-- that they- have
attained such a position of decisive military superiority. However, the Soviet
leaders do not, in our view, intend deliberately to initiate general war; they
wish, on the. contrary, to avoid serious risk of suc h war . Despite the acquisition of long-range missiles capable of striking the Unit e d Stat es , th e Sov iets
probably believe that the scale of damage they would suffer'in a general nuclear war would be too risky to accept. ( This judgment presumes, among
other things, the continued maintenance and improvement of Allied armed
strength and the absence of an unforeseen Soviet technological breakthrough
of major military significance. ) Moreover, they appear to be confident that
the final victory of communism which they are determined to achieve is inevitable, . and to be accomplished through political an d economic forms o f
struggle, and through types of military action which they consider as posing.
no great risks to themselves. The Soviet leaders would almost certainly not.
decide to precipitate general war unless they concluded that conceding a position to the West would sooner or later threaten the survival of their regime.
They would undoubtedly initiate a general war, however, if they were convinced that the United States was irrevocably committed to the early launching
of an all-out nuclear attack against the USSR.

20. It is considered almost certain, once the Soviet leaders had decided
to initiate general war, that they would initiate it by surprise nuclear attacks
with the primary objective of destroying or neutralizing Western nuclear retaliatory capabilities both in North America and overseas. With foreseeable
Bloc air defense capabilities, the Soviet leaders would probably estimate that
only by achieving surprise with a significant force could they hope to reduce to
acceptable proportions the nuclear retaliation which would be launched against
the USSR by Western forces. Consequently, preparations and redeployment of
forces which, in the Soviet leaders' judgment, might give warning of their'
decision to proceed to general war, would have to be held to a minimum in
order to avoid premature disclosure of their intentions. However, their high
degree of internal security and the international situation at the time might
lead the Soviets to believe that they could carry out a considerable amount of
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preparation and redeployment without; vitiatiiig their attempts to achieve surprise.
Over a period of time, such activities could also be built into the patterns of routine military ac ti v ity for the purpose of disguising Bloc intentions.
However, it is probable that, immediately prior to initiation of general war,
they would feel obliged to hold to an absolute minimum any further preparations or redeployments they considered might disclose that decision. Thus,
the outbreak of general war would probably find the USSR at a state of military
readiness beyond that of ordinary peacetime, but ° short• -of what Soviet planners
might believe best for the most rapid exertion of their total military effort. B.

_(2) Allied lines of communications, especially to prevent the
projection overseas of warmaking strengths located in North America.
C.

To employ its

st
ren gths,

as appropriate, to des tor y,

neu t
ra li ze

or capture Allied war- supporting strengths including:
Economic and industrial resources.
Political and governmental control resources.

SOVIET WORLD-WIDE STRATEGY
Scientific and technological resources.

21.
Whatever the conditions which exist at the time of a Soviet decision
to initiate general war, it is estimated they will attempt to minimize warning
time for an atomic attack on North Americs. and upon Allied nuclear retaliatory
forces and bases wherever located.
The d•gree of warning afforded will depend in large measure upon the existing stalte of international relations and
the Western state of . readiness and reaction to the deployments of forces which
might have occurred previously.
22.
Soviet leaders probably believe that the leaders of the United States
and its Allies do not intend deliberately to initiate general war.
They probably now consider that general war would most likely grow out of miscalculations by either side, neither of which originally intended its respective actions
to result in general war.
Therefore, even though they now almost certainly
desire to avoid such a war, they cannot ignore the possibility that it might de=
velop, and their planners must prepare for it.
23. In planning for general war, the Soviet leaders must relate strategically desirable objectives to what is tactically feasible with forces at their
disposal. They probably would adopt as far as possible the following general
course of action for the Bloc:
a.

As the highest priority, initially to employ its strengths to attempt

the destruction or neutralization of Allied forces capable of causing immediate'
and significant damage to Bloc warmaking strengths.
More specifically to:
(1) Launch attacks designed to destroy Allied nuclear attack
forces using all appropriate forces, weapons and delivery systems.
(2)

Defend the Bloc territory against nuclear attack.

b.
To employ its strengths, as appropriate, to destroy, neutralize,
or reduce the effectiveness of other Allied forces- in- being by ground, air and
naval action.
Such actions probably would be planned for initiation as soon ,as
possible consistent with an attempt to achieve surprise in initial Soviet assaults on Allied. retaliatory forces. As appropriate, they would be launched
against:
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(1) Allied military strengths in Europe, the United Kingdom, the
Middle East and the Far East.
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Psychological resources.
d. To employ the strengths considered necessary to ensure the continued security of the Bloc and especially of the USSR.
C.

SOVIET STRATEGY AND OBJECTIVES IN RELATION TO ATTACK ON
NORTH AMERICA AS OPPOSED TO ATTACK ON OTHER AREAS
(GENERAL TARGET CONSIDERATIONS)

24. In planning for an attack against the North American continent, the
Soviets undoubtedly would seek to maximize their chance of securing surprise, consistent with the necessary weight of attack. - It is believed that
further preparations and deployment of Bloc forces beyond that which had
already occurred as a result of the international situation would be kept to a
minimum to avoid compromising the initial attacks, and in addition, the
Soviets might even take steps designed to reduce the fears and apprehensions
of the West.
25. For an operation against the North American Continent, the Soviet
planners would probably select as objectives for attack the following (not
necessarily listed in order of selection for attack):
a.

Nuclear retaliatory forces and facilities.

b.
Control centers from which direction is provided for governmental actions, continental defense and retaliatory offensive operations.
c. Population, transportation and communication centers.
Soviet
planning would probably seek to achieve the maximum effect on targets listed
in b and c above as bonu's effect from attack of nuclear retaliatory forces and
facilities.' However, some of the control centers and population and communications centers probably would be prime targets in the initial phase because
of the psychological effect which the Soviets might expect to achieve, as well
as to further the disruption and destruction of nuclear capabilities and other
warmaking strengths located in North America.
26. Against Nuclear Attack Capabilities.
The nuclear attack capabilities
of the U. S. and its Allies are such that in reaching their decision to initiate

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general war, the Soviet leaders must surely feel compelled to assess the possibilities of their initial attack reducing the Allied nuclear retaliation to an
extent which could prevent unacceptable damage to the USSR. It is reasonable
to assume that the Soviet planners would consider their most important objective to be the destruction of U. S. and other Western nuclear retaliatory ca=
pabilities. It can be assumed that the Soviets are adequately informed as to
the location of nuclear retaliatory facilities in North America. Furthermore,
the Soviets probably estimate that the number and types of such facilities will
increase substantially during the -period of this Estimate: They would, therefore, have to assess carefully the probable effectiveness of: a. Initial Bloc offensive operations against Allied nuclear forces
wherever located.
b.

The Bloc air defense system.

27. Against Industrial, Population and Political Centers. The Soviets
probably believe that attacks on governmental and military control centers
would so seriously disrupt governmental and military activities as to justify
primary attack against some of-these targets. It may well be that the Soviet
planners would expect to achieve significant results leading to a reduction of
U: S. and Canadian warmaking strenghts, including the ability to apply military force overseas, by attacking population concentrations and communication and transportation centers. They might also conclude that the psychological
reaction to tremendous casualties and widespread destruction inherent in such
attacks would greatly weaken the U. S. and Canadian will to resist. The number of area targets the Soviet leaders may attack will depend upon the forces
they have- available after the requirements of retaliatory targets have been
met and upon the level of destruction which they consider necessary. - They
would probably appreciate that attacks on 50-60 area targets would bring
under attack nearly 50 percent of North American population and about 60 percent of North American industry and communications facilities.
28. Outside North America. The Soviet leaders would probably select
as objectives western nuclear retaliatory capabilities throughout the world
(including naval forces with nuclear capabilities); control centers from which
direction is provided for governmental and military action; and industrial and
population centers. Most of these targets will be within range of "
Soviet shortrange weapons systems and will not compete 'for weapons with the campaign
against North America. However, the Soviet leaders probably will allot some
of their medium- range systems to attacks on these targets.

SECTION II
THREAT FROM . AIRCRAFT
A.

LONG-RANGE AVIATION

29. Soviet Long- Range Aviation ( LRA) (
Dalnyaya Aviatsiya) is composed of
Long- Range Aviation headquarters, three long-range air armies, an independent bomber corps and units of undetermined subordination in Western USSR.
Long- Range Aviation is primarily a medium bomber force, best suited for
operations against targets in and peripheral to Eurasia and is currently capable of large-scale attacks against North America only through extensive use
of one-way missions. About four- fifths of LRA aircraft are based in the area,
west of Moscow between Leningrad and the Black Sea; most of the remainder
are in the southern portion of the Soviet Far East; a few are in the Caucasus.
30.

Eurasian and Peripheral Operations

a. Base locations and normal pattern of activity of LRA would facilitate bombing missions launched directly from home bases to targets in Eurasia
and its periphery. Most important Allied targets outside North America-- including overseas air bases, potential IRBM sites, allied ports, naval operating
areas ; and industrial, military, governmental and communications centers-fall within the combat radii of Soviet medium bombers operating directly from
home bases. The Soviets have adequate facilities forlaunching simultaneously
a high proportion of LRA against targets in Eurasia and its periphery. Certain BADGER units have been trained and equipped to employ air to- surface
missiles of about 55 nautical mile range, probably designed primarily for
anti ship use but also suitable for attacking well-defined radar targets on land..
b. Some elements of Long- R ange . Aviation ( LRA) could be used in attacks against naval targets, but such participation at the outset of a war.
presumably would be limited to missions of the highest priority. The range,
speed and weapons capability of LRA aircraft make them particularly useful
for certain types of air-sea operations. LRA aircraft might be used for
reconnaissance, antishipping operations, aerial mining, and antisubmarine
warfare in cooperation with naval forces; however, such operations would .
normally be the responsibility of Soviet Naval Aviation. Long- Range Aviation
could also be used, if deemed desirable, to supplement tactical aviation in
direct support of front operations, although such employment is unlikely during the initial stages of a general war.. LRA un it s al
mos t certainly have received training in such support with simulated use of both nuclear and high
explosive weapons.
31.

Intercontinental Operations

a. The BEARS of LRA are capable of two-way operations against
Canada and the whole of the United States. BEARS operating from present
home bases would require staging in most cases. In the case of the staged
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BISON, operating from the Chukotski. area*., all but the southeastern portion
of the United States could be covered in two-way missions with one refueling.
Operational BISON units have conducted only a relatively small amount of
training in Arctic staging and inflight refueling, both of which would be essential for two-way operations against most North American targets.
b,
The Soviets have taken measures to prepare medium bomber
elements for the type of operations necessary for attack on North American
targets.
Training activities over the past several years have included more
realistic, larger scale exercises and long-range flights.
More recently,
there has almost certainly been an increasing number of flights -to potential
staging bases in the Soviet Arctic, though far fewer than would be expected
for a fully combat- ready capability against the United States.
By staging
through Chukotski bases",BADGERS could reach: Alaska, Greenland and
part of Canada on unrefueled two-way missions; more of Canada and a small
portion of the United States on refueled two-way missions; all of Canada and
much of the United States on unrefueled one-way missions; all United States
targets on refueled one-way missions.
c. At present a substantial inflight refueling capability is lacking
and -there is no evidence to indicate the development of an aircraft specifi
cally for use as a tanker.
However, more than one-fourth of the BISON and
BADGER regiments in Long- Range- Aviation have some BISONS and BADGERS
which are convertible tanker- bombers. Inflight refueling techniques will
probably be improved and extended to a larger part of this force.
32.

Maintenance and Training

maintenance facilities demanded by Western air forces; for example, most
maintenance is done in the open even in cold weather.
Further, the Soviet
airforces may accept reduced safety factors in order to maintain higher
serviceability rates. However, we consider that Long- Range Aviation is able
to maintain a serviceability rate of about 60 percent during peacetime operations, and that this could be raised to 90 percent after standdown. Roughly
similar figures are likely to apply even after the introduction of more complex
aircraft and equipment.
In general, we conside r th a t th e pro fi c iency of Long- Range Avia-

tion -crews is such that they can, in training but under adverse conditions,

See Subsection I for appraisal of air facilities in the Chukotski area
12

navigate to an assigned target and bomb with the accuracies shown in the table
below.
Under combat conditions these figures would suffer degradation.
CEP's in Feet

ALTITUDE
Fe et

VISUAL BOMBING

40,000
30,000
20,000

2, 100
1,400
900

33.

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.
Current Strength Estimate.

BLIND BOMBING, WITH RADAR
PoorlyWellDefined
Defined
Targets
Targets
2, 000
1,700
1,400

2,700
2, 300
2, 100

Aircraft now available that could be em-

ployed by the Soviet Union for attacks on North America are BADGER, BISON,
BEAR and BULL. It is estimated that on 1 January 1959, the .operational
strength of Soviet medium and heavy bombers and tankers totalled slightly
over 1, 900 aircraft ( 1, 385 BADGERS, 100-125 BEARS and BISONS, and 425
BULLS). Except for some 300 BADGERS in Naval Aviation and at least 100
BADGERS in Tactical Aviation, these aircraft belong to Soviet Long- Range
Aviation. There are no aircraft specifically designed as tankers, although
BADGER and BISON aircraft can be modified to serve as tankers to refuel
their bomber counterparts.
Some 3, 000 jet light bombers are also available
in the Soviet air forces for attacks on targets within range.
34.

a.
Soviet capabilities to carry out maintenance of aircraft and equipment in Long- Range Aviation appear to be comparable withthose of similarlyequipped Western air forces, although there are significant differences in
approach to the maintenance problem between the Soviet Union and the West.
The average Soviet technician may be somewhat less well qualified than his
Western counterpart, but Soviet equipment is relatively more simple to- maintain.
The Soviet air forces do not appear to consider essential the elaborate '

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Significant Future Developments and Trends

h. Future projections of the strength and composition of Soviet LongRange Aviation are complicated by the fact that at present the entire Soviet
medium and heavy bomber program is in a state of transition, involving considerably less current production than a year or two ago. The U. S. view is
that production at BADGER plants now appears to be tapering off, although it
will probably be sufficient to provide moderate further increases in the jet
medium bomber force.
The Canadian view is that BADGER production, if it
continues at all, will not be sufficient to do more than replace wastage.
The
one identified BISON plant, at Moscow, has continued to produce aircraft of
this type at a low and uneven rate, while its design bureau has been working to
develop a new type of large bomber. A total of about a dozen BISONS have
been'completed since April 1958, bringing cumulative production to about 100
aircraft.
There is still insufficient evidence to state categorically that BEAR
production has ceased entirely; however, we believe it unlikely that any new
,BEAR bombers have been produced for well over a year, or that more than 50
to 60 were produced altogether.
The one identified producer has probably
been overhauling existing BEARS modifying some aircraft of this type for
transport use, and building a few new transports of the CLEAT type ( similar
to the BEAR). Despite the decline in long-range bomber production, the
USSR's plant capacity suitable for production of large aircraft has been considerably enlarged over the last few years, and there is some evidence to
suggest that several plants are preparing to produce large bombers and/or
transports.

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b. Research and development in new bomber types has continued,
and we believe that it will be intensively pursued throughout.the period of this
estimate. Considering the demonstrated level of Soviet technology in such
fields as aircraft propulsion and aerodynamics, and the normal development
of these capabilities, we have estimated that within the next few years the
USSR could probably produce: ( 1) improved versions ofth e BISON an d
BADGER, at any time; (2) a new subsonic heavy bomber with range and other
performance characteristics somewhat better than those of an improved
BISON, in 1959 or 1960; ( 3) a new medium bomber with supersonic " dash"
capabilities and a range approximating that of an improved BADGER, in 1960
or 1961.
c.
Since- none of these aircraft types would add substantially to
Soviet capabilities for two-way intercontinental operations, we have reasoned
that the USSR might have proceeded directly to the development of more advanced types; such as a heavy bomber powered by high-energy chemicalfuel,
capable of supersonic speed and high altitude, or possibly a subsonic nuclearpowered aircraft capable of long endurance, even at low atlitudes. We continue to estimate that some aircraft of either or boththese types could probably.
be in operational units by mid- 1963. We also believe that within the next few
years ( 1959-1961)•the USSR could fly an airborne nuclear testbed, with at
least one nuclear power unit providing useful thrust during some phase of the
flight. The attainment of a nuclear propulsion system for operational use in
supersonic aircraft would probably require a long test and development program -extending beyond 1963.
d. Recent evidence of Soviet developmental efforts includes the observationat Moscow of a new bomber, designated BOUNDER, o flarge si
ze
and heavy weight, with a modified delta- wing configuration- apparently designed for supersonic flight. With the limited information available, it has
not been possible- to determine the BOUNDER's intended mission, but we believe it could represent a significant step forward in Soviet bomber design.
Preliminary analysis indicates BOUNDER to be powered by four turbojet
engines. The use of conventional fuels would give it a r ange marginal for
intercontinental bombing. The possibility for development of BOUNDER with
a more advanced propulsion system exists and the design intent for a nuclear
powered vehicle cannot be - excluded at this time. However, present information is inadequate to permit an estimate of BOUNDER's probable development.
e. Our evidence also continues to support the possible existence of
one or more other prototypes of new or improved long-range bombers. Past
experience indicates that existing prototypes may represent competitive designs. The Soviets may not yet have evaluated such prototypes in relation to
each other or to their missile programs. Such evaluation will have an important bearing on the future strength and composition of Long- Range Aviation. Evidence indicates that the USSR is continuing its intensive program in
aeronautical research and development. However, Soviet aircraft developed
to date indicate aerodynamic, - structural and propulsion capabilities somewhat
less than those of the United States. . Fabrication techniques are five to ten
years behind the U. S. , resulting in higher structural weights and performance
I

14

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penalties. Inits theoretical aspects Soviet aeronautical research is considered
generally equal to that of the U. S. ; in particular, there is some evidence indicating a high capability in transonic and supersonic aerodynamics. In experimental or applied fields, Soviet capability is difficult to assess because _
of lack of information, but the display of several new interceptors and a high
speed bomber in 1956 followed by another bomber and five new transport
aircraft in 1957 and " BOUNDER" in 1958 attest to both the diversity and magnitude of the Soviet aeronautical research and development effort. There - is
evidence that some of these aircraft have poor stability and have been delayed
in becoming operational.
f - Future Strength Estimate. The USSR is continuing to strive for
technological superiority over the Western Allies in intercontinental weapons
systems. It is believed that the Soviets will rely increasingly on missiles as
long-range delivery systems as the period advances. There is no question
that by mid- 1963 the Soviets could produce and put into operational units five
or six hundred subsonic heavy bombers and tankers, should they desire this
large a force of subsonic aircraft, augmented by -small numbers of advanced
types. It appears more likely, however, that the Soviet heavy bomber .and
tanker force will remain considerably smaller than this-- say about 150 to
300. The actual size of the force in 1963 and thereafter will depend upon the
interplay of many fact ors , suc h as Sov iet requirements and technological. developments. Meaningful strength estimates cannot be provided for the post
1963 period. The number of medium bombers in LRA will probably decrease
during the mid- range period. BULLS will probably have phased out entirely
shortly after mid- 1960. Supersonic " dash" medium bombers may become an
important element in the force by mid- 1963 but BADGERS will .probably have
continuing utility. (
See Table 1, which follows paragraph 38. )
B.

TACTICAL AVIATION

35. Soviet Tactical Aviation is composed of 14 air armies, four military
district air forces ( MDAFs)., and three separate air divisions in Hungary.
Soviet Tactical Aviation has demonstrated the capability to operate throughout
the year under Arctic conditions. Operations can be conducted from frozen
surfaces and from packed snow runways. Although limited by logistic considerations and forced acceptance of lower serviceability, past Arctic training
has been sufficient to qualify a considerable number of aviation personnel of
the tactical forces in Arctic operations. Tactical Aviation is not expected to
be involved in an attack on North America, except Alaska.
C.

NAVAL AVIATION

36. Soviet Naval Aviation has a considerable strike capability which includes nuclear bombs and air- to- surface missiles. Both the medium and
light jet bombers of Naval Aviation can carry nuclear bombs. The medium
bombers are equipped to deliver air- to- surface missiles against naval units
and other well defined targets. Soviet Naval Aviation, which is wholly land
based, is located for the most part in the vicinity of the major fleet operating
bases. Soviet Naval Aviation is organized to operate with naval forces in the

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A0036847126-000864

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accomplishment of other missions such,as -ASW, reconnaissance, mining,
etc.
37. During an attack on North America, Soviet Naval Aviation fighter
units will probably be employed to defend the.Soviet fleet areas and na v al
units against air att ac k by Alli e d forces.
The medium and light bombers will
be employed to attack Allied .naval forces which immediately threaten the
GrSSR. Although.Naval Aviation BADGERS could be utilized to supplement
Long- Range Aviation attacks or in independent ope.rations against Alaska, it
is considered that Naval A v iati on wou ld be use d aga i
nst Allied naval task
forces, sea communications, and other targets outside North America. It
is estimated that the USSR will not employ Naval Aviation to attack targets
in North America.
38. Naval Aviation je t me di um bomber
in Table 1, Sub- Section D, following:.

strength estimates

are

contained

ESTIMATED SOVIET MEDIUM AND HEAVY BOMBER STRENGTH

MID-- 1959

Long- Range Aviation
(includes tankers)

PIST ON MEDIUM
BOMBERS

TABLE 1 - ESTIMATED SOVIET MEDIUM AND HEAVY BOMBER STRENGTH
- ESTIMATED PERFORMANCE LONG-RANGE AIRCRAFT

JET
HEAVY
MEDIUM BOMBERS
BOMBERS
U. S. View Canadian View

1,025

300

Naval Aviation

350

Tactical Aviation

100

MID- 1960

D. TABLES

TABLE 2

TABLE 1

Long- Range Aviation
(includes tankers)

100-150
1,400

U.S. View

150

1,100 )

(
Tactical Aviation

TABLE 4 - ESTIMATED PERFORMANCE TRANSPORT AIRCRAFT

MID- i963
Long- Range Aviation
(includes tankers)
Naval Aviation
.Tactical Aviation
NOTE 1:

100-200
1,350

Naval Aviation

TABLE 3 - ESTIMATED PERFORMANCE LIGHT BOMBERS

Canadian View

575* )

800
(
(

(includes supersonic " dash"
types)

150-300,

675*

(

In estimating the operational strength and composition of Soviet
Long- Range Aviation, heavy bomber and tanker figures for 1959 and
1960 have been projected as lying within a range.
The low side reflects a Soviet option to forego further build-up of their heavy bomber
force through 1960. The high side reflects a Soviet option to produce
some additional aircraft of BISON and/or BEAR types, and to introduce a new subsonic heavy bomber into operational units before mid1960.

The figures given above take into account an observed trend toward an increase in the number of BADGERS being assigned to Naval and Tactical
Aviation. Further an
is required be fore an accurate assessment ,
of
the allocation of BADGERS to each of these forces can be made.
16

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ECRET .-

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17

A0036847127-000865

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POSSIBLE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT 1/

There is no question that Iyi ­ iiid-1963 the Soviets could produce and
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such as Soviet requirements and technological developments.
fuel reserves are

NOTE 2:

.TOP SECRET

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O

TOP SECRET

3, 300 lb bombload

WV

SECRET

Terminal Target Altitude ( ft) 9/

There is no question that Iyi ­ iiid-1963 the Soviets could produce and
put into operational units five or six hundred heavy bombers and
tankers, should they desire this large a force of such subsonic aircraft, augmented- by small numbers of advanced types.
It seems
more likely, however, that the Soviet heavy bomber and tanker
force will remain smaller than this. -. The actual size of the force
in 1963 and thereafter will depend upon the interplay of many factors,
such as Soviet requirements and technological developments.

l

TOP

Combat Ceiling ( ft)

TOP SECRET
NOTE 2:

18

495/21,600

530/18,000

550/13,200

350/30,000

fuel reserves are

POSSIBLE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT 1/

Combat Radius/Range ( nm)

,.

�Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur l'occes it Pinformotion

TABLE 2 - Footnotes

O

O
Additional possible developments during the period of this estimate, for which no detailed performance characteristics
have been estimated, are mentioned in the Discussion, Section II A, para. 6.

H
r'r1
C7
T

Refueling estimates based upon uses of compatible tankers which provide approximately 30-40 percent increase in
radius/range.

3'/

Future improvements of BISON and BADGER aircraft are based on normal expected improvements through the 1960
period; in particular, replacement of the present 18, 000 lb, thrust engines with those having a thrust of about 20, 500 lbs.

4/

Jet medium bomber with supersonic " dash" capability.

5/

Capable of carrying 100 nm range ASM, of approximately 11, 000 lb. gross weight.

6/

Includes 500 nm " dash" at Mach 1.5.

7/

For 10, 000 lb bombload unless otherwise indicated.

8/

For 3, 300 lb bombload.

9/

Service ceiling at maximum power with one hour fuel reserves plus bombload aboard.
with this altitude.

No range figure is associated

O
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C/7

m
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r-n

1
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TABLE 3

--q
O

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ESTIMATED PERFORMANCE OF SOVIET LIGHT BOMBER AIRCRAFT*

m

n
(Optimum Mission Profile)

t'n
--1

Combat Radius/

1954

1951

1959
MADGE

MADGE —

BEAGLE

BOSUN

(
Turboprop)

735/1,400

580/1,450

745/1,400

765/1,510

950/2,200

4,400

3,000

4,400

4,400

4,400

1950

1951

BEAGLE

1/

SUPERSONIC

4/ ,

Tactical

900//1,600 3/

Range ( nm)
Bombload ( lbs)
Maximum Speed at

460/15,000

165/SL

480/9,000

475/15,000

385/39,000

11,0/5,000

395/42,200

400/35,.100

43,800

20,200

46,900

39,500

270/5,000

6,600
705/Ml.23/35,000

Optimum Altitude ( Kts/ft)
Target Speed/Target

610/M1.06/43, 300

Altitude ( Kts/ft)
Combat Ceiling ( ft)

22,000

49,400
(57, 300 with
afterburning)

1/

May also be used in antisubmarine warfare

2/

Includes 50 nm supersonic dash

3/

Includes 100 nm supersonic dash

4/

Expected to become operational in the 1958-1963 period

O

-a.

C/)
M

C7
*From NIE 11-4-58, dated 23 December 1958

m

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TOP SECRET

22

140/10000

230/15000

500/20000
280/17000
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231/10000

Service Ce

730/1440

Normal rated power

Constant altitude mission

'From NIE 11-4-58, dated 23 December 1958

TOP SECRET

E.

Document disclosed under the Access to Information Art-

Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur Pacces it Pinformatio

TOP SECRET

ALLOCATIONS OF AIRCRAFT FOR ATTACK ON NORTH AMERICA

39. Long- Range Aviation. The magnitude of the long-range force which
the Soviet Union might launch in an initial surprise attack would not only
vary according to the types of missions undertaken but would depend upon such
factors as base capacity, aircraft performance, crew proficiency, operating
conditions, the availability and destructiveness of nuclear weapons, and upon
the Soviet assessment of North American defense capabilities. Because intelligence on some of the above factors is limited, only generalized allocation
estimates can be provided.

40. It is believed that the whole of the available heavy bomber force plus
a substantial portion of the medium bomber force of Long- Range Aviation
would be employed in operations against North America. It is believed that
the USSR would employ convertible bomber- tankers in the tanker role as a
range extension measure. Those medium and heavy jet bombers not intended
for utilization in the tanker role would be allocated to strike forces against
North American and peripheral targets according to relative target priority.
In addition to planning for operations against nuclear attack forces and facilities located on the North American Continent, the Soviet leaders would certainly plan attacks on Allied nuclear delivery forces, including carrier task
forces, and their associated bases located outside North America.
The USSR
would probably attempt to ensure that sufficient weight in the initial attack is
allocated to operations aimed at the neutralization of these bases.

41. D4ring the period mid- 1959 to mid- 1963, the ICBM will assume increasing impbrtance as an intercontinental delivery vehicle.
Soviet long-range
striking capabilities will lie primarily in a mixed force of manned bombers
(probably equipped increasingly with air- to- surface missiles) and ballistic
missiles. It appears likely that the total medium and heavy bomber strength
of Soviet Long- Range Ayiation will have declined by mid- 1963. In the post1963 period, allocations of long-range aircraft for operations against North
America would be influenced by a variety of factors including: Soviet success
with newer aircraft capable of striking this continent; availability, reliability
and accuracy of ICBM's and other advanced weapon systems; the numbers,
types, and vulnerability of North American target objectives; the capabilities
of existing air defense systems; and Soviet progress in space flight programs.

23

42. Tactical Aviation (Against Alaska). While substantial Tactical Aviation strength is estimated to be stationed in the Soviet Far East, it is believed
that there is only a small number of fighter aircraft in the Chukotski area.
Soviet jet lightbombers andfighters could be staged through Chukotski for
attacks against Alaska. However, considering the logistic limitations of
Northern Siberia, the probable utilization of that area for long-range bomber
staging, and the relatively few Alaskan targets of probable significance to the
Soviets, it is estimated that the number of Tactical Aviation jet light bombers
and fighters likely to be employed against Alaska would be quite small. It is
also possible that limited numbers of BADGER aircraft assigned to Tactical

Aviation units in the Soviet Far East would be employed against Alaskan
targets.

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22

41. D4ring the period mid- 1959 to mid- 1963, the ICBM will assume increasing impbrtance as an intercontinental delivery vehicle.
Soviet long-range
striking capabilities will lie primarily in a mixed force of manned bombers
(probably equipped increasingly with air- to- surface missiles) and ballistic
missiles. It appears likely that the total medium and heavy bomber strength
of Soviet Long- Range Ayiation will have declined by mid- 1963. In the post1963 period, allocations of long-range aircraft for operations against North
America would be influenced by a variety of factors including: Soviet success
with newer aircraft capable of striking this continent; availability, reliability
and accuracy of ICBM's and other advanced weapon systems; the numbers,
types, and vulnerability of North American target objectives; the capabilities
of existing air defense systems; and Soviet progress in space flight programs.

b

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40. It is believed that the whole of the available heavy bomber force plus
a substantial portion of the medium bomber force of Long- Range Aviation
would be employed in operations against North America. It is believed that
the USSR would employ convertible bomber- tankers in the tanker role as a
range extension measure. Those medium and heavy jet bombers not intended
for utilization in the tanker role would be allocated to strike forces against
North American and peripheral targets according to relative target priority.
In addition to planning for operations against nuclear attack forces and facilities located on the North American Continent, the Soviet leaders would certainly plan attacks on Allied nuclear delivery forces, including carrier task
forces, and their associated bases located outside North America.
The USSR
would probably attempt to ensure that sufficient weight in the initial attack is
allocated to operations aimed at the neutralization of these bases.

'From NIE 11-4-58, dated 23 December 1958

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39. Long- Range Aviation. The magnitude of the long-range force which
the Soviet Union might launch in an initial surprise attack would not only
vary according to the types of missions undertaken but would depend upon such
factors as base capacity, aircraft performance, crew proficiency, operating
conditions, the availability and destructiveness of nuclear weapons, and upon
the Soviet assessment of North American defense capabilities. Because intelligence on some of the above factors is limited, only generalized allocation
estimates can be provided.

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42. Tactical Aviation (Against Alaska). While substantial Tactical Aviation strength is estimated to be stationed in the Soviet Far East, it is believed
that there is only a small number of fighter aircraft in the Chukotski area.
Soviet jet lightbombers andfighters could be staged through Chukotski for
attacks against Alaska. However, considering the logistic limitations of
Northern Siberia, the probable utilization of that area for long-range bomber
staging, and the relatively few Alaskan targets of probable significance to the
Soviets, it is estimated that the number of Tactical Aviation jet light bombers
and fighters likely to be employed against Alaska would be quite small. It is
also possible that limited numbers of BADGER aircraft assigned to Tactical
Aviation units in the Soviet Far East would be employed against Alaskan
targets.

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F.

OPERATIONAL ATTRITION FACTORB

43.. It is estimated that the Soviets have the capability to launch the following percentages of their Long- Range Aviation aircraft committed on initial
operations against North America:

a• Ninety percent ( and possibly more in 1962) of aircraft at home
bases will be in commission after stand- down.
b•
Eighty-five percent ( 90 percent by mid- 1961) of these aircraft in
commission at home bases will be launched from staging bases ( includes attrition en route to, and while at staging bases).
c•
Eighty percent ( 85 percent in 1962) of those launched from staging
bases and conducting unrefueled missions will arrive in target area ( excluding
combat attrition).
d.
Seventy-five percent ( 80 percentin 1962) of those aircraft launched
from home bases conducting refueled missions will arrive in target areas ( excluding combat attrition).
Most of the aircraft denied to the initial attack by operational attrition would
be available for subsequent attacks or for attacks in the Eurasian area.
44.
Extremes in weather conditions at different staging areas would seriously complicate the coordinated launching of a large-scale intercontinental
strike force from widely separated areas within the USSR.
G.

ELECTRONIC SYSTEMS

45. Penetration Aids. It is estimated that the USSR probably is developing, and may have in an operational status now, an air- launched decoy to simulate medium or heavy bombers. These decoys could use radar corner reflectors and/or echo simulators to increase their radar reflectivity and a relatively simple guidance system preset to a programmed flight pattern.
They
probably utilize'turbojet engines to give them flight performance comparable
to that of the bombers which they are intended to simulate. No estimate is
available as to their size; therefore, no accurate estimate can be made of the
numbers of decoys which could be carried by the various types of aircraft.
On
subsonic bombers, the decoys could be carried externally, with some degradation to aircraft performance. Internal storage, probably a necessity for supersonic bombers, would result in a reduction in the bomber's weapon carrying
capability, depending upon the decoys' sizes.
46.

Navigational Aids

a. The Soviets employ automatic radio compasses capable of providing bearings accurate to three degrees or better onfairly strong signals. Their
airborne ILS components are: ( 1) a localizer receiver; ( 2) glide path receiver;
(3) marker beacon receiver; (4) distance measuring equipment and ( 5) airborne
24

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radar. Additional equipment includes radio altimeters, both highandlow. For
bombing at short-range there is a system comparable to the U. S. SHORAN.
They also employ RENDEZVOUS beacons and a VHF homing/DME system.
GCA techniques are in widespread use. For long-range navigation, it is estimated the Soviets have operational the MOON system, with coverage over
most of the European continent.
This is a low frequency, pulse type, hyperbolic system, which employs an airborne receiver and three or more ground
stations. Improvements in this long-range navigation system may take the
form of a more refined phase comparison system at a lower frequency during
the period of this Estimate. For navigation beyond the range of Soviet radio
aids, celestial and inertial techniques will be used.
b. During the mid- range period to 1963, the Soviets are expected to .
use existing or improved versions of present navigational equipment.
Of primary importance will be radio and radar beacons, hyperbolic systems, radio
direction finding, ground- to- air data link control systems, SHORAN type
equipment, and radar sighting techniques. During this period, it is estimated
that efforts will be concentrated upon outfitting deficient areas and aircraft
with auxiliary aids such as radar beacons, ground control approach radar,
distance measuring equipment, and improved instrument landing systems.
Such a program appears vitally necessary in order to improve their allweather operational capability.
c.

During the period 1963-1968, th e Sovie t a ir forces are

expecte d

to develop new equipment and techniques such as improved azimuth references,
Doppler/Inertial Ground Position Indicators, and improved ground- air data
link systems. It is'further expected that currently known devices will continue in use by aircraft of limited mission requirements.
47. Identification. The principal IFF system in us anow is a multichannel
system similar to the U. S. World W ar II M ar k III . A new, hi g h frequency,
IFF system has replaced the old Mark III- type system on the modern surface
of the Soviet fleet. It is probable that this or a similar system will soon
be employed by ground and air forces. During the mid- range period an airto-air IFF system integrated with the AI radar is estimated. These equipments are capable of a line- of- sight operational range up to at least 150 nautic al miles.

ships

H.

TYPICAL FLIGHT ROUTES AND PROFILES

48. Range limitations of Soviet aircraft impose substantial restrictions on
the number of alternate routes open to th e Sov iets i
n planning attacks on North
American targets. Possible routes include Great Circle routes between staging base and target, and, principally for refueled aircraft, deviations from
Great Circle routes to avoid overflight of major Allied defense and warning
systems. From the Soviet Far East, for example, routes might be chosen to
by-pass Alaska and penetrate the continental area from the west and from the
north. From the Kola Peninsula, routes could be selected which would decrease the risk of early detection by Allied warning systems in Iceland and
Greenland. Attacks from interior bases and from bases in the central Arctic

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area could be routed over the Polar area. " End- run"- routes ,to clear the .DEW
LINE extensions offer possible alternatives to the more- direct-routes de _ scribed above, but are consdiered- less likely due to the addition in .flight distances. Aircraft range limitations also restrict variations in flight profiles
open to Soviet planners. While the range capabilities of the BEAR could permit its utilization in low.level operations, necessary sacrifices in range for
jet bombers currently available to Soviet Long- Range: Aviation would militate
against such tactics. The development of very long-range truly intercontinental aircraft would afford the Soviets considerably greater latitude in the selection of alternate routes and flight profiles.
I.

AIR FACILITIES

49. Airfield development in Soviet Bloc areas continues to be directed .
primarily toward 'improving base facilities to meet the increasing requirements of modern operational aircraft. This improvement has kept pace with
the development of aircraft.
50. There are approximately 25 airfields in the Soviet Union believed to
be " home" bases for operational Long-. Range Aviation units equipped with
bomber aircraft. All but three of these installations are located in European
USSR. In addition, there is a number of airfields associated with command
and/or training units, factory production and deli ve ry, an d testing- and development which must also be considered an integral part of the base structure
of Soviet Long- Range Aviation. Moreover, there are many other airfields in
the:Soviet Bloc areas whichhave concrete runways suitable for heavy bombers.
(See para. 53). These airfields could be utilized as auxiliary bases to insure'
maximum aircraft dispersal away from home bases, but the actual designation
of such auxiliary fields within the Soviet Long- Range Aviation home base
structure cannot be verified.
51. It is estimated that the Soviets will continue to develop their air facilities to accommodate requirements anticipated during the period of- this.
Estimate. Paralleling the runway improvement in " home" base areas has
been the indicated development in the Arctic peripheral areas of runways capable of handling medium and heavybombers. It is estimated that runways at
major airfields throughout the Soviet Arctic, suitable for staging operations,
have been improved or are undergoing improvement.
52. Maintenance facilities are available at all home bases with major repairs accomplished at central repair bases which serve several operational
bases. ' POL bulk storage facilities, with equipment for rapidly dispensing it,
are available at Soviet Long- Range Aviation home bases. Most of the bases
have two separate fuel storage areas, usually located in fenced security zones.
In general peacetime practice, the Soviets maintain a sufficient. supply of fuel
on- field to satisfy requirements of at least 10 days of - sustained operations- by
no
deployed aircraft. Most o f- the a irfi e ld s i
n th e.- f
orwar d areas , w hi c h
have received runway development sufficient to permit operations of long'- range
aircraft ,are known to have-POL storage faciliti e s: The major airfields are
believed to have bulk supplies available. Others with runways suitable for
26
1

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staging only medium bombers have more limited storage facilities, but it is
believed that their capacity is sufficient to accommodate aircraft in.-numbers
commensurate with the runway and parking facilities available. Nuclear
weapons storage sites have been identified at many LRA home bases and there
are possibly storage facilities at some of .the major forward staging bases..
The logistics requirements of air defense and Naval Aviation units which may
be stationed on certain forward bases would not appreciably conflict with
Long- Range Aviation staging requirements; ample supplies could be made'
available to satisfy such dual requirements for critical periods of time.
53. There are six forward base areas within the Soviet Bloc that could be
used for staging operations against the continental United States. These areas
are: the Kola Peninsula area, the Leningrad area, the Central Arctic area,
the - Chukotski Peninsula area, the Kamchatka Peninsula area, and the Northern European Satellite area. Each of these potential staging areas has air-'
fields that are suitable* for the staging of both medium and heavy :Soviet
bombers. Some of these airfields are currently supporting units of jet fighters,
jet light bombers, or transport aircraft. ( See table below)
Soviet Airfield Capabilities
In Selected Forward Areas

Area

No. of Airfields
Suitable for
Medium and Heavy
Bomber Staging

Additional Airfields
Suitable for
Medium Bomber
Staging

l..

Kola - White Sea

4

13.

2.

Leningrad (within
200 n. m. of city)

5

25

3.

Central Arctic Coast
(Including Arctic
Archipelagoes)

5 ( including
2 seasonal
strips)

2-6

4.

Chukotski .

3

2

5.

Kamchatka

1

3

about 25

about 60.

6.' ' North European
Satellites

Airfields considered suitable for those fields having the following known or estimated facilities; for medium jet bombers, runways of at least- 6', 000 feet;
for heavy jet or turboprop bombers; runways of at least -7, 50.0 feet; minimum
refueling facilities, maintenance facilities, and parking facilities at least for
handling simultaneously squadron size operations : In addition,-there are
estimated to be a minimum navigational facilities': ~-

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SECTION III
THREAT FROM MISSILES*
A.

AIR- TO- SURFACE MISSILES

54. During the period of this estimate, the USSR will have requirements
for air-to- surface missile systems to reduce bomber attrition and increase
the probability of successful air attack against targets with heavy local defenses. In establishing requirements for air- to- surface missile systems -during the period of this estimate, Soviet military planners would need to consider
foreseeable improvements in Western land and shipborne air defense systems.
They would probably assess Western air defenses about as follows:
a. From 1958 on, capabilities of Western surface-to-air guided
missiles will be gradually improved from present ranges of 25-85 n.m. and
altitudes of up to about 80, 000 feet. Land and shipborne interceptor aircraft
will be armed with air-to-air guided missiles and unguided rockets (including
some armed with nuclear warheads) which will be continuously modified and
improved.
b. In addition, by 1961 and throughout the, remainder of the period
of the estimate, Western land- based surface-to-air guided missiles will have
ranges up to 200 n.m. and possibly greater. The range of Western shipborne
surface-to-air guided missiles will increase to about 100 nautical miles.
c. From 1958 throughout the period of the estimate, Soviet planners
would consider that they would face increasingly effective early warning radar
and semi- automatic GCI equipments.
55. In 1947, the USSR began development of an air- to- surface guided
missile (AS- 1) which we now believe was operational in Soviet medium bomber
units in 1956-1957. The guidance system, which was developed with the assistance of German designers and designated as " Komet", employs beamriding for the first part of the trajectory and semi- active radar homing for
terminal guidance. The speed of the missile is about . 8 Mach and it has a
maximum range from the launching aircraft of about 55 nautical miles. Employment of this missile system requires that the launching aircraft be at .
altitudes of 10, 000 to 20, 000 feet. The missile then flies at a flat angle approach. It is estimated to carry a nuclear or possibly HE payload and to
attain a CEP of about 150 feet against ships at sea or other similarly welldefined radar targets.

i

I

'Li

56. We have estimated that the USSR also has a requirement for a general
purpose 55 n.m. air-to- surface missile that would not require such welldefined targets and could be employed against a wider variety of targets, including those on land. Although there is no evidence to s.o indicate, we believe

'i

For details of missiles described in this SECTION, see Tables 5 and 6 which
follow paragraph 95.

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it well within Soviet capabilities to modify the above missile system by substitution of a radar-track/radio command guidance system attaining a CEP of
1, 500 feet.
57.
The weapons systems described;in paragraphs 58 and 59 below are
considered tentative proposals. Further study by the U. S. and Canada will
be required before agreement can be reached as to which of these air- tosurface weapons systems the Soviets will adopt.
58. We estimate that the USSR will develop a supersonic air- to- surface
missile system (AS- 2), with a range of at least 100 n. m. and with improved
propulsion and guidance systems. Such a system could become available to
Soviet bomber units during the 1960-1961 period. For use against general
land targets, this missile could employ any one of several guidance systems,
including radar or inertial types, and could probably achieve CEP's of onehalf to two .n. m. depending upon the. system chosen. Modification of this missile by the addition of terminal homing guidance would make it more accurate
against well-defined radar targets such as ships.
59. It is estimated that there'is a Soviet requirement for an air- tosurface missile of 250-500 n. m. range having a megaton warhead and which
would be designed primarily for employment with a supersonic dash or fully
supersonic aircraft. It could have the following characteristics:
Availability Date - 1962-64

problems.
62. The USSR has produced a considerable number of BADGER jet medium bombers, which we estimate are the primary carriers for the AS- 1, although larger aircraft could also be modified as missile carriers.
Production
of the aircraft and associated navigational and electronic equipment represent
the major portion of the investment required in establishing this missile system. This investment has been made. We do not believe that the necessary
modifications would seriously hinder the establishment of a significant operational capability with missile equipped aircraft.
B.

SHORT-RANGE BALLISTIC MISSILES (AGAINST ALASKA)
63.

The USSR is expected to have short-range missiles (less than 700

n. m. range) throughout the period of this Estimate, which almost certainly
could be made available in adequate quantities for attack on suitable North
American targets, such as radar stations, which might be within range.
There is, however, no evidence of Soviet positioning of short-range ballistic
missiles in areas within reach of North America.
f

Max. Altitude - 80, 000 feet

C.

Max. Speed - Mach 2. 5
Guidance - Inertial
CEP - 2 n. m. ( at 500 mile range) inclusive of aircraft navigation
error.
Range - 250-500 n. m.
Weight - 14, 000 lbs.
Warhead - up to 2 MT (Canadian view only).
Reliability - 80%
60. Equipping of any of the preceding air-to- surface missiles with guidance systems capable of homing on radiating radar transmitters is believed to
be within Soviet capabilities. Development of a special type of passive seeker
will be the only major development necessary to fulfill this requirement. We
estimate that guidance systems of this nature could be available in 1958, although there is no evidence to support this development.

30

61.
We believe that the 55 n. m. subsonic air- to- surface missile is now
in series production. However, we have no direct evidence regarding the
Soviet facilities engaged in this production.
The problems of producing this
missile are similar to those encountered in the production of aircraft. Because of the limited number of missiles carried per aircraft, and the somewhat limited operational requirement for its employment, production of the
over-all quantity required by the USSR should not impose serious economic

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INTERMEbIATE RANGE BALLISTIC MISSILES (AGAINST ALASKA)

64. As of late 1958 it is estimated that the Soviets may have had an operational capability with as many as several hundred of the 700 n. m. ballistic
missiles, and with a few 1, 100 n. m. ballistic missiles. It is probable that
the bulk of these missiles would be allocated for attack on other than North
American targets. With such missiles-, the USSR could make supplementary
attacks on the Aleutian Islands and -on all Alaska as far as Juneau. However,
there is no evidence at present of missile launching sites in Chukotski.
65. It is possible that the USSR will develop during the period of this estimate an intermediate range ballistic missile system with a maximum range
of at least 1, 600 n. m. , capable of being launched from Soviet territory against
virtually all peripheral targets. Tentative Soviet interest in such a system
was indicated as early as 1949, but there has been no'further evidence of developmental work or test firing activities to this range.
Considering the target coverage achievable -with 700 and - 1, 100 n. m. mis siles , and the availability
of other delivery systems for coverage of more distant peripheral targets, we
believe that a nominal 1, 600 mile missile'is probably viewed by Soviet planners as having a fairly low priority at the present ,time. They might therefore
have deferred developmental effort until they could expect sophisticated guidance, solid or storable liquid propellants and improved mobility to be available.

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In any case, the initiation of test firings would probably precede first operational capability by about two years.
66. The system could be introduced in the period 1964-65, and couldhave
the following characteristics:
Maximum range - 1, 600 n. m.
Warhead - up to 5 MT (Canadian view only)
Guidance - inertial
CEP - 1. 5 n. m.
Reliability - '85%
Two to three years later, the CEP could be rediiced.to 0:5 n. m. and the reliability increased to 95 percent.
D.

INTERCONTINENTAL BALLISTIC MISSILES

67.
On the basis of sufficient intelligence coverage to establish with a
high degree , of confidence the number of Soviet ICBM test firings, it is clear
that over the past year this number has not been as great as we had antici pated*. Nevertheless, considering the Soviets' progress in the whole field-of
missiles and the capabilities demonstrated in their ICBM, earth satellite, and.
other ballistic missile launchings, the U. S. estimates that the USSR will
probably achieve a first operational capability with 10 prototype ICBM's at
sometine during the year 1959.
While it is possible that a limited capability
with comparatively unproven ICBM's might have been- established in 1958,
the U. S. believes this to be unlikely. The Canadian view is that the USSR
will probably achieve first operational capability with this missile sometime
in 1960 but does not exclude the possibility that this could occur in 1959. --68.
We believe that Soviet planners -intend to acquire a sizeable ICBM
operational capability at the earliest practicable date. However, we have
insufficient evidence to judge the magnitude and -pace of a `Soviet program to
NOTE:

32

Some statements by high Soviet officials during the past year -have
indicated that the USSR already possessed, or at least wished us to
think it possessed, a considerable operational ICBM capability.
Such a capability cannot be ruled out as impossible if the Soviets
have had a test philosophy involving fewer long-range tests and
more reliance upon component tests at Kapustin Yar than we think
likely.
Such a philosophy would run greater risks of failure and
provide less assurance of accuracy and reliability but also. (if all
went well) much more rapid achievement of operational capability.
The Soviets may- have believed the political and psychological value
of ICBM's is so great as to justify extreme measures to attain a
substantial and early deployment.
I

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produce and deploy ICBM's.
Considerable preparations for a build-up of operational ICBM capabilities could already have been made without detection
by intelligence, as implied by Khrushchev's recent statement that th e pro duc tion of ICBM's has been " successfully set up". In the light of such indirect
evidence as exists, we have considered those factors which would affect an
operational ICBM build-up, including the Soviet capacity to produce missiles
and associated equipment, and concurrently to complete launching facilities,
establi.sh logistic lines, and train operational units.
69. Taking into account the complexities of the tasks which would have to
be accomplished, we believe that the USSR could achieve an operational capability with 500 ICBM's* about three years after first operational capability
date. With overriding priority and exceptional success in the test and production program, this capability might be achieved in as little as two years after
first operational capability date. Assuming a build-.up in three years from
first operational capability to a capability with 500 ICBM's, a capability with
100 ICBM's* would be achieved'in about a year and a half; assuming a two
year build-up, 100 would be achieved in about a year. The achievement of
operational capabilities such as these within the time periods estimated would
require an extremely high order of planning and accomplishment, and would
also require an increase in the average rate of ICBM firings for test and
training purposes.
70. The performance of this ICBM can be expected to be improved. By
1963, its CEP will probably-be reduced from 5 to 2. 5 n, m. (**) as guidance
system errors become less. Further improvement to.about 2 n. m. may be
expected- by about 1966. An increase, in range, by installing a warhead of
lower weight and/or improving the propulsion system, is also possible.
The following three paragraphs are Canadian view only.
71. - The USSR - is considered to have a requirement for an ICBM having a
fast reaction time and CEP'S approaching 1/2'n. m. The missile should have
a range of at least 4., 000 n. m. and the capability of being launched from
highly protected sites, or mobile launchers.
72... Suitable solid or storable liquid engines for such a missile could become available by 1962-1963. The missile itself could become available by
about 1965 and-have the following -characteristics:
-Maximum Range - 5, 000-7, 000 n. m.
Guidance - Inertial

' These numbers of ICBM's are selected arbitrarily in order to provide some
measure of the Soviet production and deployment capacity; they do not
represent an estimate of the probable Soviet requirement or stockpile.
Primarily range, as opposed to azimuth, error.

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a system would probably find application only in a new construction submarine. Because of the problems inherent in other guidance systems, we estimate that a 1, 000 n. m. cruise- type missile system, if developed, would
probably employ a combination inertial and radar map- matching guidance
system and be capable of delivering about a 2, 000 pound payload with about
one n. m. CEP. '

CEP - 2-3 n. m. possibly less'.if-storable liquids used
Warhead - 1-5 MT, high speed re-entry type
Reliability - 70% minimum
73. Towards the end of the period, perhaps as early as 1968, the accuracy of the missile could probably be improved to . 5-1 n. m.
Reduction in
warhead weight to achieve the same yield by that time would give a greater
range capability providing a wider choice of re-entry trajectories.
E.

SUBMARINE LAUNCHED CRUISE TYPE AND BALLISTIC MISSILES

74. . Soviet submarines with missile associations ( including missile-like,
tank- like, and launcher- like objects on deck) were first sighted in 1955, suggesting that a program to develop a submarine guided missile system was
initiated sometime in 1954. Available information indicates that these initial
efforts were probably undertaken with a relatively unsophisticated cruise- type
missile.
Whether or not this development program was successful cannot be
ascertained.
We believe that by 1955-1956 the USSR could have developed
for operational use a cruise- type missile capable o£ a range of up to 500 n. m.
at high altitude and a speed of Mach . 8 to . 9. However, the technical and operational considerations of achieving an acceptable CEP at this range would
have presented various difficulties. We believe that the USSR would have been
able to achieve an acceptable missile accuracy, about 2 n. m. , only with a
radar-track/radio command guidance system. The guidance range of this system would be limited, by line of sight and the submarine antenna size, to
about 200 n. m.
This could have led the USSR to develop a missile of only
about 200 n. m. range capability.
On the other hand, this same guidance system could be utilized with the same degree of accuracy at missile ranges of up
to 500 n. m. but only by use of an additional forward guidance. submarine stationed within 200 n. m. of the target.
Such operational employment would, by
approximately doubling the number of submarines required, greatly increase
the risk of disclosing any intended attack but would afford the launching submarine greater physical security through increased stand-off distance.
Considering these factors, we estimate that the USSR probably developed and now
has operational a subsonic cruise- type missile ( SS- 7), capable of about 200
n. m. maximum range, to be guided by the launching ship. A relatively simple
system of this type, which can be employed with converted submarines, is a
logical fir'st step in the development of an operational submarine - launched mis sile capability.

However, it does not satisfy estimated Soviet requirements.

75. In order to provide for increased range capabilities up to about I, 000
n. m. , the USSR could pursue the development of one or possibly both of two
advanced missile -systems for submarine use, although there is no evidence of
the development of either system.
a. A 1, 000 n. m, range supersonic ( about Mach 1. 5) cruise-type system coulcT-probably be developed and become operational in 1960. Conversion of
existing Soviet submarines to accommodate such a missile is impractical; such
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b. Alternatively, the USSR has the capability to develop in a fouryear development program, a submarine- launched ballistic missile and a
compatible submarine.
To achieve maximum operational concealment of the,
submarine, such aballistic missile would probably be designed for submerged
launching.
Extremely accurate underwater navigation would be required.
The U. S. estimates that the first operational capability for such a system
(SS- 8) will probably be in the 1961-1963 time period.
The missile system
would probably employ solid or storable liquid propellants and inertial guidance, attaining a CEP of about 4 n. m. Warhead weight is a critical factor
in determining the size and, hence, the number of missiles that can be carried on a submarine; the system would probably be designed for a low- weight
payload, about 1, 000 pounds.
The Canadian view is, that this missile will
probably be available in the 1962-1964 time period. It will probably have a
CEP of 3 n. m. including submarine navigation error and a warhead yield of
1 MT increasing to 5 MT later in the period of this Estimate.
By 1965-1967,
the accuracy of the missile could probably be improved to give a .CEP approaching one nautical mile.
76. In view of the very extensive Soviet experience with ballistic missiles and the guidance problems inherent in long-range cruise-. type systems,
we believe that of the alternatives described above, the USSR would elect to
develop the ballistic missile system. The U. S. does not, however, exclude
the possibility that the USSR may develop a 1, 000 n. m. cruise- type system.
The Canadian view is that the USSR will develop only the ballistic missile.
'77.
Operational Capabilities.
We believe that two separate guide mis-,
sile submarine programs of different magnitudes must be considered when
assessing the potential Soviet capability with this type of weapon.
The first is
associated with initial Soviet efforts with a relatively short-range and unsophisticated cruise- type missile, capable of external stowage on converted
submarines of.existing classes.
There is some evidence that a few conversions may have already takenplace. In view of the existence of approximately
300 Soviet long-range submarines, it is clear that the USSR is potentially capable of converting .large numbers to cruise- type missile employment. However, external tank stowage is not the most desirable solution to the stowage
problem, since it imposes ratlier severe limitations on speed, stability, and
mane uverability'of the launching submarine. Such a conversion may be impracticable or impossible for large missiles. Internal stowage would require
such extensive conversion to present submarines that a large conversion program would not be practicable.
We, therefore, believe that to date the USSR
has probably converted only a few conventional submarines to guided missile
employment, and that it is unlikely to convert large numbers in the future.

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78. Termination of construction in; -1957 of existing Soviet submarine
types probably marked the initiation of -new submarine programs.
These
programs will probably include the construction of submarines specifically
designed as ballistic missile submarines, and possibly some as cruise- type
missile submarines with internal stowage.
F.

FURTHER MISSILE CHARACTERISTICS
79.

a. Because of the lack of specific data on the configuration of estimated Soviet missiles, only minimum and maximum cross-sectional areas
for radar frequencies in the L- and S- band, with nose- on aspect, are estimated:
Over-all Missile
Area ( sq meters)
Min.
Max.

Nose Cone Area
(sq meters)
Min.
Max.

AS- 1

1

10

the radar target would be large but we have no knowledge of the effects of
vaporization or other methods of tankage disposal.
80. Flight Profiles.
This discussion of profiles is limited to cruisetype missiles only, specifically the AS- 1, AS- 2 and SS- 7.

AS- 2

1

10

-

SS- 4

5

10

. 25

. 50

SS- 5

5

10

. 25

. 50

SS- 6

5

10

. 25

. 50

.SS- 7

1

10

SS- 8

5

10

. 25

. 50

b. AS- 2: Two profiles might be possible with this missile. A high
flight pro-Tile might consist of a launch at 40, 000-50, 000 feet, followed by a
climb to 60, 000-70, 000 feet for mid- course flight, and finally a near- vertical
terminal dive commencing approximately 10 n. m. from the target. A low
flight profile might include a launch -at about 5, 000 feet, with mid- course
flight at this altitude, terminating with a vertical dive into the target. For
this latter flight profile, maximum range of the missile probably would be reduced from 100 n. m. to about 80 n. m.
c.

-

b. The above figures are estimated for the time period in which the
missile systems first become operational, or essentially the present time.
The present state of the art appears to limit practical applications in the field
of minimizing radar cross-sectional areas. However, considering the enddate of the long-range period in this estimate, it must be expected that considerable strides will be made during this period in such techniques as
improved heat sinks, streamlining of nose cones without the introduction of
prohibitive heating, and reduction in weight and size of warheads.
It is the
U. S. view that these--or other developments could result by the mid- to latter
period of this estimate in a reduction in the cross-sectional values given
herein by a factor of perhaps ten or more.
The Canadian view is that the
radar cross- sections of the nose cones of ICBM's may be reduced before reentry, to the order of. 0. 01 square metres by shaping alone for a plus or minus
60 degree aspect and to the order of 0. 001 square metres for a plus or minus
30 degree aspect: alternatively the use of radar absorbent material ( RAM)
could,produce. significant reductions in cross-section areas of nose cones
prior to re-entry and possibly_ after. If tankage accompanies the nose cone
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a. AS- 1: Employment of this missile system requires that launch
be accomplished at between 10, 000 and 20, 000 feet altitude. The missile
then flies at a relatively flat angle of approach to the target.

Radar Cross- Sections

Arbitrary
Missile
Designation

44
.

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SS- 7:

(1) This missile probably is capable of both high and low-level
trajectories. The high approach would involve a boosted launch and
constant rate of climb to a cruise altitude of 25, 000-35, 000 feet.
The missile would enter a terminal dive approximately 5-15 n. m.
from the target.
The low approach likewise would include a boosted
launch and constant rate of climb, but to an altitude of only 2, 0004,000 feet. The missile then would cruise at a relatively flat angle
of approach to the target, with missile range reduced to 50-80 n. m.
(2) These two profiles presume the use of a radar-track/radiocommand guidance system. Various combinations of range, cruise
altitude, and terminal trajectory between these two extremes are
possible. A self-contained guidance system, such as inertial,
could decrease the low altitude . flight profile to 1, 000-1, 500 feet
without correspondingly reducing the missile's range.
81.
Reliability. We estimate that when they first become operational,
the missile systems discussed above will have a system reliability of 40- 60 percent after launch. In general, missile reliability can be expected to improve for several years subsequent to the initial operational capability.
Further increases in reliability'can be expected only if a given missile is
subjected to continued improvement rather than being replaced by a second
generation or completely new type. Because of the limited information available on the performance of either USSR or U.S. missile systems, there is
considerable question as to the validity of any detailed figures on missile reliability which might be presented at this time.
The following figures regarding Soviet missile reliabilities under operational conditions should be treated
as assumptions rather than as firm estimates. - Definitions for the table below are as follows:

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of'missile propulsion stages, following separation of the re-entry body.
Another possibility is through the use of chaff which might be widely and
carefully distributed, although the problem of achieving this distribution is
a difficult one at present. In both cases, however, the poor aerodynamic
characteristics of the decoy material facilitate the problem of radar discrimination by the defense. While these techniques may be employed by the USSR,
it is believed they would serve more as a nuisance, through the production of

a.
Column 4. The percentage of the missile stockpile which is considered serviceable and available fo-r use at any given time. The remainder
of the stockpile is considered not available for use by reason of undergoing
maintenance and modification or of being in supply pipelines. Air and submarinelaunched missiles in this latter category would not be loaded on operational
craft.

a certain amount of clutter, rather than as true deception means.

b.
Column 5. The percentage of missiles considered to be serviceable ( Column 4) which will meet prelaunch checks and actually leave the
launcher when fired.
c.
Column 6. The percentage of missiles which leave the launcher
(Column 5) and reach the vicinity of the target. For long-range ballistic missiles this is considered to be a reliability of the missile through burn- out.
d.
1.

Column 3.

The date for which reliability is estimated.
3.

4.
In
Commission

Missile

Z.
Initial
Operational
Capability

Year

M

AS- 1

1956-57

1959

75

AS- 2

1960-61

1961

SS- 4

1956

5.
Launch

M

6.
PostLaunch

r•

c. The more probable types of decoys the USSR might be expected
to employ in conjunction with ballistic missiles are those whose characteristics are such as to make discrimination of true re-entry bodies difficult if
not impossible. Possible configurations are " jacks", " darts", "balloons",
and " rings". Relatively large numbers,of the lighter balloon or ring- type
decoys could be carried compared to the heavier jack or dart types. In any
case, decoys would be carried at the expense of the warhead weight, and
there is no intelligence available to indicate Soviet thinking in this regard.
This probably would depend primarily upon their estimate of the effectiveness
of Allied antimissile defenses.

(%)

G.

90

80

95

90

85

1959 on

85

90

80

83. There is as yet insufficient evidence upon which to base a detailed
estimate of the method of employment of ballistic missiles in attack on North
America. In a general way, however, it appears probable that, so long as
the number of missiles available can be said to be limited, the USSR would
seek to achieve the simultaneous arrival of all missiles on the targets se-

SS- 5

1958

1959

75

85

70

SS- 6 ( ICBM)

1959

1962

75

85

65

SS- 7

1955-56

1959 on

85

80

75

SS- 8 US:

1961-63

1963

70

80

50 ,

Canadian:

1962-64

82.

lected.
84. The employment of 350-700 n. m. missiles against Alaska from the
Chukotski Peninsula, presents the USSR with a difficult logistics problem.
.This isolated area must be supplied by air or sea. Missile units garrisoned
in this area would probably select and prepare a number of launching sites,
and when an operational requirement for firing developed, they could move
missiles by motor transport from the local storage to the launching sites,
service the missiles and fire.. Because of the difficulty of resupply, missile
units in this area would probably have a sufficient supply of missiles on hand
to accomplish all their anticipated missions.

Missile Decoys

a.
Little or no information is available on Soviet activities in the
field of missile- carried decoys.
However, it is entirely logical to assume
that the USSR will exploit every opportunity to confuse and/or saturate defenses organized to counter a Soviet offensive missile attack. Due to weight,
space, and time of- flight limitations it is doubted that efforts will be undertaken in this direction with other than intermediate range and interc6ntinental
ballistic missiles.
b. With the latter missiles several possibilities exist. Decoy material can b6provided from metal fragments obtained by the controlled destruction
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EMPLOYMENT OF SOVIET MISSILES

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85. Guided missiles may be expected to play an increasingly important
role in Soviet planning throughout the foreseeable future. The USSR probably
plans to utilize missile delivery systems to the extent of their capability,availability, .and applicability in attacks on North America. Thus, it is believed that at least during the next several years, most of the Soviet ICBM
operational inventory and most of the Soviet naval- launched SSMs would be
allocated for attacks against North American targets. In the earlier -stages
of their operational availability, these missiles would supplement attacks by
manned bombers and it seems likely that the USSR will place increasing reliance on ICBMs for intercontinental delivery of nuclear weapons. Similarly, the
role of other missile systems will probably gradually increase in importance.

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For example, the threat to Alaska posed ;by 700 n. m. , 1, 100 n. m. , and per haps shorter range missiles, could b'e developed to sizeable proportions, if
the USSR decided to build up the necessary launch capabilities in northeastern
Siberia.
86. There is insufficient intelligence data to provide for realistic estimates of current or projected inventories of Soviet- missiles. With respect to
the ICBM, however, some measure of the Soviet capacity to produce and deploy these missiles is given in paragraph 67-73, Section III D. It must be expected that gradually other missile systems will be' widely employed as normal
unit equipment and that inventories will grow in accordance with over-all
Soviet requirements, priorities, development and production capabilities.
Thus, ASMs would be assigned in increasing quantities to bomber units and
missile launching submarines would be scheduled for gradual introduction into
the Soviet fleet.
Employment of SSG's
87. A substantial part of the nuclear retaliatory bases in North America
lie within a few hundred miles of the Atlantic, Pacific and Gulf of Mexico
coastlines. Many of the largest cities and the major industrial complexes are
located in coastal areas. All of these broad target systems will become increasingly vulnerable to submarine- launched missile attack as Soviet guided
missile submarines are added to their fleets in larger numbers and as longer
range missiles are developed.
88. If cruise- type missile submarines are in fact developed and constructed, the USSR may have about 35 submarines, , some nuclear and some
conventional- powered, equipped for internal missile stowage by mid- 1963.
An additional 20 long-range submarines could be converted to topside stowage
for cruise- type missiles within 4 to 6 months of the decision to do so. Assuming an operational availability of 75 percent during the initial. stages of a
general war the USSR could have as many as 40 missile launching submarines
.in mid- 1963 capable of launching missiles armed with nuclear warheads
against North American targets. In the Canadian view the creation of any of
these cruise- type missile capabilities is very unlikely". Although an accurate
estimate of the numbers of such submarines which the USSR might use in an
initial attack cannot be made, it is believed that in order to achieve maximum
weight of attack consistent with the achievement of surprise, the USSR would
probably employ a significant number of their SSG's in an initial attack on
North America. Those guided missile submarines scheduled for initial attack
would most likely be deployed from Pacific and Northern Fleet bases on a
staggered schedule over as much as a month before D-day under maximum
security procedures. The submarines could take station a few hundred miles
off the coast and as D=day approached proceed to predetermined launch positions at slow speed and deep submergence.
89. As ballistic missiles with ranges up to 1, 000 n. m. and nuclear propulsion for the launching submarines become available operationally, the
threat will increase considerably. Nuclear propulsion will make feasible the
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stationing of such submarines in mid-Atlantic and/or other areas for extended
periods.
On short notice and with little risk of detection these submarines
could move to launching position. Such procedures could be combined with an
increase in tempo and scope of routine cold war submarine operations in order
to set such operational patterns that the Allies would not find large numbers
of Soviet submarines at sea sufficient cause by itself to expect imminent hostilities.
Launching Sites and Logistic Support
90.
System mobility appears to have been a basic consideration since
the early developmental 'stages of Soviet ballistic missiles. The mobility
evidenced by missiles displayed in the 7 November 1957 Moscow Parade
tends to confirm this belief.
91. The shorter range missile systems, in particular, are designed for
mobile operations to include full- track or wheeled- vehicle carriers, and
could be deployed rapidly to forward areas for operational employment.
Even
in the longer range 700 and 1, 100 n. m. systems, it is probable that allinertial guidance systems will have been developed by 1960, which will increase the operational flexibility and mobility of these systems.
92. Mobility as applied to the Soviet ICBM system would comprise rail
transport to previously prepared sites, some of which would have only a minimum of fixed equipment. It is believed that planning for ICBM deployment was
conducted concurrently with the detailed missile system designs; as early as
1956 hardware concepts could have been sufficiently firm to permit the USSR
to make basic decisions regarding projected ' ICBM deployment.
Such decisions
would have included the location of operational launch sites, general operational concepts, and logistic support. It is concluded that the " USSR will have
ample time to complete the preparation of operational launching facilities required for ICBM deployment.'
93. Logistic support requirements for Soviet ballistic missiles will be
reduced toward the end of the mid- range period through the probable development of solid and storable liquid propellants for most, if not all, Soviet
surface-to-surface missi-les.
94. ),
No firm information is available as to the number of cruise- type,
submarine- launched missiles ( SS- 7) that can be carried by Soviet submarines.
However, it is estimated that the missile- carrying capability of each submarine is limited to perhaps 2-4 missiles.
No information is available on the
capacity of submarines which will employ the ballistic missile ( SS- 8), but
submarines designed for this specific purpose should have a resonable capacity, perhaps on the order of 4-8 missiles per submarine.
95. It is estimated that the BADGER medium bomber is the primary carrier of the currently operational air- to- surface missile, the AS- 1, although
larger aircraft could be modified as missile carriers. No information is
available to indicate the proposed carrier for future air- to- surface missiles,
nor the number of missiles which might be carried per aircraft.

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SECTION IV
ELECTRONIC WARFARE
96.

1959 - 1960

a.
The ECM equipment complement of mid- 1959 Soviet long-range
bombers normally will consist of chaff dispensers and chaff, jammers for
various frequency ranges, warning, search and jammer " set- on" receivers,
and pos sibly infrared countermeasure s ( IR CM) flare s. The weight and volume
of this equipment is such that in a nominal air defense environment, the bomber
cannot carry a sufficient quantityto completely protect itself. For this reason,
mutual defense tactics are used, the ECM equipment complement of a given
type of bomber is not uniform and constant, and the trade-off of other capabilities for additional ECM capability is practiced.
b. Chaff is believed to be an important part of the present Soviet
ECM capability, but radar jammers in all frequency ranges used by the Western nations' radars are believed to exist, and VHF and UHF communication
jammers have been indicated.
c.
The placement of the chaff chute exits as well as the construction
of the chaff samples recovered indicates that the chaff- dispenser may be a
chaff- cutter.
The resultant chaff has relatively low reflective area per unit
weight. Nevertheless, it has beenobserved to provide effective chaff corridors
and false targets, indicating that the dispensing rate is sufficient to overcome
the limitations of the material itself. The weight penalty, however, remains, and
may amount to a factor of two compared with the operational chaff of western
nations, although it must be remembered that the Soviet chaff observed and recovered may be obsolescent and used only for practice in peripheral areas.
d. Operational active jamming equipments in the microwave region
are probably designed around CW magnetrons, noise modulated and manually
tuned, although a mechanically tuned, slow sweep mode may be available. A
"fast" sweep jammer has been observed, but the frequency range of the fast
sweep is unknown. It may be an electronically " wobbulated" CW magnetron.
It appears.to be in at least a service test stage. Experimental carcinotron
jammers -probably also exist.
The X- band operational jammers are believed
to have a power output of about 150 watts, and require at least three tuning
heads to cover the X- band from about 8500 to 9500 Mc/ s. Equipment for
other frequency ranges is probably comparable.
e. The VHF and UHF jammers probably utilize conventional spacecharge control tubes.
The power output is estimated at 300 watts. The tuning is probably manual, and jamming restricted to one channel at a time.
f. Infra- red counter-measure flares, if used, are probably derived
from the signaling flares widely used in the Soviet Air Force ( SAF).' Bombers
with 30 flare ports have been observed.

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97.

To 1963 - 1964

10

expected to be installed in all aircraft and will be supplemented by ECM
escort aircraft in which some part of the weapon delivery capability is sacrificed for additional jammers, or chaff.
By 1963,

O

a,

a.
The period between mid- 1960 and about 1963 is expected to be a
Soviet ECM build-up period, during which ECM doctrines, equipment, and
techniques will be developed and standardized. Operational active jamming
equipment will probably be based largely on CW magnetrons, although by 1960
carcinotron jammers are expected to be available, as shown in Table 7 which
follows paragraph 98.
The nominal aircraft complement shown in the table is

b.

H
N

O

r•

'

10
a

10
a

A
a

H .•

H .•

H .•

4 U
a
H ••

d

o

U

s

a

s

w

to

to

to

to

to

0

N

N

N

N

N

N

N

N

O

N

N

N

O
0
N

o
0
N

O
o
N

o
O
N

N

Soviet high- power carcinotron developments are ex-

0
CD

N

0

N

N

pected to be sufficiently advanced to permit the introduction of the high- power
jammers necessary to cope with the advanced radars associated with the .U. S.
air defense system of that period. . Western development of radiation-homing

N

N

W

Cd

En

Y

w

d

U

U

a

M

O

to
14

to
1•

to
tin
to
to
to
N
i14
•4
°

to

t

O

9

ow

cd

4

0 N

0

a••°'
r.

O

°

H

°

O

to 0
Ul H W W N O
Cd
a U 41 U
w

I

O

•

cd

O

H

U

9 -H

-H

p 4

a

°

H

++

0

0 N 0

.
a

'd

5

a. It is very probable that the Soviets will exploit techniques for
jamming 2000-4000 Mc/s radars such as defend SAC bases, particularly the
acquisition radar.
The stacked beams of the acquisition radar provide coverage at high elevation angles making the. upper beams virtually,immune to
ground- based jammers unless very heavy jamming is employed to penetrate
the side lobes.
Such jammers may have some effect on the lower beams.
Another technique which appears to be particularly promising is tropospheric
scattering to accomplish main lobe jamming with ground-based jammer powers of the order of 50-100 kilowatts focused into a narrow pencil beam. Side
lobe jammers dispensed by aircraft, surface vessels, or submarines may
also be employed by the Soviets, along with decoy material (with or without
radiating equipment) ejected from the vehicle during flight.
The necessary
electronic devices for such decoys could readily be provided.

.D

O
0

•0

o
0

•0

o
0

•0

O
0

•0

o
o

•0

o
O
N

O
O
N

O
0

o
0

M

0
0

(n

o
0

M

O
o

M

O
to

1-4

o
to

­4

a) b
U)

C
d

Cd

U)

Cd

4'

N

11 •. 11

3100-3300

2900-3100

M

2700-2900

1200-1300

1100-1200

c
O
0

v :t•

o
H
, :• 0

14

b.
Radar camouflage material may be used on missile re-entry
bodies to reduce the apparent radar cross section.

w

oa

En

7)

O •'. b

(d

b

w

M

to

•0

N

00

d
Cd

0 U)

U

4•

•

U

N w
Cd

Cd

Cd

3 O

O rd 'O o _'

•• !~ ­4 ­4

M Cd

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M

-•

y° 0 a to., w•
0 a U U 0

0
N

P, W

y

+•

O

O

°

N 'y J
O
b

0
to
00

o

H 4J
O' • Cd
O
U

W H Wo

0
O

Si

Ur
U
d
° y M ¢'

y

M

U

y

H

Cd .a
go

M

H

U

W o

m 4J •

CD
0

o
H cd •

H Cd
0

C)
0

D

O

cd U •

0

O

U) y U

Cd

N

•

0

&gt; .• 'b

Long- Range Period

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H

.V

0

to

°

cd 4• y
4

a°

supplemented by ECM escort aircraft.

46

'1 4

U

ri

missiles will probably make Soviet barrage jamming at frequencies in the
X- band, and higher, dangerous to them.
Consequently, Soviet electronic
countermeasures are expected to rely heavily on deceptive techniques. Soviet
equipment for this purpose is expected to have many modes of operation and
be based on traveling- wave tubes having about one kilowatt output. Table 8
shows the probable nominal ECM complement of typical Soviet long-range
aircraft by the end of this period.
The capability represented will again be

98.

_

Cd

to

o
0

U

0

0

to

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hemisphere

TOP SECRET

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A0036847141-000879

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g.
The use of homing prin ciples is widely employed by the SAF and
the development of a radiation homing missile is within Soviet present capabilities.
To 1963 - 1964

Soviet high- power carcinotron developments are ex-

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97.
a.
The period between mid- 1960 and about 1963 is expected to be a
Soviet ECM build-up period, during which ECM doctrines, equipment, and
techniques will be developed and standardized. Operational active jamming
equipment will probably be based largely on CW magnetrons, although by 1960
carcinotron jammers are expected to be available, as shown in Table 7 which
follows paragraph 98.
The nominal aircraft complement shown in the table is

By 1963,

expected to be installed in all aircraft and will be supplemented by ECM
escort aircraft in which some part of the weapon delivery capability is sacrificed for additional jammers, or chaff.
b.

pected to be sufficiently advanced to permit the introduction of the high- power
jammers necessary to cope with the advanced radars associated with the .U. S.
air defense system of that period. . Western development of radiation-homing

to

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supplemented by ECM escort aircraft.
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missiles will probably make Soviet barrage jamming at frequencies in the
X- band, and higher, dangerous to them.
Consequently, Soviet electronic
countermeasures are expected to rely heavily on deceptive techniques. Soviet
equipment for this purpose is expected to have many modes of operation and
be based on traveling- wave tubes having about one kilowatt output. Table 8
shows the probable nominal ECM complement of typical Soviet long-range
aircraft by the end of this period.
The capability represented will again be

5

CD
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2700-2900

Long- Range Period

TOP SECRET

1200-1300

98.

a. It is very probable that the Soviets will exploit techniques for
jamming 2000-4000 Mc/s radars such as defend SAC bases, particularly the
acquisition radar.
The stacked beams of the acquisition radar provide coverage at high elevation angles making the. upper beams virtually,immune to
ground- based jammers unless very heavy jamming is employed to penetrate
the side lobes.
Such jammers may have some effect on the lower beams.
Another technique which appears to be particularly promising is tropospheric
scattering to accomplish main lobe jamming with ground-based jammer powers of the order of 50-100 kilowatts focused into a narrow pencil beam. Side
lobe jammers dispensed by aircraft, surface vessels, or submarines may
also be employed by the Soviets, along with decoy material (with or without
radiating equipment) ejected from the vehicle during flight.
The necessary
electronic devices for such decoys could readily be provided.

TOP SECRET

b.
Radar camouflage material may be used on missile re-entry
bodies to reduce the apparent radar cross section.

46

1100-1200

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A

A.

GENERAL

SECTION V

SUBMARINE THREAT

Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur l'occes it Pinformoti

TOP SECRET

99 . It is estimated that as of mid- 1959 the Soviets will have about 450
submarines, including about 270 modern, snorkel- equipped long-range sub-

marines capable of world-wide operations.
This is by far the largest fleet of
submarines ever assembled during peacetime by any nation and as such poses.
a serious threat to United States and Allied naval forces and sea communications throughout the. world. This threat will become more serious as advanced
weapons and nuclear propulsion are incorporated.

100.. The Soviet submarine force is dispersed among four main fleet
areas, which are virtually independent of each other. Only those submarines
in the Northern and Pacific Fleet areas can be considered an immediate threat
to the North American continent during the initial stages of a war. However,
there are alternative bases in the Northern Fleet area for submarines of the
Baltic Fleet and it is possible that long-range submarines of the Baltic Fleet

would be moved to the Northern Fleet area before hostilities in a way which
would- not prejudice surpri se . A greater threat to North America co u ld thus
be developed in the early stages of a war, without gaining control of the
exits from the Baltic Sea.

101. The large number of submarines in the Northern Fleet makes it
possible for the USSR to maintain submarines on station off the East Coast of

Operations

could be

conducted off the

West

In the Pacific, the submarine force has been increasing steadily in
and quality and is now capable of prosecuting intensive submarine

North America for purposes of interdiction of Allied sea communications. In
addition to submarines in this area, the Northern Fleet could support continuous operations in the Norwegian Sea, the Eastern Atlantic, the Gulf of
Mexico, and other important areas.

102.
numbers

warfare in many vital areas.
Coast of North America.

submarines

and

103. In addition to possible missile- launching operations ( See Section
III), Soviet submarines are capable of carrying out the following operations
in the ocean areas adjacent to North America:

a.
Torpedo attacks on naval surface vessels,
merchant shipping;

A0036847142-000880

49

b.
Minelaying on coastal convoy routes and in approaches to ports
and harbors, either as specific missions or as part of other antishipping operations.

TOP . SE-CRET

H

Fast sweep

* See footnote, Table 7

0

TOP SECRET

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Fast sweep

1,400-1,900

TOP SECRET

48

ESTIMATED BISON AND BEAR NOMINAL ECM EQUIPMENT COMPLEMENT IN 1963-1968

r

�Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur l'occes it Pinformoti

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marines capable of world-wide operations.
This is by far the largest fleet of
submarines ever assembled during peacetime by any nation and as such poses.
a serious threat to United States and Allied naval forces and sea communications throughout the. world. This threat will become more serious as advanced
weapons and nuclear propulsion are incorporated.
100.. The Soviet submarine force is dispersed among four main fleet
areas, which are virtually independent of each other. Only those submarines
in the Northern and Pacific Fleet areas can be considered an immediate threat
to the North American continent during the initial stages of a war. However,
there are alternative bases in the Northern Fleet area for submarines of the
Baltic Fleet and it is possible that long-range submarines of the Baltic Fleet

CARCINO TRN

0

would be moved to the Northern Fleet area before hostilities in a way which
would- not prejudice surpri se . A greater threat to North America co u ld thus
be developed in the early stages of a war, without gaining control of the
exits from the Baltic Sea.

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101. The large number of submarines in the Northern Fleet makes it
possible for the USSR to maintain submarines on station off the East Coast of
North America for purposes of interdiction of Allied sea communications. In
addition to submarines in this area, the Northern Fleet could support continuous operations in the Norwegian Sea, the Eastern Atlantic, the Gulf of
Mexico, and other important areas.

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In the Pacific, the submarine force has been increasing steadily in
and quality and is now capable of prosecuting intensive submarine

0

warfare in many vital areas.
Coast of North America.

TOP SECRET

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102.
numbers

* See footnote, Table 7

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GENERAL

99 . It is estimated that as of mid- 1959 the Soviets will have about 450
submarines, including about 270 modern, snorkel- equipped long-range sub-

P.

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SUBMARINE THREAT

Operations

could be

conducted off the

West

103. In addition to possible missile- launching operations ( See Section
III), Soviet submarines are capable of carrying out the following operations
in the ocean areas adjacent to North America:
a.
Torpedo attacks on naval surface vessels,
merchant shipping;

submarines

and

b.
Minelaying on coastal convoy routes and in approaches to ports
and harbors, either as specific missions or as part of other antishipping operations.

H

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TOP SECRET
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ESTIMATED BISON AND BEAR NOMINAL ECM EQUIPMENT COMPLEMENT IN 1963-1968

TOP SECRET

TOP . SE-CRET

49
A0036847142-000880

�Document disclosed under the Access to information Act -

'
I
•

Document divulgue en ve rt ude la Loi sur Pacces oPinformatioh

1
(0

TOP SECRET
104.

B.

Estimates of Soviet submarine strength mid- 1959 through mid- 1963

MID
1960

MID
1961

MID
1962

CHARACTERISTICS

i

are set forth below:
MID
1959

TOP SECRET

105.. Modern, postwar types comprise over 60 percent of the total force
and are the real backbone of the Soviet submarine force.
Four classes of
postwar design boats have been identified to date-- the long-range " F", " Z",
and " W", Classes and the
Q
Class medium- range submarine.
The " Z",

MID
1963

"

Long Range New Construction

"

255

255

255

255

255

Long Range New Design
(Non- Nuclear)

10

20

30

40

40

Other Long Range

12

7

2

0

0

Old Long Range

39

37

32

27

23

Nuclear ( Torpedo)

1

3

5

9

14

Nuclear ( Guided Missile)

1

3

6

9

12

*Guided Missile ( Conventional Power)

2

5

11

18

22

*Guided Missile
(Converted to Topside
Stowage)

All other submarines
(medium- and short-

128

122

111

TOTAL

448

452

452

105

103

463

469

"

and characteristics- is limited. It appears to be a large torpedo attack submarine with a range capability somewhat greater than the " Z" Class. The
"F" Class appears to be conventionally powered and armed with conventional
weapons. • It is believed that these boats are fitted with a long-range passive
sonar array indicating an SSK capability.
106.

Basic estimated characteristics of the " F", " Z", " W" and

C.

I

108. The Soviet Union has stockpiled bottom mines actuated by magnetic
induction. The most probable advances in mines will be new or improved
firing mechanisms, such as influence, magnetic, acoustic and pressure devices or any combination of these.
While it will be possible to fit mines with
nuclear charges, it is considered that this will only be done in exceptional
circumstances since it might be an uneconomical use of fissionable material.
TABLE 9
CHARACTERISTICS OF " F", " Z", " W" AND
Q
CLASSES OF SOVIET SUBMARINES
"

"

Displacement (Tons)
Surface ( Full)
Submerged

„F "

II Z II

II W II.

II Q II

-

1950
2290

1300
1450

400
465

240
22
15

165
17
14

Dimensions ( Ft.)
Length ( OA)
310-330
Beam ( Extreme)
27-30
Draft ( Maximum) 50

TOP SECRET

"

107. In addition to conventional torpedoes of the types used in the Second
World War, the Soviet Union is believed to have a torpedo with hydrogen peroxide propulsion, a range of 16, 000 yards at 48 knots or 10, 000 yards at 55
knots, and equipped for passive homing or pattern running. It is thought that
improvements in the immediate future will increase the range of this torpedo
to more than 20, 000 yards, and that by 1960 a 1,100 pound warhead, possibly
nuclear,' could be carried. An active homing torpedo may come into service
early in the period of this estimate.

missile submarine systems, and possibly also submarines designedfor internal stowage of cruise- type missiles.
While -there is little evidence on the

In the Canadian view, the provision of submarines for use with cruise- type
missiles is very unlikely.

Q

SUBMARINE WEAPONS

New Soviet submarine programs now underway will probably include ballistic

progress of such programs, the figures given here take account of both possibilities.
See Section III E, paragraphs 74-78, for discussionof availability
of ballistic missiles for employment with submarines.

"

Classes are set forth in Table 9.

Estimate possibly 2 ( W and/or Z Class) now converted.
Whenever decision taken to do so,
estimate Soviets could convert up to 20 of this
type within 4 to 6 months.

range)

"

"W", and
Q
Classes are conventional, diesel- powered, snorkel- equipped
boats embodying sound submarine principles, and apparently compare favorably with those of nations having experience in submarine design and construction.
The " F" Class is a recent development; intelligence on its details

TOP SECRET

290
26
17.5

51

A0036847143-000881

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act - •
Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur l'acces it ('information
i

TOP SECRET

TOP SECRET
TABLE 9 ( Cont'd)

TABLE 9 ( Cont ' d)
11

Armament
Bow tubes
Stern tubes
No. -Torpedoes
No. Mines

F11

11 Z 11

,T W

IT

11Q11

Class

Propulsion
Surfaced

6-21"
4-21"

-6-21"
2-21 "
24
48

4-21 11
2-21"
14
26

4-Z1"
None
8
12

Diesel's

2 X 2000HP
4 Cycle
Diesels

2 X 2000HP
4 Cycle
Diesels

3 X 550HP
4 C ycle
Diesels

4200 KW

2800 KW

1400 •KW

Unknown;
snorkel

Direct;
snorkel

Direct;
snorkel
3 shafts

650

650

450

360
342
308

.180
171
154

35
33
30

Submerged
Drive

Unknown;
snorkel

Diving Limit ( Ft.)
Operating
Fuel Capacity ( Tons)
Maximum
Usable ( 95%)
Usable less
10% Reserve

At least two diesel engines are known to be installed.

Surfaced

Snorkel

Submerged

Speed (kt s) Endurance (nm )

Speed(kts)-Endurance

Speed(kts)-Endurance

Available intelligence is insufficient to compute detailed performance characteristics.

"Z"
Maximum:
Cr ui sing:
11 W

16
10

6,900
17,200

11
8

7,100
12,400

17
3

8.5
108

15
10

6,000
1Z,000

11
8"

5,100
8,'3 00

16
4

8
144

16

1,700

12

1,300

10

4,600

8

2,500

15
4

7.5
144

11

Maximum:
Cruising:

R adii (nm)

Days on Station

Somewhat greater than " Z"
1
6,600
6,300
10
6,000
17
5,000
48
4,500
1
4, 200
10
4,000
16
1,500
1
1,200
10
1,000
15
The radii presented above are based upon the following arbitrary patrol
conditions:
1.

Each day of transit consists of 12 hours surface running at 10 kts during
twilight and darkness hours. The remaining 12 hours consists of snorkel running during the day at a speed of 8 kts.

Z.

D.

Performance

T1 F 11

Operating Radii:*

Fuel consumption on station is based upon 3 knots speed of advance submerged (battery), with sufficient snorkeling to maintain the batteries.

FUTURE TRENDS AND DEVELOPMENTS

109. It is believed that the USSR will concentrate upon improving the
quality of its submarine force during the next few years rather than upon an
increase in numbers. It is estimated that between mid- 1959 and mid- 1963 the
total numbers of submarines of the USSR will increase by only about 20. This
period, however, will probably see the addition of about 30 new " F" Class
attack submarines and about 25 nuclear submarines.
The United States also
estimates that the USSR is developing a submarine launched ballistic missile
system ( SS- 8) for first operational use in 1961-1963. The Canadian view is
that the first operational use will be in the period 19,62-1964.
Possibly new
construction cruise-type missile submarines could become operational at an
earlier date. If the latter are in fact developed and constructed, the USSR '
may have about 35 submarines, some nuclear and some conventional powered,
equipped for internal missile stowage by mid- 1963. We believe that to date
the USSR has probably converted only a few conventional submarines to guided
missile employment, and that it is unlikely to convert large numbers in the
future.

11Q11

Maximum:
C rui sing:
52

TOP SECRET

110. In December 1957 the USSR launched the icebreaker LENIN designed
for nuclear propulsion. Three pressurized water reactors probably are being.

TOP__SECRET

53
A0036847144-000882

�P

Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act

TOP SECRET

TOP SECRET

or have been installed in the LENIN. It is believed the USSR is vitally interested in the application of nuclear propulsion to submarines. Although the
evidence is not firm, it is the U. S. view that the. USSR may already have
commissioned one ,
or more nuclear- powered submarines. The Canadian JIC
has no evidence that any Soviet nuclear- powered submarine is in existence.
After the USSR achieves- an acceptable SSN design it is estimated that each
year until mid- 1963 it will add SSN's in small numbers to its force. Beyond

SECTION VI
OTHER THREATS
A.

111. With advances in propulsion technology it'is expected th'at' -the USSR
will develop improved designs of standard submarine ordnance, such as torpedoes, and will also probably develop radic ally new types of submarine
weapons. - These will probably include submerged launched missiles _capable
of attacking surface and subsurface units.
E.

AMPHIBIOUS THREAT

115. Due to the general lack -of suitable ships and landing craft the Soviet
capability to conduct amphibious assault operations is negligible in all four
Fleet areas. Small raids and reconnaissance-type operations are the only
amphibious assaults that could be - conducted by the Soviets. The Soviets do
have the capability to sea lift large forces by utilizing merchant shipping, but
the number of Liberty ships or their equivalent capable of self-' discharging
heavy equipment at any off-loading area is limited. Therefore, any largescale movement of Soviet tactical units - with organic supplies . and equipment
would.depend on the loading'and unloading facilities available at both ends of
any sea lift. As they have in the past, the Soviets will use -any and all means
available if considered necessary to conduct amphibious operations, administrative sea lifts or other types of surface naval operations by unconventional
means in future wars.

that time SSN's and SSGN's might replac.e conventional units at an accelerated
rate.

EMPLOYMENT

112. It is believed that prior to the initial air and missile attack on North
America, Soviet submarine operations which would prejudice surprise attack
would not' be conducted in North American waters., Immediately following'ihe
initial assault, Soviet- submarines on station in North American waters can be
expected to engage in such operations as torpedo attacks on merchant shipping
and naval surface ships and submarines, and minelaying along coastal shipping routes and in approaches to ports and harbors.' -Concurrently with these
operations, similar operations will be initiated by Soviet submarines,'on station elsewhere. Submarines not previously deployed may be expected to
sortie without delay after D-day to augment the Soviet submarine effort.

116. Certain limitations will be imposed on the size and composition of
any forces planned for employment against Alaska or the Aleutians by: .

a.

Lack of suitable ports and landing beaches in Alaska and the,

Aleutians.
b. The fact that in Alaska and the Aleutians logistic support of
most airfie-ld sites would be extremely difficult.

113. Soviet long-range submarines except the " F" and " Z" classes have
somewhat limited range and endurance. Because of this and other limitations
characteristic of extra long-range operations, it is believed that the number
of submarines assigned antishipping missions off the coasts of.North America
will probably be limited to about 5 submarines off.each ( Pacific and Atlantic)
coast during,the early period of the estimate with perhaps.-a slight increase_
by 1963,
9

c. The dependence of the bases, from.which such operations would
be mountecT, on limited and vulnerable s.ea communications.
d. Probable sizable requirements for Soviet Far East sea lift in.
other than the Alaskan-Aleutian area. The effect of these limitations would
probably be to restrict the current Soviet amphibious capability against
Alaska and the Aleutians to the landing of a force of 4, 000 to 6, 000 troops.

114. Although the Soviet submarine mining capability is large, the number of minelaying submarines to be employed to North American waters will
be limited'. How ev er , fr om time to time concentrated minelaying operations
may be expected. Submarines can -be " expected to lay both moored and ground
mines with various types and combinations of influence firing mechanisms. It
is expected that submarines employed on missile'and -mining missions will
carry a limited number of torpedoes.-

117. - In view of the limitations on Soviet amphibious capabilities, it is
estimated that the initial attack on North'America would entail little threat of
amphibious operations beyond commando-type raids against selected targets
in the"Aleuiians, the coast of Alaska north of Bristol Bay, and even possibly
against parts of Canada and continental United States: These raids would
most probably be launched from submarines.
B.

AIRBORNE THREAT

118. The Soviet Union has about ten airborne divisions and ample reserves with parachute training. It is estimated that about 850 aircraft are
assigned to Aviation of Airborne Troops, including some medium transports,
that could be made available for airborne operations from the Soviet Far East.
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About one-fifth of the airborne forces aircraft are helicopters and this proportion appears to be increasing which reflects an improved short-range
close- support capability. At present, Soviet Aviation of Airborne Troops is
not equipped with any medium or long-range transports with front or rear
loading doors and capable of carrying heavy equipment. However, Soviet airborne capabilities are expected to increase during the period of this estimate
by the receipt of newer type modern transport aircraft with equipment which
will permit all-weather operations.
119. The Soviet Union could carry out •airborne operations against Alaska
to seize airfields and to seize or to 'destroy other military installations and
areas. Considering the logistic limitations of northern Siberia, and the importance of that area to long-range bomber operations, -it is estimated that a
maximum scale single operation could now- employ approximately 200 trans ports for airborne assaults. These transports could lift a force of about
5, 000 troops in an initial assault with a build-up to about 13, 000 within five
days. Small scale airborne operations, including parachute operations also
could be carried out against Greenland, Iceland, and certain areas of Northern
Canada if medium transports were used or if one-way missions with light
transports were utilized.
120. Successful airborne operations in Alaska, the Aleutians, Northern
Canada, Greenland and Iceland could deny bases and other important installations in the area to the United States and Canada, at least temporarily, while
enabling the USSR to attempt operations from these bases. Small ground
parties could facilitate operations of Soviet bombers by setting up navigational
aids, and by attacking small, isolated- air defense installations and other isolated targets.
121. However, range limitations of aircraft and limitations of base facilities, together with adverse weather conditions, lack of jet fighter protection
and logistic limitations would make such operations difficult. Areas seized
would be difficult to hold and support. The denial of bases for our operations
could be more effectively and economically achieved by missile and aircraft
attack, although airborne operations would be required if it were desired to
captur a and utilize our installations.
122. On balance, we consider that it is generally unlikely that the Soviet
Union would attempt sizable airborne operations against North America at
least ,in the early stages of a nuclear war, although airborne operations on- a
small scale against isolated points in Alaska and the Aleutians would be a
probable course of action. Small parties might be landed with.radio and electronic equipment to acquire intelligence or to assist the aircraft and missile
attack; and small numbers of airborne troops equipped with man- pack nuclear
weapons ( when they are available) could attack a few targets which -were . considered unprofitable for aircraft or missiles. Airborne operations against- Northern Canada, Greenland and Iceland are considered improbable.

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C.

INTERNAL THREAT

Sabotage.
123. There is no evidence to indicate that Communist Parties in North
America; are organizing sabotage groups. However, sabotage in wartime
whether carried out as a part of a 'comprehensive Soviet plan of attack against
North Azriericaor committed more or less spontaneously by local Communists
and Communist sympathizers, must be assumed to be inevitable. Known and
anonymous local Communists and fellow travellers could take part in .sabo ta ge
attacks planned and coordinated by trained saboteurs who had entered the
United States and Canada,* and who would themselves be capable of sabotage.
Local Communists and Communist sympathizers could also commit undirected acts of sabotage against targets of opportunity.
124.. - Nuclear weapons and BW or CW agents could be used clandestinely
to destroy or neutralize key targets and could achieve a great deal of destruction, disruption and psychological effect at relatively little cost. Considering
the known limitation of the means of physical detection, the USSR could probably introduce into the United States or Canada and detonate in place a consider able number of nuclear weapons by clandestine means. Some of the components
of nuclear weapons ( other than fissionable material) could be obtained locally
and the remainder imported by various means or smuggled by agents,. For
some weapons, highly skilled technical supervision would be required for the
procurement and assembly of these components. Assembled nuclear weapons
could also be introduced under cover of diplomatic immunity, as " in transit"
commercial shipments, covertly by aircraft, by smugglers, as bombs to be
detonated in the holds of merchant. ships, as mines to be laid in key harbors by
merchant -ships, or by small parties landed from submarines or by parachute.
However, to keep the risk of compromising surprise within acceptable proportions, it is estimated that the USSR would be forced to limit the number of
weapons so introduced. The. USSR has the capability for clandestine BW attack against personnel in buildings or concentrated in r.elatively small areas,
and for such attack against livestock and certain crops. The small amount of
BW agents required could be introduced into the United States clandestinely or,
in some cases, produced near the sites of their planned employment. Small
scale clandestine employment of CW agents is a technical possibility. The
physical means ofconventional sabotage, such as fire, explosives or abrasives could be procured from local sources
125. The main targets of any organized attempts at sabotage ' in North .
America would probably be sources of electric power, transportation systems.
and communications networks, sabotage of which would hamper or put out of
action defense industries and installations. Sabotage by Communists or sympathizers acting on their own initiative could be directed against a wide range
of targets of opportunity.
126. Because of the danger of prejudicing surprise, sabotage is unlikely
to be carried out before the outbreak of hostilities. However, during and after
the initial attack, sabotage committed both by trained Soviet saboteurs and by

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local Communists and sympathizers acting 'spontaneously or under guidance is
probable, although the scale of such operations would be reduced both by the
effects of the initial attack and by countermeasures.
Subversion

SECTION VII
NUCLEAR BIOLOGICAL AND CHEMICAL WEAPONS
A.

127. Known and anonymous Communists and sympathizers, with access
to communications media including under-ground press and radio could attempt
in wartime: to undermine the confidence of the people in government policies,
institutions and leaders; to exploit by rumor and other means the confusion
that would exist amongst the population, . especially that -part of it subject to
attack or evacuation; to impede vital industries and facilities.through strikes
and slowdowns; to foster unrest; and to reduce the efficiency of the armed
forces by adversely affecting morale.
128. Although Communists using underground facilities might be active
from the time the first public warning of war was issued, their usefulness for
subversion would-be curtailed both by countermeasures and by the effects of
the nuclear attack.
Depending upon Communist methods of subversion, the
effort might have a reverse effect by revealing the underground apparatus of
the Party and making it susceptible to countermeasures. Nevertheless, subversion, including the circulation of clandestine propaganda sheets, would
probably increase after the initial stages of the war.
Espionage
129. The USSR is thoroughly capable of conducting high-grade espionagein spite of the countermeasures available to the Western nations. " Legal
residents'! operating under Soviet diplomatic cover in North America would be
neutralized at the outbreak of war and their functions would have to be assumed by trained and integrated '' illegal residents". The latter will have -had
to prepare espionage networks designed to operate during an emergency with
radio equipment necessary for efficient clandestine communication with the
Soviet. Union. The networks would attempt to ascertain the degree of success
achieved by Soviet attacks on North America, and to furnish the Soviet Gov-'
ernment with data on North American capabilities, potential and intentions.
130. In spite of- the efforts of Western counterintelligence the Soviet
Union will retain a.capability to conduct espionage operations in North
America. The scope of these operations would be limited., however, -by
Western countermeasures and by the disruption of the networks caused- by
the nuclear exchange itself.

NUCLEAR

131. There is substantial evidence that the USSR is continuing the expansion of both military and nonmilitary nuclear energy programs. These
programs will continue to be accorded a very high priority. The USSR has a
broad scientific base in the nuclear sciences and is competent to continue
important progress in fundamental research as we ll as i
n i
mprov in g nuc l
ear
weapons and integrated weapon systems. We have not been able to identify all
of the factors which will limit-the expansion of the USSR military and nonmilitary nuclear energy programs. These programs are now quite substantial
and are expanding due to increased efforts by the atomic energy industry of
the USSR.
.132. The nuclear weapon development program of the USSR is vigorous
and wide in scope. Achievements thus far in the nuclear weapons field indicate that the. program is staffed by highly qualified scientific personnel. The
USSR -has stockpiled a variety of nuclear weapons and is making a continuing
and concerted effort to -improve thermonuclear and fission weapons. Since
the beginning of the Soviet weapon test program in August 1949, at least 70
tests have been detected, of which 30 were conducted during 1958.
The current stockpile in the USSR could include weapons yielding possibly as much as
20 MT for aircraft delivered weapons. It is not possible to make an accurate
detailed -estimate of the Soviet weapon stockpile. Nevertheless, we estimate
that on-baje nuclear weapons storage sites exist at many Soviet long-range
bomber bases. Although we have been -unable to detect nuclear weapon storage
sites at installations of other components of the armed forces, such sites', as
well as centralized or national nuclear weapons storage sites, probably exist.
For the next few years, there probably will be competition for available fissionable material between the demands of small- yield weapons for tactical use
and for air defense and the demands for large- yield weapons for use against'
retaliatory forces and area targets. If this competition arises, we presume
that the Soviet planners would be prepared to restrict the availability of weapons for tactical use in the interests of air defense and attacks on retaliatory
bases; we presume that the Soviet planners are arranging their production'
schedules with this factor in mind. In any event, it is improbable that a shortage of nuclear weapons would be a limiting factor in an attack on North
America, except possibly during the first two or three years of the period of
this estimate.
133. For technical reasons, it is most unlikely that the Bloc would employ radiological warfare agents, except as by-products of nuclear warfare
(e.g., " fall- out").

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B.

SECTION VIII

BIOLOGICAL

134. We believe that- the Soviet Union has an active BW program. It
probably encompasses antipersonnel, anticr•op, and possibly antilivestock
agents.
Current research appears to supporrt a complete BW program including such work as stabilization of aerosols, and studies in unusual routes
of infection.
We estimate that the Soviet Union is -now capable of employing
BW on a large scale against me,,n and animals. We believe that substantial
progress will be made in the modification of the immunogenic properties of
bacteria, in'the adaptation of certain viruses to BW and in the -use of toxins.
Extremely virulent organisms of this type could be developed during the
early part of the period of this estimate; bye about 1968 these could }fie available for filling into munitions. No estimates are available of the amounts of
BW material likely to be available to the Soviet Union at any given date or of
the lethality of individual agents. Delivery; of BW agents could'be accomplished by aircraft spray, aircraft bombs, : missiles, or clandestine 'means.
135. BW agents are unsuitable weapon's for attack on Western nuclear
retaliatory capabilities because of the dela• between the attack and.the appearance of its effects and because physical installations would not. be destroyed. - There is a greater (chance that BW agents might be used to attack
.
population and industrial targets, either in-areas which -the Soviet planners
did not wish to devastate or in support of an attack with nuclear weapons.
C.

CHEMICAL

136.
We believe that the Soviet Union is now able to produce -'IV" and " G" type nerve agents in operationally significant quantities. We donot believe that
major increases in toxicity could be obtained by further development of agents
now known to exist; other types of chemical substances which act by a route
different from the nerve agents are believed to be under consideration by the
Soviets, but it is unlikely that any of these will be developed into useful CW
agents during the period of this estimate unless a break-through should- occur.
It is believed that during the period of this estimate that certain effective incapacitating agents may be developed. N'o firm data are available o f the _
amounts of CW material available to the Soviet Union. CW weapons are unsuitable for attack on Western retaliatory capabilities because they, would not
destroy physical installations and because of the ease with which such targets
could be protected from their effects.
There is some chance that CW agents
might be used to attack population and industrial centers, either- in areas
which the Soviet union did not wish to devastate or in support of a nuclear
attack.

SPACE PROGRAMS
137. -It is extremely difficult at this time to separate Soviet space activities which have direct military application from the remainder of their space
research effort. It appears that the Soviets' over - all research and development program has such direction that successes or breakthroughs in one area
are quickly exploited in others.
Likewise, . it must be expected that the USSR
will not hesitate to capitalize on any military applications that may arise as a
result of its space research, regardless of the initial purpose of such research.
138. It is believed that the ultimate foreseeable objective of the Soviet
space program is the attainment of manned space travel on an interplanetary
basis. ' Soviet space activity for specific scientific and/or military purposes
probably is programmed with a planned, step-by-step progression from one
achievement to the next. The following specific objectives appear likely:*.
a.

Unmanned Satellites.

The USSR could probably orbit surveil-

lance sateIIites. capable of low optical resolution ( approximately 100-200 feet)
at any time within the next year, to obtain weather data and perhaps some additional data of ,military intelligence value, such as information on fleet movements.- Withinanother year or two, the USSR could develop more sophisticated,
surveillance satellites, involving improved photographic or TV reconnaissance,
infrared photography and/or ELIIYT.
Such satellites could provide more diverse scientific and military information.
The USSR could also develop a
communications relay satellite early in the period- of this estimate, should
they elect to do'so.
b.
Lunar Rockets. An important Soviet objective is to acquire
scientific data on the moon.
This data can be collected by unmanned rockets
launched to the vicinity of the moon ( lunar probes), by unmanned lunar satellites and by soft, or hard impacts on the moon. We estimate the USSR could
achieve an unmanned lunar satellite in 1959 and an unmanned lunar soft landing
using retro-rockets about six months thereafter.
c. Manned Earth Orbital Flights:
Test flights with manned high
altitude research vehicles (rockets or boost glide) probably will be required to
obtain necessary data on the environment of outer space. Manned flights will
probably increase in altitude and duration, prior to the orbiting' of a recoverable manned satellite. Soviet sources have stated that a manned space vehicle
is feasible and is, one of the USSR's prime objectives. Sufficient scientific
data could probably have been attained and recovery techniques perfected to

The dates given in this paragraph represent the earliest possible time
period in which each specific event could be successfully accomplished.
It is unlikely that all of these objectives will be achieved within the specified time periods.
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permit the USSR to launch a manned-satellite into orbital flight and recovery
by about 1959 -1960.
The Canadian view is that a date one or two years later
would be more probable.
d. Planetary probes.
Planetary probe vehicles could utilize existing Soviet ICBM propulsion units for the first stage and presently available
guidance components.
We believe the USSR could launch probes toward Mars
and Venus with a good chance of success.
More sophisticated probes _could be
launched in October. 1960, when Mars will be in_ a favorable. position relative
to the earth.
Similarly, the first launchings toward Venus could probably
occur in June 1959,
January 1961.

and more sophisticated probes could be launched in

e.
Manned circumlunar flights.
Contingent upon successes with
manned earth satellites, the development of a new, large booster engine, and
concurrent advances in scientific -experimentations with lunar rockets, the
USSR could achieve a capability for manned circumlunar flight with reasonable
chance for success in about 1961-1962.
The Canadian view'is that a date one
or two years later would be more probable.'
.f .
Manned lunar landings.
We believe that the USSR will not have
a capability' for manned lunar landings until sometime after 1965.

g.
Space platforms.
There is insufficient information on the problems involved in constructing platforms in space to permit us to estimate
Soviet capabilities in this regard.
We believe, however, that the USSR would
be capable of placing a very large satellite ( say about 25, 000 pounds) into orbit
in 1961-1962. Such a vehicle could serve some of the scientific functions of a
space platform without the difficulties of joining and constructing such a platform in space from parts separately orbited.

SECTION IX
PROBABILITY OF INTELLIGENCE WARNING
A.

AIRCRAFT

139. Intelligence warning of a Soviet air attack would be largely dependent
upon two factors: the character and level of air activity which Allied intelligence had come to consider as normal; and the ability of the Soviets to conceal
air activity above that level.
The higher the level of air activity considered
to be normal, the greater the number of aircraft which could be deployed for
attack without being considered unusual. Activities related to Soviet air operations and security, as distinguished from bomber-tanker movements, such
as greatly increased radio communications activity, build-up of supplies,
movement of personnel, etc. , might also provide indications of preparations
for attack. It would be difficult to judge at what point the chances of receiving
warning indicators would be better than even.
The Canadian view is that,
failing permanent deployment of BADGER aircraft to forward bases, we would
expect to receive some advance warning of an impending attack on North
America during the next few years while these medium bombers would have
to stage.
B.

ICBM - IRBM

140: Possibilities of obtaining warning of the positioning and preparation
for launching of ICBMs and IRBMs are not encouraging.
It is hoped, however,
that some essential patterns of activity may become observable over the next
few years which may provide generalized warning. Soviet Long - Range Aviation activity or other operations associated with the over-all attack may of
course provide indirect warning of a missile attack.
C.

SUBMARINES

141.
During periods of low international tension, considerable numbers
of Soviet submarines could probably sortie, under conditions of maximum security and deception, without Allied knowledge.
The scale upon which Soviet
submarine operations, including operations off North American coastlines,
can be conducted without jeopardizing surprise will depend among other things
upon the scale of operations which had come to be accepted as normal.
By
increasing the tempo and scope of submarine operations the Soviets might '
hope to set up such operational patterns that the West would not find increased
numbers of Soviet submarines at sea sufficient cause to expect imminent hostilities.
The degree of tactical warning that we may expect during the period
of this estimate will depend upon the progress achieved in ASW and related
fields.
D.

AIR DEFENSE PREPARATIONS

142.
The chances of detecting Soviet defensive. preparations would largely
depend onthe riskthe USSR wouldbe willingto accept as a result of neglecting
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or delaying some or all of those defensive measures, including civil defense,
which might normally be expected. In view of the threat posed by Allied retaliatory power, the Soviets would probably act in elementary prl, dence and
undertake certain defensive preparations. Some warning indicators in this
field might be obtained.
E..

GROUND CAMPAIGN PREPARATIONS- .

143. In regardto warning being provided by pr-eparations for ground campaigns against Western Europe, Soviet forces in East Germany are .maintained
in a high state of readiness, and no reinforcements would be necessary to initiate an attack.
The period of preparation would probably not exceed two to
seven days, assuming a desire to maximize the chances of attaining surprise.
Warning.of unusual and threatening activity would be obtained if major elements were actually assembled in forward positions. Time to accomplish
this disposition would vary seasonally, depending on whether units were at
home stations or at .some field training phase of the annual training cycle.
F.

GENERAL

144. If abnormal activity were detected in more than one force component
simultaneously, the mutually reinforcing confirmation would increase by afair
amount the probability of obtaining specific advance warning. The warning
actually given will depend upon the particular context of events at the time, the
international situation, -the degree of mobilization which may liave occurred,
and other factors, including elements of pure chance, and upon certain variables which cannot be fully anticipated or compensated for by prepared prdcedures. In the final analysis, the warning of attack given by int e lli gence must
be a judgement of the probability or possibility of attack. The general effect
of improving Soviet intercontinental attack capabilities over the coming years,
especially in the field of guided missiles, will be to reduce Allied chances of
obtaining significant and timely warning indications. The degree to which this
disadvantage will be offset by improved intelligence capabilities cannot be
meaningfully evaluated at this time.

SECTION X' . .
FORMS AND SCALES OF ATTACK
A.

GENERAL

145. In addition to such basic factors as geography and target characteristics, the Soviet choice of delivery vehicles would be considerably influenced
by effectiveness of the various weapons systems involved, including considerations of accuracy, availability, speed, reliability, economy, vulnerability to.
defense systems, and susceptibility to detection. These factors are not constant and are subject to substantial changes for given weapons systems over
extended periods of time. For example, the ICBM is .expected to evolve dur
ing the period of this estimate .to greatly improved effectiveness. While the
ICBM will be suitable for attacking many targets from the outset, it will
probably not become effective against small hardened targets until late in the
period of this estimate. Moreover, while it may remain relatively invulnerable for some time to come, anti- ICBM defenses of increasing effectiveness
will probably be developed during the period of this estimate. Other weapon
systems will also be subject to changing advantages and disadvantages. The
guided missile submarine is expected to undergo substantial improvements
in terms of the accuracy, reliability, and range of its missiles. Bomber aircraft will also improve in performance and range characteristics, and will
improve in effectiveness along with advancements in air-to- surface missiles;
bombing accuracies will remain relatively higher than other delivery systems.
On the other hand, the relatively high vulnerability of aircraft to defensive
systergs will probably continue to be an important disadvantage in contrast to
missile systems.
146. Any initial attack during the period of this estimate probably will
consist of a coordinated operation using missiles, aircraft and submarines.
The relative effectiveness of each weapon system as determined by its availability, capability and vulnerability to defensive systems will determine the
extent and manner in which it is employed.
B.

1959-1960

. 147. The USSR would place chief reliance for , attacks against North
America upon aircraft carrying nuclear weapons supplemented by such ballistic missiles and guided missile submarines as are available. Guided missile
submarines would probably be employed to launch missiles with nuclear warheads against targets along the coast, with the Atlantic seaboard receiving the
bulk of the attack. Ballistic missiles would probably be directed against area
targets in North America.
148. It is believed that the whole of the available heavy bomber force plus
a• substantial portion of the medium bomber force of Long-Range Aviation
would be employed against North American targets. The magnitude of an attack which the Soviet planners might decide'to employ against targets on the
North American Continent would.vary according to the types of missions
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undertaken as well as to many other:;variable factors. As an example for
planning purposes, it is estimated that ( disregarding combat attrition), the
Soviets in mid- 1959 could put a combination of about 500 heavy and medium
bombers over continental North America in an attack designed to achieve sur=
prise. In any such attack during the period mid- 1959 to mid- 1960, a majority
of the strike aircraft launched would necessarily be on one -way missions.
149. Soviet employment of a small surprise bomber force ( sneak attack)
to be followed by- the main body of the assault is regarded as a possible but
relatively unlikely' cour se of - action. Such tactic s would entail extr emely high
risks to the Soviets. Shotild a--sneak attack be detected enroute or fail to any
significant degree, North American defenses would be at a maximum alert for
combatting additional Soviet forces and attacks on the USSR by retali ator y
forces would be set 'in motio'ii. Thus, while the possibility of a two- element
Soviet attack 8annot be overlooked, it is not considered probable.
.150.
While some heavy:bomber operations could be mounted from home
bases, the USSR would have to use forward bases in Kola, the Central Arctic,
Chukotski and Kamchatka for mounting most initial medium and heavy bomber
attacks 'against North America: Additional bases _elsewhere in the Bloc' could.`
be used after the initial considerations of surprise -no longer existed.
151. Although they must recognize the complications of such an operation, the Soviets would probably plan to the extent possible to penetrate all
Allied radar- scr- ,eens simultaneously: They probably would plan'to take the
greatest advantage of th e hours of darkness for their missions against North_'
America. Some portion of the aircraft would probably be employed as. ` specialized ECM aircraft for diversion and decoy purposes.
152.
The Soviets have developed an.operational'pattern with their sub-'
marine force which would allow them to have stationed -off the East and West _
coast of North America a small number of submarines for use in the initial
stages of general war. It is estimated that .this force.- would be composed primarily of such guided missile submarines* as are available, p.sed in. conjunc-,
tion with aircraft in the initial attack. It is estimated_ that along with these
guided missile submarines at sea i
n th e Atl anti c an d Pacific Oceans there
would also be a significant number of torpedo attack submarines, capable of
attacking naval forces and shipping soon after- the initial attack is accomplished.
'
C.

North American targets. Manned bombers would be available in sizable
number's, however, and would probably be employed to-supplement missile
attacks. - Submarine- launched missiles will probably contribute significantly
to the Soviet assault. Each of these weapons systems would probably be utilized in a manner designed to exploit its advantages and minimize its disadvantages. In spite ' of reliability and accuracy factors, the inherent speed
of delivery and relative invulnerability of the ICBM render this weapon a most
likely choice for initiating the assault on North America. The timing of the
diversified operations likely to make up -the Soviet attack would pose extremely, complex .
problems to Soviet planners'. To the extent practicable,
however, they probably would plan to place ICBM's on target at the time
Soviet bombers were penetrating Allied- radar screens. By such tactics, the
Soviets would hope to .pin down Allied defenses and retaliatory forces until
the bomber attack arrived over its targets. Soviet bombers would probably
utilize air-to-surface -missiles ✓against the more heavily defended targets.
Soviet guided missile submarines would probably be employed in both the
Atlantic and Pacific against North American land targets within missile
range.
Limited numbers of submarine- launched missiles could also be directed against the Gulf coast. The effectiveness of USSR submarine attacks,
including those on shipping and naval forces in North American waters will, be
increased by the - advances made in nuclear propulsion and advanced weapons.
D.

1964-1971

154. During this period, the Soviet long-range weapons system inventory
will probably come to include ample numbers of improved ICBM's and other advanced missiles including submarine- launched types, manned bombers, and,
large nuriabers of •nuclear weapons for all purposes_ and with a'wide variety•of
yields. It could also include advance d- performance manned winged vehicles
capable of hypersonic speeds, ranges of from 6, 000 n. m. to global, and.possibly capable of weapons delivery, and/or other radically new weapon. systems.
The Soviets will have markedly improved capabilities in communications, and
in electronic'warfare including many types of decoys and jamming techniques.
The likely form and scale of a Soviet attack on North America during the latter
part of this period may be generally described as inv o l
vi
n g th e l
aunc hi ng o f
large numbers of improved ICBM's as the primary means of attack, supplemented by advanced guided missile submarines and advanced bomber and airlaunched -missile attacks. Nuclear submarines with advanced weapons will .
probably be on -stations in North American waters from the outset.

1963-1964

153. By mid- 1963, Soviet `guided missile capabilities will probably allow
extensive reliance on ICBM's for the delivery of nuclear weapons against -

'

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In order- to be able to deploy 8-10 guided missile launching submarines off
each North American coast in 1959, the . Soviets would have had to make
the decision to convert conventional submarines- to guided missile submarines 4-6 months in advance. See paragraph 88, Section III G.
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          <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="2009119">
              <text>14-May-59</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="48">
          <name>Source</name>
          <description>A related resource from which the described resource is derived</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="2009122">
              <text>LAC RG24 Vol. 20855 File 7-26-9 Part 10, A-2018-00088</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="39">
          <name>Creator</name>
          <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="2009125">
              <text>LAC</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="47">
          <name>Rights</name>
          <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="2009128">
              <text>Canadian Crown</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="49">
          <name>Subject</name>
          <description>The topic of the resource</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="2009131">
              <text>Intelligence Assessment</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="45">
          <name>Publisher</name>
          <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="2009134">
              <text>Canada Declassified</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="42">
          <name>Format</name>
          <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="2009137">
              <text>PDF</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="44">
          <name>Language</name>
          <description>A language of the resource</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="2009140">
              <text>EN</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
      </elementContainer>
    </elementSet>
  </elementSetContainer>
</item>
