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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act
Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur l'acces a /'information

APYSEWL A

ii I ll.

TO BE RETURNED
TO FAR EASTERN
DIVISION
TOP SECRET
BACON

June 3, 1964

Summary Record of Conversation
between the
Minister and I. Sullivan, May 29? 1964
Present:

Mr. Martin, Mr. Sullivan, Mr. Arnold Smith,
Mr. R. L. Rogers

Mr. Sullivan began by expressing United States
concern at the manner in which North Vietnam was forcing
the military pace in Laos and South Vietnam. He did not
know what were Hanoi’s immediate intentions. However, low
level aerial reconnaissance indicated a buildup in Southern
Laos which could be preparatory to a move into South Vietnam.
It was very important fox' North Vietnam to know the limits
of United States patience. ■ The need was for a channel of
communications to the North Vietnamese.
2
Mr. Martin expressed concern over the time it had
taken to have Mr. Seaborn ready for his mission. He said that
we would undertake to do what the Americans asked of us and
do so with dispatch, but wondered how effective Mr. Seaborn’s
mission would be. North Vietnam must already be in no doubt
about the degree of American impatience.

Mr. Sullivan replied that Mr. Seaborn would be
authorized to present a combination of warnings and inducements
to the North Vietnamese. Hanoi might not understand United ■
States motives in South Vietnam. The United States might
moreover be able to assist North Vietnam in the resolution of
its economic difficulties. Mr. Sullivan was not able to
foresee what would be the exact nature of the messages Mr.

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Seaborn would carry. The important thing was to have Mr.
Seaborn first establish his credentials as "a political
personage." Mr. Sullivan said it was not essential that lr.
Seaborn endorse all the points he was asked to transmit; the
important thing was that he transmit the messages faithfully*
Mr. Martin said that it was important that Mr. Seaborn
maintain his independence; he undertook however that Mr.
Seaborn should pass messages as a friend. Mr. Sullivan added
that part of Mr. Seaborn's functions would further be to
convey messages from the North Vietnamese. He undertook to
provide an outline brief for Mr. Seaborn.

4

The Minister asked what inducements the United
States would be able to offer Hanoi. Mr. Sullivan replied
that the United States was prepared to accept the independent
existence of two Vietnams and hold out the hope of ultimate
unity. He conceded that this might, not be viewed as a U.S.
concession by North Vietnam and indeed that it might create
difficulties for both North and South Vietnam. He noted that
North Vietnam was experiencing difficulties in the supply of
most commodities except coal. They might therefore be looking
for a way in which to obtain United States foodstuffs. They
could be offered the prospect of trade. Other lines could be
explored but the possibility of an arrangement under PL480
was remote. Mr. Sullivan accepted that North Vietnam
might
prove totally unreceptive: the United States had tried'once
before to communicate with the North Vietnamese without result.
At that time however they were much more confident whereas
now Communist China was exercising greater pressures in favour
of conformity. Mr. Sullivan said the Americans would be
interested in Mr. Seaborn's assessment of the weight this
factor played in the thinking of the North Vietnamese leaders.
The Americans wanted to have someone in Hanoi in whom they
could place confidence. At any rate they did not want to pass
up the opportunity to let the North Vietnamese know the
United States position.
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The Minister asked what would result if Mr. Seaborn’s
approach was not acceptable to the North Vietnamese. Mr.
Sullivan indicated that the Americans might nevertheless
wish to pass certain specific messages for transmission to
Hanoi. He stressed that for the Americans the problem was not
limited to Vietnam but was of worldwide significance. The
Minister said that Canadians would be concerned about any
possible expansion of hostilities. ' Much would depend on how
the messages were presented. Mr. Sullivan replied that he
hoped the messages could be framed in such a way that there
would be no necessity for an endorsement on our part.

Mr. Martin asked for an assessment of Peking’s role
6
in Indochina. Mr. Sullivan replied that Peking was limiting
itself to encouragement of the North Vietnamese. There was no
evidence of physical participation. The Chinese had been
responsible for some road construction in northern Laos. There
were some Chinese truck drivers in a quasi-military capacity.
Communist China also supplied weapons to North Vietnam to. be
passed to South Vietnam. The Communist Chinese viewed it as
advantageous to keep peripheral areas in turmoil to distract
and exhaust the free world. Mr. Sullivan cited Sarawak and
Singapore as examples. The Chinese had not however made a
specific commitment to come to North Vietnam’s aid if attacked.
Mr. Martin remarked that it was a disadvantage not to know
Communist China’s exact thinking. Mr. Sullivan implied that
he did not think Peking would intervene directly.
Mr. Martin remarked on the Soviet Union’s interest
in winning support for co-existence. . Mr. Sullivan thought
that the Soviet Union was rapidly abandoning hope of exerting
influence in South East Asia. It wanted to disengage itself
from the problem of Laos because the prospect of exerting
its influence through lines of communication across Communist
China was not attractive. The United States felt that the
Soviet Union had "played out" its chances in South East Asia.
It may originally have expected that the role of co-chairman

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- 4 would be sufficient to give it influence. Khrushchev was
bored with Laos. The Poles on the other hand were frightened.
In their position they could not simply ignore what was
happening in the Plaine des Jarres as could the Russians.
Mr. Smith noted that the Poles seemed ready to help destroy
Souvanna Phouma's position in order to be able to protect
their essential interests elsewhere. Mr. Sullivan agreed.
He went on to say that Polish-Soviet tactics seem to be to
denigrate Souvanna Phouma in order to return to a situation
in which three factions face each other. They would therefore
join in efforts to get rid of Souvanna Phouma. The French
were to a certain extent lending themselves to these efforts.

The Minister said that he would be surprised if it
3
proved possible for us to hold Laos. He asked whether the
United States was prepared to intervene seriously. Mr.
Sullivan replied that the source of the trouble was the same
in Laos as in South Vietnam. There would not be much advantage
in initiating ground operations from Thailand. The forthcoming
meeting in Honolulu would di scuss the nature of the military
posture to be adopted. The probable recommendation. ’would be
to strengthen their general position in the area; Mr. Sullivan
did not know whether any recommendation would be made to commit
ground forces.
9
On the question of the conference on Laos Hr. Martin
said that Canada preferred informal consultations in Vientiane.
Mr. Sullivan replied that the United States intended and
expected that the Government of Laos should initiate the
discussions. The French proposal for consultations on Laos
gave them too great an air of formality.

10
The Minister asked for Mr. Sullivan’s views on the
reasons which led the French to take the position they did.
Mr, Sullivan surmised that the French expected that
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consultations would expand to cover all of Indochina. Why
the French wanted this would remain a matter for speculation.
De Gaulle however had simple views of power blocs and South
East Asia lay within the Communist Chinese sphere of
influence. Jealousy as a motive was probably nothing more
than an emotional overtone. Mr. Martin intervened to say
that he agreed with the’ article by Lippman which had appeared
in the paper that day. Mr. Sullivan recounted the view of
the French Ambassador in V,'ashington that Communist Chinese
influence would expand as far as the Anglo-Saxons would
allow. To check Chinese influence would however take more
force than the Anglo-Saxons had yet committed. Mr. Sullivan
surmised that the British would in that case have to withdraw
forces from western Europe ? a prospect that was pleasing to
de Gaulle. ' The French expected that South East Asia would be
turned over to an Asian Tito (China) if the West withdrew.
■

■

(N . A©ci )

Mr. Martin said that he did not see how a conference
11
could be avoided unless the United States took a course in
favour of direct intervention. Mr. Sullivan thought that these
were extreme alternatives and said he would prefer to find a
middle course. He conceded however that intervention rather
than a conference seemed to be a more likely course at the
present time. The Minister said that Canada wanted to give
all help but would have to express serious views on such a
possibility. Speaking as a politician he said he would find
it difficult to condone, Mr. Sullivan replied that any
military response would be commensurate, with the degree of
provocation. Hanoi might be banking on the possibility that
the United States would be incapable of action in an election
year. He hoped that Mr. Seaborn might open the way to a
middle course. Mr. Martin remarked that he hoped that lo
Seaborn would be able to move as soon as possible.
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Mr. Sullivan said that Vietnam was becoming an
12
emotional issue in the United States. The letters from men
serving in Vietnam about the alleged poor quality of their
.equipment had caused a stir. It was difficult for the people
to understand how military personnel should not engage in
direct military action but restrict themselves to the
training of military and paramilitary forces to protect the
local population. The United States role was limited to the
provision of equipment and instruction, and support units
such as helicopter and transport units. The Americans had
16,000 men in Vietnam of which only 300 were in the field.
About 6,000 were in support forces, flying, servicing,
maintenance, transport or communications. 700 were in
headquarters planning. About 400 were responsible for the
bringing in of equipment for the Vietnamese Army. There was
no massive influx of Americans and none were in command
positions. The military now understood the situation.
On Cambodia the Americans had thought of proposing
13
a force along the Cambodian-South Vietnamese border made up
of 13 battalions from each side. U.N. liaison officers were
to be attached to these battalions which would be under U.No
command for purposes of policing the border. Such an
operation would require a U.N. force of 700-800 men. The
placing of a pure U.N. force along the border would take some
4,000 men. The South Vietnamese had said that 1,500 would be
sufficient.

Mr Martin noted the British view that a conference
14
on Cambodia was essential. Mr. Sullivan replied that the
question was the attitu.de of the Thais and the South
Vietnamese. Mro Martin asked whether a conference on Indochina. was not becoming inevitable. Mro Sullivan said that the

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usual Communist tactic when a conference was in the offing Was
to bring significant .military force to bear to prepare the
opposition for negotiation. He mentioned Dien Bien Phu in
this connection.' A quadripartite conference on Cambodia would
be possible if one could bring the South Vietnamese, Thais
and Cambodians together. This had very nearly happened (in
March). The United Staves did not object in principle to a
conference on Laos provided there was a cease-fire, a return
to military positions1 prior to the most recent outbreak and
provided Souvanna Phouma was confirmed as spokesman of the
government of national unity. The machinery set up by the
Geneva Agreements had been abused and the ICC and the cochairmen were not proving effective. On Vietnam, Mro
Sullivan said that a conference without cessation of Viet
Cong activity would lead to a collapse of morale in South
Vietnam.- A general conference on Indochina as a whole while
at the same time reinforcing non-Communist military positions
would be very difficult unless military action were taken
against North Vietnam.
Mr. Martin said that he might be questioned in the
15
House about the meeting between the Prime Minister_and
President Johnson. He would have to roply vaguely. Mr.
Smith supgeatedthat it might be possible to say that Mr.

I

i

i

Sullivan had been to Ottawa but Mro Sullivan preferred to
avoid mention of his presence here. Mr. Martin suggested
that it would be possible to say that Canada had carried on
the fullest consultations with the U.S. on Indochina, lr.
Sullivan hoped that it would in that case prove possible for
us to indicate the President’s concern at the pace of North
Vietnamese recklessness in Laos and South Vietnam. He
thought it would be better however not' to let it be known
that he had been in Ottawa.

16

The Minister said that the Opposition tended to be
suspicious of .United States policy in Indochina.' He had
defended. U.S. position on South Vietnam; there would be
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.. 8 trouble however if operations in Vietnam were to expand. Mr.
Sullivan said that the press had already carried reports of
the fuller aerial reconnaissance which had recently been
undertaken. It was known that the United States felt grave
concern about the situation. He thought it would be useful
for the United States’ allies to know how seriously the
United States felt on the issue. Mr. Martin asked when the
results of the Honolulu conference would be made known to us.
Mr. Sullivan said that if decisions and conclusions were
reached they would be conveyed to Canada as soon as possible-possibly as early as Wednesday. Mr. Smith said that if the
right wing were to again take extreme action in Laos it would
be very difficult to defend.
.Mr. Martin said we would do our best. Mr. Sullivan
expressed his thanks and said United States had confidence in
Seaborn. in reply to a question from the Minister he said
that he hoped Seaborn’s mission had not been undertaken too
late.

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TO BE RETURNEE
TO FAR EASTERN
DIVISION

TOP SECRET
BACON

June 3, 1964

Record of Conversation
Visit of Messrs Sullivan-and Cooper to the Department

•===**=**===**mr***=ere***=a==d==r=== —=================================2=========================*===============

Present:

U.S.A. - Mr. William Sullivan ("Vietnamese Co-ordinator".
State Department); Mr. Chester Cooper (C.I.A.),
• Mr. C. Kiselyak (U.S. Embassy)
Canada - Mr. Arnold Smith (chairman); lo J. McCardle
(DL2), Mr. R. L. Rogers (Far Eastern Division),
Mr. H. B. Singleton, Mr. T. M. Pope

An. Je« bov I

The following is a summary of the discussions
on May 28 with lr . William Sullivan of the State Department
and Mr. Cooper of the C.Te. as they affected Vietnam. Separate
memoranda are being prepared on the discussion on Laos and
Cambodia.

Mr. Sullivan began by emphasizing the gravity of
2
the present situation. It was likely that greater risks
would have to be faced in Indochina now than at any other
time in the recent past--despite any hopes the North
Vietnamese might have of the alleged paralysis of United
States policy in an election year.
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Mr. Sullivan said that the problem at the present
3
time was to come to an accurate estimate of Sino-Vietnamese
intentions. The military situation in Laos was now thought
to be ■ more si niz leant than it hod originally appecrcd to
be and it’was not clear how far the rathet Lao would push at
this time. It was likely that decisions would have to be
taken in the very near future that would bring us closer to
a confrontation than even in the early days of the Laotian
crisis. The United States was therefore requesting Canadian
good offices to “convey signals” to Hanoi both so that the
North Vietnamese leaders would understand the seriousness of
the United States determination and also in order to learn
something of North Vietnam’s intentions.
Lr. Sullivan informed the Canadian side of the
4
forthcoming conference in Honolulu during which Messrs Rusk
and licNamara would confer with high officials to decide on
policy for the immediate future. The recontly-begun low
level photographic reconnaissance flights inso Laos had
brought startling evidence of a missive buildup of materiel
in the Plain of Jars and, more serious, in southern Laos
adjacent to Military Recion 5 in Couth. Vietnam. The
possibility therefore arose that Worth Vietnam’s intentions
were to force a showdown in South Vietnam.

Mr. Arnold Smith intervened at this point to confirm
5
that we agreed both with the United States estimate of the
situation and that we did not propose any alternative to tne
present policy of resistance. Mr. Smith recalled General
Collins’ judgment in 1954-55 chat South Vietnam was defen able.
The Unioed States was undertaking great burdens in defence of
Vietnam and deserved our support and appreciation.

in answer to a question by Mr. McCardle, Mr. Cooper
confirmed that the evidence no. at hand was the result of a

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■ new collection, effort through low level photographic flights
begun on lay 19 but -not continuing On a regular daily basis.
The bull dun. in the Plain.of Jars was a continuation of a long■ standing Vietnamese effort in the area. In southern Laos
however there was evidence of a rapid and continuing buildup
which had shown significant development even since the beginning
.of the low-level reconnaissance flights, moreover, high level
vhotogranby showed an acceleration of the logistic buildup
in Vietnam since the beginning of the year in the form of new
roads and extensions to the railray system. One could only
speculate about North Vietnam’s ultimate intentions; but one effect of this increased North .Vietnamese effort had already
been seen in the improvement of the armament available to the
Viet Cong. It could not be ruled out that the North Vietnamese
micht even be contemplating some new Dien Bien Fhu in South
Vietram.

Passing to what he called the "political dimensions"
7
Mr. Sullivan said that the lines between the Chinese and
moderate caps within the Vietnamese Lao Dong party had
become cleanly drown folloinz Le Duan’s tri" to Fekins and
Moscow in the fall. Mr. Sullivan surmised that this apparent
factionalization of the Lao Dong party, was something that. Ho
Chi Minh might have hoped to avoid. At the Lao Dong party
congress in December Le Duan’s speech indicated that a choice
had beer. made in favour of the Chinese line. By contrast the
special political conference held in February indicated that
the moderates—Mr. Sullivan mentioned Ho Chi Minh, Gian and
Pham Van Dong--were fighting' a rear guard action against the
activists. In speaking of the war in South Vietnam the
moderates had been arguing that'the period of military
decision was not yet at hand and that the rebels should drop
back to standard tactics of harassment.
In South .Vietnam the Viet- Con: had a well-develored
8
command apparatus controlled through Hanoi. The military arm
of theViet Cong was however not yet able to inflict
decisive def eats-.on the government forces. The Viet Cone
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was organized into 44 regular battalions totalling 25,000
men, (Mr. Cooper later qualified this figure- as a minimum),
to which could be added some 60 - 80,000 part-time guerilla
troops. The Viet Cong was not yet capable of mounting
regimental-size operations; at the most it could organise
co-ordinated battalion, attacks. rhe targeting of the Viet
Cong effort indicated that the Viet. Cong was still basing •
• itself on standard tactics of terrorism.

'

9

The government forces had now swung completely
around to an acceptance of Trinquier’s theses on the nature o:
. revolutionary war. ihe fabric however of the Vietnamese
government’s ability was thin and the Viet Cong had madeefficient local administrators a favourite target for
the army was the' only well-articulated
assassination,
or anization on the government side. It was not yet able
however to give protection to the local population and so
make the oil spot technique effective. The situation was
characterized essentially by the Viet Cong’s inability to
topple the government militarily while the government was
unable to meet the Viet Gong threat by offering protection to
the people in the rural areas.

in Laos the Communist objective was not to destroy
10
the risht winE at the present time but to destroy the
neutralists. “In this way they could eliminate the remaining
symbol of national unity, ii. Sullivan summed up by saying
that two operations directed from Hanoi.were concurrently
being carried out. One was .the erosion of the popular will
in South Vietnam. Ihe second was, the erosion of neutral
strength in Laos.
what was alarming in the present situation was the
11
pace at which Hanoi seemed prepared to push. i. oullivan
speculated that Hanoi might hope to exploit a supposed
election year paralysis in the united abates. In fact, there
would be a demonstration of .bi-partisan support on the issue.
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There was no illusion in the United States government that
' war in South East Asia could possibly result in anyone’s
advantage. ..hat was therefore needed was a clarification,
of Hanoi’s goals; an explanation to Hanoi of United braces
goals; and a mutual caminttion whether there would be a
• confrontation or a standing down.

lr. Smith intervened at this oint to note shat
what was required Was a definition of United States goals.
Mr. Sullivan replied that the ideal would be for the .OPtA so
accept .the fact that their ambitions must be limited to the
territory assined to. them under the. 1954 Cease biro -grecment;
that is, to accept the fact that the 1954 settlement was
permanent. At a, later point in he conversation r. Rogers
made the point chat the 1954 cease-fire and regrouping had
not been intended to be permanent but as designed to pave
r. ullivan
the' way for a settlement throu! elections.
12

nevertheless indicated that in cho nited Sta e8 viet the
195/, settlement should be re garded. as creating a permanent
dividing line in Vietnam. •

i-i. icCardle asked whether the American side had
13
envisaged that, any confrontation ould eventually involve
r. Sullivan replied that they had been
the Chinese.
working on the assumption that the Chinese objective was
(a) to isolate cheir own people from outside influence and
(b) to restore the military and economic situation in their
own country. ihey wished to avoid situations of maximum
risk but were quite happy,to have the situation on their
borders remain tense through forth Vietnamese action. Sr.
Cooper intervened to say that in his view the Chinesc would
give strong vocal support' to the North Vietnamese, would
keep'prodding them to maintain their pressures in Couth
Vietnam., but would not take risks chemselves. He based
his reasoning on three points: (a) North Vietnam would be
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reluctant, to compromise its independence through being forced

■ to call on a Chinese military presence in north Vietnam;
the North vieinsmese military establishment wS not helpless
and was sufficiently well-organised to meet most threats; and
(c) the Chinese do not have a great deal to offer in a
military way apart from overwhelming land forces.
11 •

lr. Smith recalled the Yallu and said-that the

Chinese response to American action would depend on the choice
presented by the U.S. ir. Sullivan replied that the
as not limited
significance of uh C as happening in Viebna:
could be soon as a test
to that particular country alone

other possible Counist targets in South Last Asia,
case for
.
Latin merica and Africa, who question that was being posed
was 12 thur the est was physically capable of protecting its
allies from the technique of revolutionary war. ir. Smith

noted that the problem Was partly indigenous and vas not
merely one of northern fomentation of an outside movement.
Mr. Sullivan agreed and said that the political problem was
to deal with a situation which made it possible for the Viet
Cong to recruit the bulk.of its stren bh Prom the local

population.- He also envisaged that the integration of the
Viet Cong into the national life would be-a. difficult problem ••
if a settlement was ever reached. Mr. Cooper admitted an
indigenous component to the rebellion. At the same time he
thought that the Viet Cong rebellion could be brought to an
. end if instructions to that effect were issued from Hanoi.
The rebellion would not come to an end immediately; it would
however become a problem that could be handled by the South
Vietnamese government.
15
Mr. Sullivan came to the question of the nature
of the message which he .hoped Mr. Seaborn might convey to
the Vietnamese authorities. He said the United States as
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■ prepared to get into a dialogue with North Vietnam and
had thought Canada might be a useful intermediary. The
French were not a this time considered to be capable of
playing the role of an honest intermediary. The British
said that "their man” was not qualifisd by temperament to
carry out the task the Americans had in ind. A United
States attempt to talk directly to. Ung Van Khie i, wne
then foreign minister, in the Spring of 1951 had failed.
Mr. Sullivan described Mr. Seaborn’s mission as being "to
see whether there are any grounds for carrotingthom or
whether the threat of sticks produces any movement,"
Durin3 the c o ur s e of the discussion, which became general
about this stage. the following points were made.
(a) Mro
Smith raised our concern that the channel of c o mu nications
to lr. Seaborn should remain within Canadian hands. i-r.
Sullivan confirmed that the- channel would be from the State
Department to the Embassy in Washington to Ottawa to Mr.
Seaborn.
(b) Mr. Sullivan said that it was not the American
intention to have ir. Seaborn’s mission conflict with our
obligations in the Commission. i. Smith replied that this
was not a limiting problem. (c) Er. Sullivan said that he
hoped that 1r. Seaborn would transmit messages faithfully
even if he did not agree with the content. Mr. Smith
reassured him on this point.
(d) r. icCardle raised the
question whether the north Vietnamese might not be overconfident because they had not yet met with. a military
defeat, i. Sullivan replied that he hoped that ir. Seaborn
could inform us hot great a burden north Vietnamese find
the war in the South. Er. Cooper thought this aspect was
not a negligible faccor in Hanoi’s motivation. He thought
the high casualty figures received through U.S. intelligence
sources were probably accurate and might even contain a degree
of understatement. lro Sullivan confirmed that in the
American view there was a possibility both. of war-weariness
in North Vietnam and of war jitters.
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The basic problem discussed wE.S the manner in which
- 16
The American
lir. Seaborn should establish his credentials

side put forward the possibility of a discreet lealin of
the fact that there had been contacts between rr esidet J ohn son.
and lr. Pearson . The consensus of the meeting, however. Was
fter some discussion
that publicity should be shunned.
agreement was reached that ir. Seaborn might be provided with
a letter from Prime Minister Pearson setting out his status
as an ilinorlocuteur."

On the actual nature of the approach to be made to
17
the Horth iT. Sullivan read from a paper he had prepared
ssion.
setting out the desirable obj ectives of i Seaborn's

The paper covered the following points: (a) Mr. Seaborn’s
.credentials; (b) ir. Seaborn’s estimate of the horth Vietnamese
"rationale for action"; (c) ir. Seaborn’s estimate of the
effect of the Sino-Soviet split-on the formation of factions
within the Lao Long party; (d) evidence of the importance of
the Chinese Communist presence in north Vietnam as .ell a an

assessment of the soviet and eastern European presence; (e )
the. degree of interest on the part of North Vietnam in
increased contacts with the best.

ed that Mr. Seaborn should
lro Sullivan envi
is
make clear to the iorth Vietnamese leaders the eztt-ent of the
United States determination to defend South Vietnam, and at'
the same time, emphasize the limitations of UiS. ambitions
in South ietnam, in parti enlar it required no bases or
other military prosence of a permanent nature in that country.
Mr. Seaborn was to make clear. also to the North Vietnamese
authorities that rhe united Status hold _anoi--and not feking
or ioscow-- directly responsible for the tensions- in Laos and
Vietnam.

ir. Sullivan touched on the inducements that could
be offered to the North Vietnamese to ut a has to their
efforts in. South Vietnam. . Seaborn was to say that the

••19

0co9

000143

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act'
Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur l'acces a I'information

9

United states accepted peaceful co-cxistence with the i.orth;
he should also hold out the prospect of trade between forth
.Vietnam and south Vietnam, trade which was necessary to the
North because of its unviability as an economic unit when
■ cut off from the South. It might oven e possible to
. envisage some sort of help for the north such as Poland and ■
Yugoslavia hove enjoyed. As for he "stich", 1. seaborn
might- catalogue United states strength in the area and
emphasize the vulnerability of North Vietnam to attack. He
should.also stress the inability of the Chinese within their
present capabilities to counter any American move. The
prospect that was facing che North Viconamese was that of
turning Horth Vicuna, into a battlefield.. (In answer to a
qustion ir. Sullivan scid that the Americans c aviso, ed air
strikes and not the commitment of U.do troops.) ih. Seaborn
expressed the four that the above might S22L3 he re rar dad

as empty threats.

i. . Cooper assured cl e meet

31.33

that by

■ in Hanoi there would be available
the time ix. Seaborn
to the north Viconqmese loaders tangible evidence of United
States seriousness.

Sullivan
Victngmese
leaders should emphasise the limited ne.6c of U o 5 . ambitions
in Vietnam but, the total nature of its involve S 1t 5 , He
should also emphasise the global clificance or uno wan
0 Sa that the United abates • government
■ for the United Sta
would not be hajastruns by election year politics „. ihe United
th Jom.mist rC mes such as
States accep ted co-cxf senc
ey
refrained
from interference in
north Vietna :2 so lone

At a later point in the conversation i
20'
. said that lr. Seaborn’s first ascage to the for

other countries.

Irada wiith South Vietnam and assistance

from the United States should be held up as inducements

Mr. Sullivan mentioned the examples of Yugoslavia’and'Poland
in this connection. Finally-this should be acc railed by
a description of United States military poor in the area to

ensure that the North Vietnamese leaders were labouring under
no illusions as ohet awaited them1.
Far Eastern Division

000144

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act
Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur l'acces a I'information

TO BE RETURNED TO
FAR EASTERN DIVISION
SECRET

June 3, 196A
Summary Record of Conversation with Mr. Sullivan

May 28, 196/
Cambodia

Present:

U.S.A. - Mr. William Sullivan ("Vietnam Co-ordinator",
State Department) , Mr. Chester Cooper (C.ZA,},
' Mr. Co Kiselyak (U.S. Embassy)
Canada - Mr. Arnold Smith (chairman), Mr. J. McCardle
(DL2), Mr. R. L. Rogers (Far Eastern Division),
Mr. H«. B. Singleton, Mr. T. M. Pope

Following is a record of the discussion on Cambodia
during Messrs Sullivan and Cooper’s call on the Department
May 28.
After noting that Cambodia was an area in which we
2
disagreed with U.S. views, lao Arnold Smith stressed the
Cambodians’ traditional fear of the Vietnamese. Cambodians:
were lackadaisical and felt with reason that the much more
active, intelligent and capable Vietnamese presented a threat
to their futures. Sibanouk had been consistent in one thing,
and that was his insistence that he receive reassurances
regarding his borders. Canada thought that it might have
been possible to have been more forthcoming in meeting
SihanoukTs concern.

Mr. Sullivan agreed that Sihanouk did indeed have
an ancient and deep-rooted fear of the Annamites. His basic
attitude was however a barometer of his optimism or pessimism
regarding the course of the war in Vietnam. When he found
himself taking a pessimistic view he tended to look towards
China. His concern for the convening of a f ourteen-nation
conference reflected an anxiety to have China and North
Vietnam become parties to any multilateral treaty recognizing
his bore PS.

3

...2

000145

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act
Document divulgue en vertu de la Loisur l'acces a /'information

2 Mr. Cooper, conceded that the commander of the 5th
Division (in whose area many of the border incidents had
taken place) took an unhelpful attitude towards Cambodians.
The United States had long pressed that he be relieved and
were hopeful that this would now be done. (It was reported
on June 1st that he had in fact been replaced.) With regard
to the May 8 incident there was evidence that the Viet Cong
had mounted a trap to lure the Vietnamese forces across the
bordero

4

Regarding the discussion of the Cambodian problem
5
in the United Nations, Mr. Sullivan revealed that the U.Se
plan envisaged that 13 battalions from each of Cambodia and
Vietnam .should be placed on the border along with some 700
or 800 UoN. observers. The South Vietnamese estimated that
a pure U.N. force of some 1,500 men (i.e., without Cambodian
and Vietnamese participation) would be sufficient to patrol
the border. The U.S. estimate was that a minimum of 4,000
men would be necessary for this purpose.

6

Mr. Smith noted that Sihanouk regarded a conference
as a way in which he could get recognition of his borders from
other countries including China and North Vietnam. 1.
Sullivan informed the meeting that Huot Sambath (Cambodian
Foreign Minister) realised that the Security Council would not
give an end sement of the principle of a Geneva Conference on
Cambodia.
2 went on to say that Sihanouk was having second
thoughts about the French neutrality proposals which, Sihanouk
had come to realise, envisaged a Titoist Indochina dominated
by Hanoi.

Returning to the problem of the Cambodian-South
7
Vietnamese border, Mr. Sullivan said that the United States
hoped that a United Nations commission of inquiry might look
into the means for solving the problem and for increasing the
degree of co-operation between Cambodia and Vietnam along the
border. Mr. Sullivan said that he did not think a United
Nations force on the border between Laos and South Vietnam
would have a useful, role to play because the real problem lay
in Hanoi’s decision to support the war in South Vietnam.

000146

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act
Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur l'acces a /'information

TO BE RETURNED
TO FAR EASTERN
DIVISION
Top Secret
. Bacon
June Lp s 1964

Re cord of Di s cus S i on Q n 195

during visit of Mosers Sullivan and Cooper
May 26, 1964
Present:

U.S.A. - Mr. William Sullivan (’'Vietnamese Co-ordinator",
State Department), Mro Chester Cooper (C.T.Ae),
• Mr: C. Kiselyak (U.S. Embassy)
Canada - Mr. Arnold Smith (chairman), Mr. J. McCardle
(DL2), Mr. R. L. Rogers (Far Eastern Division),
Mr. H. Be Singleton, Mr. T. M. Pope

Mro Sullivan said that the Americans thought that the
Pathet Lao wanted to get Souvanna out of the country and restore
the equality of the three parties. Their belief that the French
also supported this policy was based on the fact that Princess
Souvanna Phouma had told the U.S. Ambassador in Paris on May 26
that "the French have now turned on my husband.”

The Americans were afraid that the situation in Laos
2
might fall apart to such an extent that it might not be possible,
for them to continue their non-confrontation policy for the
entire area.
3
With respect to-Laos, the U.S.A, wanted Canadian
support on: (1) holding fast to Souvanna Phouma as the spokesman of the RIG and not accepting a three-party approach; (2)
opposition to the Polish proposal for a conference with limited
participation; (3) Article 4 consultations in Vientiane.

Mr. Arnold Smith said that Canada thought that it
4
would be unwise to have formal consultations between Souvanna
Phouma and exclusively Western countries because this would
damage Souvanna*s. neutral image. Mr. Munro had, however, been
instructed to attend informal consultations.
o6.2

000147

�’ Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act
Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur l'acces a I'information

- 2 -

Mr. Sullivan said that the purpose of Article 4
was something more than mere informal discussions; other-wise
it would not have been necessary. Furthermore, Souvanna's
neutrality had already been compromised by the actions of
the Pathet Lao®

5

Mr. Smith said that he had been referring to
6
Souvanna’s international neutrality as between Western and
non-Western countries, not to his neutrality among the
Laotian factions.
could accomplish.

He wondered what formal consultations

7

Mr. Sullivan said that their main purpose was to
keep Souvanna ’’bucked up.1 if his request for consultations
was not met he would be pushed closer to the end of his rope®
There was also the face-saving aspect—he had gone on record
as wanting consultations and must be given satisfaction. It
would be misunderstood by him and in other quarters if the
Canadians were absent. If Mr. Munro's duties as Commissioner
did not allow him time to attend consultations, perhaps Canada
would consider pending another delegate.
Mr. Smith said that, although the Indians had been
8
most unreasonable recently in all three Commissions, it was
most desirable, from the point of view of the Geneva settlement,
to have them participate in any consultations that took place.
Mro Sullivan requested that Canadian participation
9
not be made contingent on Indian participation®
Mr. Smith said that no purpose would be served by a
10
Canadian boycott of purely Western consultations® If
consultations were going to take place anyway, Canada would
have to consider the situation on that basis. Mr. Rogers asked
what it was anticipated would come out of these consultations.

Mr. Sullivan said that this was the aachinery
11
provided by the Geneva Agreements for correcting the present
situation® It might, of course, fail®

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