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                  <text>Department of External Affairs

CLA
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File No,

20-22-TFK-4

Subjects

POLITICAL AFFAISS

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Declaration da M. Robert Lemieux a Radio mutual
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"Je m*enquiete at Je suls un pau attriate* par la fait qua la
declaration da M. Sharp est un pau laconique, tardlva at suggere das chosas
sans y mettre aucun contanu. Je pansa qua a*lis avait das chosas derriere
la tete a part da oa qu»il a declare^ 11 auralt e*t«* opportun dans l'iateret
da tous qu'il la declare at qu'il na faasa pas una declaration du genre
da cella qua 1*on oonnalt a das ministres dans las conflits syndicaux. Ca
n'est pas un eonflit syndical, c'est una affaire differentej ai l'on contrasts las positions das deux parties an causa il salable qua las positions
sont d'un part clairas at nettes, tandls qua da la part du gouvernement 11
semblerait prat &amp; negocier, mais 11 n»offre pas d*avenues at n'offre pas
d'immunites das personnes qui pouvaient tenter. On na sait pas s'il s'agit
d'un guet-appcns ou s'il s'agit d'une aeeure pour avoir du d£Lai. Ja pense
qua M. Sharp auralt peut-etre faire una declaration un pau plus tflaborce
at auralt peut-etre pu la fair a un petit pau plus tot."
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CLASSIFICATION

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CBC RADIO 'S: 35 STATAMENT BY CLAUDE RYAN

QcT.

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Q: DO YOU FEEL THAT Tlffl GOVT REALLY HAD ANY OTHER LEVIABLE ALTERA ATT VIC?
A: I THINK S O .

Q: DO YOU MAKE ANY RECOMMENDATIONS?
A: IN MY PAPER. I WROTE A PIECE THE OTHER DAY IN WHICH I INSISTED THAT THE
OHLY POSSIBLE SOLUTION WAS TO FREE A CERTAIN NUMBER OF SO-CALLED POLITICAL
PRISONERS.

I WAS NOT PASSING JUDGMENT 00. WHAT THEY DID BUT 1 SAW A GOVT

FACED WITH AN UNMANAGEABLE SITUATION AND I SAW A WAY OUT OF THE PREDICAMENT
VIA THAT SOLUTION.
ANNOUNCER:

IRONICALLY, MR RYAN SAID MINUTES AFTER THS JUSTICE MINISTERS

STATEMENT AND ONLY MINUTES BEFORE MR LAPORT3 ABDUCTION THAT HE 'FEARED
POSSIBLE SERIOUS CONSEQUENCES TO FOLLOW'.

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CLASSIFICATION

CKCH - I6hl5 - 14 octoDre ±970.

Voici le resumS de la conference de presse qu'a donnee Me Robert
Lemieux a Montreal, vers I6hl5»
rt

Lors de 1 i rencontre, de 1 hre a 3 hres avec Me Demers, il a ete

question du nouveau mandat qui a ete renouvele par le Front de Liberation du
Quebec quant aux modalites d1execution des 6 conditions qui demeurent encore
pour la liberation des otages. Le FLQ, dans son communique No 9 a donn6 carte
blanche a Me Lemieux pour negocier ces 6 conditions.
Me Lemieux a egalement discute avec Me Demers, de nouveau, de la
proposition par laquelle le gouvernement uemande des garanties additionnelles.
Cette proposition a ete faite hier par Me Lemieux * savoir que les prisonniers
politiques soient conduits en Algerie ou a Cuba, il semble que ce soit plutSt
en Algerie, et qu'ils soient detenus 1^ jusqu'S. la liberation des 2 olages,
MM. Cross et Laporte, sinon les 23 prisonniers dits politiques et le ^ million
en lingots d'or servient tout simplement ramenes au Quebec.
Me Lemieux a egalement rejete une demande qui lui a ete faite par Me
Demers a savoir qu'il serait preferable de continuer les negociations dans la
vieille capitale, etant donne que le cabinet des ministres se reunit a Quebec
et qu'il serait ainsi plus facile de communi ;uer avec les ministres. Me Lemieux
a rejete cette dem^mde, tout d'abord parce que son travail le retient a Montreal
o&amp; se trouvent la plupart de ses clients. Les incidents dont il est question se
sont deroules &amp; Montreal, les communications entre les ravisseurs des 2 otages et
Me Lemieux sont plus faciles evidemment parce que les media d'information qui
s'en occupent sont a Montreal et il lui sera plus facile de surveiller le deroulement de la situation s'il demeure ions la metropole.

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�page 2

II a demande a Me Demers de faire pression pour que le gouvernement
fasse diligence afin de discuter de 1'application des 6 cjnditions qui sont
exigees par le PLQ.
Pour ce qui

st de la demande du PLQ dan3 son communique d'aujourd'hui,

en ce qui a trait aux operations policieres, on a demande, on le sait a Me
Lemieux de faire ra port. Celui-ci a tout simplement declare que les fouilles,
I
les perquisitions, les .prestations des policiers se poursuivent toujours et
que plusieurs militants et sympathisants du FLQ demeurent toujours emprisonnes
et ii a mentionne le nom de Pierre Tadeau, un etudiant, et un autre sympathisant
du nom de Potvin.

•

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003596

�CLASSIFICAIIO

CONFERENCE DE PRESSE DE M. ROBERT LEMIEUX
15 OCTOBRE 1970

Mesdames et Messieurs, chers Patriotes, parce que je m'adresse
au Front, je suis particulieremenx inquiet de ne pas avoir eu encore une
reponse du Gouvernement S, la proposition que je lui faisais sur la question
prealable*a Savoir que les prisonniers politiques et 1'argent soient transportes
.dans un pays £tranger et gardes IS, jusqu'S, temps quo les otages soient liberes.
Ca fait trente heures que le Gouvernement sait que c'est IS. notre proposition.
Ca fait plus que ca qu'ils la connaissent cette proposition la parce quti'on en
avait parle d&amp;s notre premiere rencontre la veille./alors, la population du Quebec
qui,comme dans toute negociation, doit presumer la bonne foi des deux partis aura
S. juger si on est de bonne foi lorsque l'on a une proposition simple et qu'on n'a
pas apres trente heures et apr&amp;s plus que cela, et qu'on n'a pas donna sa reponse
sur 1'acceptability ou la non-acceptabilite de cette proposition.
J'ai parle S. Me Demers S, 5 heures 10, Je lui avais parle plutot aujourd'hui
vers 1 heure et il m'avait dit alors qu'il me ferait, il me donnerait une reponse
sur ma proposition' sur la question prealable et qu'il me parlerait peut-etre aussi
d'autres sujets relatifs S. l'affaire. Mais quand je lui ai parle tantot, il m'a
ditj"Bien j'attends que le Premier Ministre sorte de la Chambre et je te rappellerai
tout do suite"; en fait j'attends toujoura son appel et jo n'ai pas encore de
nouvollou. Alora, jo commence, S. ine demandor, oi mon mandat n'cst pas un petit peu
illuaoiro ot j'ai d&lt;5clar6 a certains momenta dans cotto affaire quo jo diraia la
verit6 ot touto la verit6 S. la population et particulierement a mes clients puisquo
c'est le seul moyen que j'ai pour communiquer avec eux. C'est S. cette conditio.-! que
je travaille dans toutes les circonstances et dans cette circonstance partiiouliSre,
J'ai eu a mon hotel, hier soir, une visite en presence d'une journaliste de la
gre3se, Rosanne Giroux, elle se trouvait a ma chambre pour un entrevue, pour un
papier qu'elle prepare pour le Journal La Presse; j'ai eu une communication
telephonique, un individu s'est rendu a mon hotel et m'a fait part, un homme
d'affaire qui exerce un commerce important, d'un certain age, il rn'a fait part
dont
qu'il avait des informations, il m'a donne ce detail, la fa^on ^a-*ils lui sont
parvenus e t 3e l e s consid^re a leur face^serieuses, ces informations, a l'effet

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003597

�- 2 que, et ca viendrait d'un membre, d'un depute, membre du Parti Liberal et
qui a une fonction speciale ia l'Assemblee nationale , a 1'effet cue le Gouvernement
aurait repere la cellule Chenier qui garde M. Laporte et qu'elle attendrait de
reperor la cellule Liberation qui garde, d'apres les communiques, M. Cross et que
elle interviendrait alors, lorcqu'elle decouvrirait le repSre de la deuxieme
cellule , elle interviendra alors par une operation polici&amp;re.

J'ai pose au$

negociateur, cet apr*6s-midi cette question, je lui ai demande, je lui ai suggere
que j'etais en droit d'avoir une reponse 2. ce chapitre ia*

Je.lui ai parle tantot

a 5 heures 10, il semble qugs'il n'a pas tout \ fait bien compris ma question^
i*e toute fa^on le Premier Ministre aurait repondu que ca relSve du domaine policier
et que ca ne le, qu'il ne peut pas repondre \ cette question. Bh bien, moL, je pense^
que je suis en droit au chapitre de la bonne foi d'exiger une reponse a une telle
(question. C'est une information serieuse que j'ai pris la peine de verifier, j'ai
interroge et jera'yconnais -un tout petit peu, 9a fait quelques armees que je fais
cela,j'ai contre-interroge, j'ai #arifie avec cet individu et j'ai aussi verifie
certains faits apres qui me confirment que ce qu'il m'a dit se tient et j'aimerais
savoir du Gouvernement si cette information que j'ai est bien fondee ou est mal
fondEe.ei .parce que je la, considure serieuse,si je n'ai pas de reponse et si la
raison pour laquelle je n'ai pas de reponse ne me semble pas serieuse. ho bien lS^
je devrais peut-etre me poser des questions cerieuses sur mon mandat.

II y a une

autre question aussi que je pense serieuse et importante c'est de savoir parce
que il y a toutes sortes d'informations qui nous viennent dsx d'Ottawa, c'est de
savoir 1'attitude du Gouvernement federal face aux negociations que le Gouvernement
du Quebec a entreprises.

Je n'ai pas besoin d* avoir de.-,.; communications avuc le

Gouvernemont d'Ottawa maiu; peat--St re que le Xouv7urr:emen'u du k^...eoec pourrait nous
le laisser savoir. Parce que;entre autre^les prisonniers politiques-je pourrais
les nornmen-S. 1'Institution Archambault qui est une institution federaie qui depeA-id
du Solliciteur general qui est un mini3tre du Cabinet federal et ces gens IS, sont
sous la garde et le controle d'un Ministre federal. II s'agit de, par exemple,
do Pierre Paul Geoffroy, Edmond Guenette, Robert Levesque qui sont a I'Institution
Arcnambault, il y en a six la et il y en a six au Leclerc.

Alors ca fait douxe

personnes, les douze premiSres personnes qui ont signe. ^ Je pense que je suis en
droit aussi de demander au Gouvernement du Quebec.iziifr negociateurs de me repondre^.

.. ./3

003598

�_

3 —

de me dormer une reponse S. ce chapitre IS..

Alors, je suis un petit peu inquiet ,

je ne sais pas trop ou je vais, je vais attendre; Me Demers m'a dit qu'il m'appellorait
aussitot qu'il le pourrajmais disons que je suis S. l'heure actuelUIa un pexit peu
pessimiste parce que ce ne sont pas des negociations syndicales et c'est une question
urgente, la vie de deux hommes dependent de ces negociations et je pense que si on
considers que le Gouvernement a une proposition depuis trente he-ores et la connait
depuis a peu-pres une cinquantaine d'heures et qu'il n'a pas encore repondu je pense
que IS la population et la partie que je represente est en droit de se poser des
questions serieuses sur la bonne foi du Gouvernement.

1

—

non decniffrabie.,

..... je ne m'en plains, pas, jo n'ai rien a cacher avec, auprSs de mes clients
... aujlpes du Front et iIS semble^n*avoir rien a cacher aupres de la population
Pi)

en ce qui a trait aux instructions qu ils pourrait me donnerjalors, je trouve
le moyen, le moyen suffisant et jeApense pas qu£ on doive le changer, ce serait
evidemment cbs so livrer a ia police.
iA.«

:±jj.:y±iixssim::s. .Ah oui, un point important; Re jean Tremblay sz Andre Lesuard,
sont mentionnes au communicjue numero I sontid1 apres des informations
sums
enquete que Me Cloutier a menee, une enquete peut-etre complete^seraient sequestres
par la Surete du Quebec et lea poiiciers les empecheraient de venir a Montreal
pour s'ontretenir avec moi^ GG sont deux membres du Front qui sont sous des accusation
presentsinGiit A Joliette ot

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sont mcntioniupi cXms le OE;v:mu..uic~uu numero 1 comme

etant Acs poroovines sous cau.tionne.r.ent,;qui seraient invites X partir Qu u s n ont
pas pu oe rendre S Montreal parce q-ue les autorites policiSres les empechent de
quitter leur domicile.

003599

�CONFERENCE DE PRE3SE DE M. ROBERT LEMIEUX
15 OCTOBRE 1970

llesdames et Messieurs, chers Patriotes, parce que je ra'adresse
au Front, je suis particulierement inquiet de ne pas avoir eu encore une
reponse du Gouvernement \ la proposition que je lui faisaia sur la question
prealable. Savoir que les prisonniers politiques et 1'argent soient transport's
dans un pays stranger et gardes la jusqu'a temps que les otages soient libfires.
Ca fait trente heures 4ue le Gouvernement sait que c'est la notre proposition.
Ca fait plus que ca qu'ils la oonnaissent cette proposition la parce que on en
avait parle dee notre premiere rencontre la veille alors, la population du Quebec
qui comme dans toute negociation, doit presumer la bonne foi des deux partis aura
S. juger si on est de bonne foi lorsque l'on a une proposition simple et qu'on n'a
pas apres trente heures et apres plus que cela, et qu'on n'a pas donne sa reponse
sur 1'acceptability ou la non-acceptibilit6 de cette proposition.
J'ai parle a Me Demers a 5 heures 10, je lui avais parl6 plut3t aujourd'hui
vers 1 heure et il m'avait dit alors qu'il me ferait, il me donnerait une reponse
sur ma proposition sur la question prealable et qu'il me parlerait peut-8tre ausBi
d'autres sujets relatifs S I'affaire. Mais quand je lui ai parle tantSt, il m'a
dit "Bien j'attends que le Premier Ministre sorte de la Chambre et je te rappellerai
tout de suite" en fait j'attends toujours son appel et je n'ai pas encore de
nouvelles. Alors, je commence S me demander si monraandatn'eat pas un petit peu
illusoire et j'ai declare a certains moments dans cette affaire que je dirais la
verite et toute la verite 5. la population et particulierement a mes clientB puisque
c'est le seul moyen }ue j'ai pour communiquer avec eux. C'est a. cette condition que
je travaille dans toutes les circonr.tances et dans cette circonstance particuliere
J'ai 9u S. mon h3tel, aier soir, une visite en presence d'une journalists de la
Presse, Rosanne Giroux, e A e se trouvait S ma chambre pour un entrevue, pour un
papier qu'elle prepare pour le Journal La Presse, j'ai eu une communication
teiephonique, uii individu s'est rendu S mon hotel et m'a fait part, un horame
d'iffaire qui exerce un commerce important, d'un certain Sge, il m'a fait part
dont
qu'il avait des informations, il m'a donne ce lEtail, la fayon &lt;pf*"ils lui sont
parvenus e t 0e l e s considere a leur face&gt;serieuses, ces informations, a l'effet
.../2

003600

�- 2 que, et ja viendrait d'un membre, d'un depute, membre du Parti Liberal et
qui a une fonction speciale a l'Assemblee nationale , S I'effet que le Gouvernement
aurait repere la cellule Chenier qui garde M. Laporte et qu'elle attendrait de
reperer la cellule Liberation qui garde, d'apres les communiques, M. Cross et que
elle interviendrait alors, lorsqu'elle decouvrirait le repere de la deuxieme
cellule , elle interviendra alors par une operation policiere, J'ai pose aut
negociateur, cet apres-midi cette question, je lui ai demande, je lui ai suggere
que j'etais en droit d'avoir une reponse S ce chapitre IS.

Je lui ai parle tantot

S 5 heures 10, il semble que il n'a pas tout S fait bien compris ma question,
de toute facon le Premier Ministre aurait repondu que $a relSve du domaine policier
et que *a ne le, qu'il ne peut pas repondre S cette question. He bien moi je pense,
que je suis en droit au chapitre de la bonne foi d'exiger une reponse a une telle
question. C'est une information serieuse que j'ai pris la peine de verifier, j'ai
interroge et je m'y connais un tout petit peu, ca fait quelques annees que je fais
cela j'ai contre-interroge, j'aitferifieavec cet individu et j'ai aussi verifie
certains faits apres qui me cenfirraent que ce qu'il m'a dit se tient et j'aimerais
savoir du Gouvernement si cette information que j'ai est bien fondee ou est mal
fondee et parce que je la considere serieuse si je n'ai pas de reponse et si la
raison pour laquelle je n'ai pas de reponse ne me semble pas serieuse he bien IS,
je devrais peut-etre me poser des questions serieuses sur mon mandat.

Il y a une

autre question aussi que je pense serieuse et importante c'est de savoir parce
que il y a toutes sortes d1informations qui nous viennent d*x d'Ottawa, c'est de
savoir 1'attitude du Gouvernement federal face aux negociations que le Gouvernement
du Quebec a entreprises. Je n'ai pas besom d1avoir des communications avuc le
Gouvernement d'Ottawa mais peut-etre que le Gouvernement du Q .ebec pourrait nous
ie laisser savoir. Parce que entre autre les prisonniers politiques je pourrais
les nommer S 1'Institution Archambault qui est une institution federale qui depend
du Solliciteur general qui est un ministre du Cabinet federal et ces gens IS sont
sous la garde et le controle d'un Ministre federal.

II s'agit de, par exemple

de Pierre Paul Geoffroy, Edmond Guenette, Robert Levesque qui sont S 1'Institution
Archambault, il y en a six IS et ily sn a six au Leclerc.
personnes, les douze premieres personnes qui ont signe.

Alors v a fait douxe

Je pense que je suis en

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droit, aussi de demander au Gouvernement du Quebec ,a,fq£- negociateurt de me repondre

.../3 -

003601

�- 3de me dormer une reponse a ce chapitre IS.

Alors, je suis un petit peu inquiet ,

je ne sais pas trop ou je vais, je vais attendre, Me Demers m'a dit qu'il m'appellerait
aussitot qu'il le pourra mais disons que je suis S. l'heure actuel IS un petit peu
pessimiste parce que ce ne sont pas des negociations syndicales et c'est une question
urgente, la vie de deux hommes dependent de ces negociations et je pense que si on
considere que le Gouvernement a une proposition depuis trente heure3 et la connait
depuis S peu pres une cinquantaine d'heures et cju'il n'a pas encore repondu je pense
que IS, la population et la partie que je represente est en droit de se poser des
questions serieuses sur la bonne foi du Gouvernement.

003602

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decide G ' o f f r i r l e a moddiites ae son ofGre aux r a v i s s e u r s .

Si'les

r a v i s s e u r s de A. Gross v e u l e n t se p r u v a l o i r ce cos m o d a l i t e s ; eh b i e n ,
e l l e s e x i s t e n t t o u j o u r s s e l o n une perso.uue dont nous taif^ens i-~ nom
bien sur. inais qui c u t a t t a c h e e au c a b i n e t cu ^ r e m i e r m i n i s t r e Bourassa
e t c e c i en d e a l t ae i a mort a f f r e u s e de A. L a o o r t e .

A l o r s l e Gouverne'iei
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demande aux r a v i s s e u r s s ' i l s v e u l e n t l i b e r e r K. C r o s s A b i p n , de se
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Early Sunday, a f e d e r a l government spokesman said the offer s t i l l
holds f c r trie kidnappers of Mr. Cross, s e n i o r B r i t i s h trade commissi*:
I n Montreal.
Different I?L&lt;4 c e l l s were involved, he said ? and * 'may have reached
different decisions.»»
, , •
.
„ ./D gouvernement l e a e r a l a faw. s a v o i r que 1 ' o f f r e d'un sauf cohduit e s t t o u j o u r ^
U a b l e pour l a l i b e r t e de M. C r o s s .

On echange un sauf conduii? pour ses r a v i s s e u i :

;mbres du f r o n t de l i b e r a t i o n de Quebed.
•; m i d i .

Le c a b i n e t f e d e r a l d ' a u t r e p a r t se r c u r . i r

On ne c o n n a i t pas l e s s u j e t s qui s e r o n t a b o r d e s , mais i l p a r a i t c e r t a i n c .

un d i s c u t e r a i a raort de M. P i e r r e Laporte ;U . I K l
. diplomat o r i t t a n i q u e James Grose ca bonne

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Xbecois font e x p e r i e n c e pour l a premiere f o i s .

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dont t o u s

M. Bourassa s ' a d e r e s s e r a f o r t probablemenl

l a p o p u l a t i o n quebecois v e r s m i d i a

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CKcH

OCT 18

CKCH - I6hl5 - 18 oc-obre 1?7C

L'airA assadeur de Prance au Canada, sou Excellence Francois oiraud,
s ' e s t dit profond^men b o u l e v e r s ' : " C e s avec beaucoup de reine 'ue ""'ai
appris d'abord 1'enlevement de M. Pierre Laporte et la fin t r a r i me auquel
cet enlevement a abouti. Je suis sur qu'en France mes compalriotes de meme
que le Gouvernement franoais partageront l e s rr.emes sentiments que ceux du
peuple canadien, seniimen s de r e g r e t , de -eine et d'indignation. M. Laporte
avait jou4 un r8le impor ant comme ministre des Affaires c u l t u r e l l e s du
Quebec dans la p r e p a r a i o n , la mise au point et 1'a-plication de l a cooperation
franco-qu?becoise. A ce l i t r e i] ^ 4 a i t bien connu, t r e s appr*ci£, J r e s estim*
a P a r i s . D ' a i l l e u r s , i l devait s'y rendre ces jours-ci et sa v i s i t e aurait
ete certainement une nouvelle 'tape d^n? la voie de l ' a m i t i l franco-canadienne.
A Madame Laporte et sa famille, de rnSme qu'au gouvernement canadien et au
gouvernement quebecois, j ' a i exprime ides vivies condol'ances et nos sentimen'a
prcfondoment a t t r i s t e s . "
A Londres, le S e c r ' i a i r e au Foreign Office, Sir Alec Douglas Home a l a n e '
un appel au F.L.Q. l u i demandant de l i b e r e r James Cross:" Je r&gt;rie et .^'esrere
que ceux qui de 4 iennent M. Crops reprendront leur e s r r i t et auront des sentiments
humains".

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EAOEITREAL Cp - Rene Levesgtue, l e a d e r of t h e s e p a r a t i s t P a r t i
u e h e c o i s , e x p l o r e d Sunday t h e c ^ a t r o c i o u s waste?? of P i e r r e
x p o r t e ? s l i f e and c a l l e d f o r renewed e f f o r t s t o save James J a s p e r
Eross,} t h e kidnapped B r i t i s h envoy.
Speaking a t a news c o n f e r e n c e i n an abnormally hushed v o i c e , Mr,
Gevesiue saXG she a s s a s s i n s of Guehec?s i a h o r m i n i s t e r i &lt;Jare
inhuman b e i n g s . ? ?
Us-inhers of she P r o n t de L i l o r a t i c n du Gushes had *«coldly and
E e i i h e r a t e l y s ? executed Mr. L a p o r t e *-after' having seen him l i v e and
hope s s f o r s o many d a y s .
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have
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EEdnappers w i l l 50 r i g h t t o t h e l i m i t . ? ?
i.-ir. Levespue "blamed t h e f e d e r a l government f o r i t s h a r d ~ i i n e p o l i c y
U d e a l i n g w i t h t h e k i d n a p p e r s , s a y i n g i t h e a r s ««a heavy
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ? ? i n Ur„ Laporte*s deatE^.
*&lt;It i s n o t t n e time t o h i d e what ive t h i n k . ??
Mr. Levesilie s a i d i t seemed t h a t Premier Robert Bourassa was
attempting t o ^ n e g o t i a t e s e r i o u s l y an exchange?? w i t h t h e k i d n a p p e r s .
But e x h o r t a t i o n s l a t e r "by Mr. Levespue and o t h e r s f o r an immediate
s o l u t i o n were n o t l i s t e n e d t o "because Ottawa had a l r e a d y d e c i d e d n o t
DO negotxaX;„
Mr. Levespue a l s o a p p e a l e d t o t h e k i d n a p p e r s t o r e l e a s e Mr. Gross,,
«*t.'e p e r s i s t i n hoping t h a t a minimum of r e s p e c t f o r l i f e and a s e n s e
of honor can again, ho awakened.??
i'.'itii Eix Levesq.ue were r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of She C o n f e d e r a t i o n of
x t i o n a l Tre.de Unions,, t n e Guebec Teachers Corp
ex en. ana oiie
I n a j oin'
hey s a i d was a l s o endorsed hy t h e p a r t i
u e h e c o i s ana Claude i^yan, Cl—L l / O i or fciontr«sai xe d e v o i r , t h e y
eked t h e Quebec government t o n e g o t i a t e t o s a v e Va
xn Mr. L a p o r t e ? s c a s e , t h e s t a t e m e n t s a i d
«*we vehemently condemn
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CJRC

CJRC - ?lhCC - 1; octobre 1970

DECLARATION DE RENE LEVESQUE:
A son sens la mort de M. Laporte a &lt;5t5 le gaspillajsre atroce d'une
vie qui sur le plan public comme sur le plan prive, etait une vie si
remrlie et juste au sommet de la maturity. II a ensuite demande qu'on
redouble les efforts pour sauver la vie du diplomate anglais M. Cross.
Dans une conference de presse, K. Levesque a qualifi' d'etres inhumains
les f.&gt;ss§ssins de M. Laporte. Ils ont emport^ ici, a-t-il lit, dans une
societe qui ne justifie pas un tel 'tat de chose, un fanatisme glacial
et des methodes de chantage a I'assassinat qui sont celles d'une .junrle
sans issue.

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CECG - 1EGE5 - I s 72

o c t o b r e 1970.

Document Eu par A. AsnC Levesque A Eu. s u i t s d ' u n e r e u n i o n du Census

Les Evenements que nous . ii' avons '.ineias,
E--bouchent encore notre horizon. Une serale certitude, globalement,
profile avoc clarte«M C'est une espece dTapres-guerre qu'cn nous a
inflis-ie eG qui nous attend,, avec toutes ics- possibilit-Es pour Co
- -• p

^aspilloes X r.ctre epoqne, lauoe 'PU.EU volonLe EUCIUC e"c o
de les faire servir au propria.
C'est pourquoi, nous croyons absolument nCctsauG,
tout de suite et de proposer au no ins le brouillon d'un programme
d'urgence. C'est sur le plan politique, lorsqu'ix peut _oncuionnor
normalement, que doivent s'elaborer et s'appliquer les principaux
consentenents collectifs. Or, depuis plusieurs semaines deja, is.
tension et la traredie on dangereusement pourri 1'atmosphere sur ce
plan cOiEue sur d'autres. Elles ont favorise les attitudes extremes e~
sans nuances, et m§me un certain regne, heureusement provisoire, ECU
aspects les plus primitifs surgis Ge la sour et Ge la vieiile tendance
a. la demission a laquelle toute societe est exposee a Ge tels moments.
..vec lo concours des grands moyens d'information ou s'exerce leur infi
once, les dirigeants en place font naturellement leur possible pour
accentuer et pour canaliser a leur profit ce climat anorrual.
T!i .. t'i.7-U:EE
court terme, il leur a permis a'agir a leur
au maximum, 1'inevitable piuriode ae questions ec de jugemenc qu M
G subir. Sur So plan politique, encore une fois, c'est au Parti
qu'est evid eminent devoiue ia tache exigeante et delicate d'amercer Eo rciresscment qui s'impose. Ce ii.ans.at reel, il se doit ae 1'assumer au no... aes
650,000 ou 660,000 citoyens qui lui accordaient, il y a quelques mois i
seise, la seconde ols.ee dans le ciassement Acs partis.
L y es
mt tenu, encore davantage pa* l e i a i t que son r o l e e s t de c o n t e a t e r
democratiquement non se-ulement l e s p a r t i s t r a d i t i o n n e l s , s;ais 1c regime
meme dont i l s s o n t 1 ' e m a n a t i o n . Ce regime ou s e u l e une a u t r u c h e ne v o r r a i t .
oas l e s causes profondes de nos d i f f i c u l t i e s . Gt de t o u t e f a j o n , c ' e s t a u s s i
un mandat q u i nous a p p a r t i e n t par d e f a u t , p u i s q u ' a u n i v e a u qu.;oeco.7.s., l e s
Genu; a u t r e s p a r t i s d T o p p o s i t i o n ne s c a t p r e s e n t e m e n t , l ' u n , quo s i l e n c e
a p p r o b a t e u r , et' 1 ' a u t r e , que l ' a c c e s s o i r e du p o u v o i r . Ce mandat r e e l , encor
une Go:'..:, nous entendons l e r e m p l i r avoc fermete e t sans l e moindre comproinis, mais s u r un ton a u s s i r e s p o n s a b l e e t c o n s t r u c t i f q u ' i l e s t hirr.airior..ent
p o s s i b l e . Sous SOI.JUCS p r u t s G Epauler 1 ' L t a t do t o u t e s nos forces s ' i l
reprciid ses sens c t s ' i l a c c e p t e Go f a i r e sa p a r t d e c i s i v e dans c e t t e uache
iriA.i.sijCi'is.able q u ' i l faut cnti'cprcndz'c.

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�Gans pretendre inventer ie monde, voici done, sommairement,
ce que notre monde a nous, ici au Quebec, nous parait exiger de ia
facon la plus urgente, si I'on veut qu'il retrouve 1c minimum vita]
de sante, d'elan et d'acceptation Ge soi-mSme, qui ne viennent ou ne
reviennent a une societe cue si elle se sent avancer. A partir de la,
nous avons formule un programme d'urgence sur le plan politique essentiellement, qui se divise en deux parties, premierement pour 1'im.UGIat,
e'est-a-dire, pour les jours qui pas sent, et deuxiemement, pour les
mois qui viennent.
Premierement pour l'immediat, ca se sitae sur deux plans:
l'action parlenentaire d'abord. .Alors que ie Quebec est en etat de
crise, que la democratie elle-neme est soimise a de rudes opreuves,
il y a un Parlement ou I'on Giscute Ge problemes fondamentaux de la
societe quebecoise et de l'action du gouvernement, et c'est le Parlement
federal d'Ottawa. II 'n'y a pas de signe plus Eloquent du iragique
deplacement du pouvoir qui s'est opere durant les jours de crise. At
c'est una aberration qu'il faux corriger immediatement. Le seul Ombudsman
occasionnel du citoyen quebecois, en ce moment, ce sont des voix occaoionneiles aussi a Ottawa. j_e Parlement au Quebec est aosent. C'esx pourquoi,
le Conseil des Deputes du Parti Quebecois demande au Gouvernement de faire
sieger (l'Assemblee nationals des cetto semaine ainsi que Ie Gouvernement
s'y Stall d'ailleurs engage avant les vacances d'eteU Si on veut vraiment
defendre nos institutions democratiques quebecoises centre des gens qui
n'y croient plus, ii faut absolument les faire fonctionner au moment meme
ou elles sont en peril et la nation aussi. Autrement, on en arrive a
justifier ceux qu'on veut combattre.
Pour l'immediat, encore une Gois. Deuxiemement, en ce qui concerne
le droit des citoyens. Vu que 1'application de la loi des ICeeures de Guerre
pout causer aux individus des prejudices graves, ncus jugeons necessaire
dans l'immediat, de mettre sur pied, un comite juridique crui veillera G oe
que soit respecxes les prm:cipes les plus elementaires Eo Eu dignite Eumaine.
En oarticulier, ce comite veiliera 1 ce que les autorites premiei'*ement,
reconnaissent une commission de contrSle comprenant au moins les representants
t'

.... cinquiemement, fasse corriger le communique de l'escouade de ia Brigade
anti-terroriste ou l'on prohibe la distribution de litterature a caractore
polixique, sans preciser one selon les i*eglements en vigueur, ii ne s7au,ix
que de litterature subversive. Voila pour l'immediat.
Quant au programme d'urgence, il nous parait indiquo et meme
absolument necessaire dans les mois qui viennent, tenant compte des racines
les plus evidentes des difficultes que rencontre le Quebec, il se divise en
deux parties essentielles. Premierement, deux points concernant le climat
general de la societe et deuxiemement, "on certain nombre de priorites.
Dans les mois qui viennent done, premierement en ce qui concerne le climat
politique, il faut que cesse I'extremisme de la violence sous tous leurs
aspects. Nous nous engageons solennellement, nous, a. continuer avec plus

.. ,/3

003609

�de clarte et de vigueur que jamais, a condamner les tentations absurdes
que le FLQ concretise si tragiquement. Mais il faut en contrepartie,
un engagement tout aussi ferme des autorites et des interets publics ct
prives, qui tiennent chez nous les leviers de commande. De faire cesser
les distorsions et la calomnie dont eux-memes et ceux qu'ils controlent,
ont trop systematiquement abreuve les gens et les groupes avec lesquels
ils ne sont pas d'accord. C'est ainsi qu'on s'expose a jeter dans la
rage et la revolte, des esprits qui ne demandaient au depart que le respect de ia charte democratique.
C'est an point ou une veritable campagne de re-education
collective nous semble indiquee s"ur ce plan. Sous en ferons notre xucEe
quoi qu'il arrive ex surement pas tout seul. Elle ne pourra pleinement
reussir cependant, que si les dirigeants en place et ceux qu'ils centrelent en font auxant.
Zn ce opui concerne ie climat general de la societe, il faut
aussi que soit retrouve sans delai le sens de I'urgence et de l'action
concrete. A la place de cette allure rcutiniere et pas pressee qui regne
excessivement en haut-lieu depuis plusieurs annees. On a tire du comportement quebecois, de divers evenements politiques en particulier, la
conclusion dangereasement erronee que le Quebec etait alio trop vite et
qu'il etait pour longtemps essoufle. On s'esx installs dans cette pause,
et cedant a ia tenxation evidente de la faire durer, on s'est mis a croire
qu'on avait 1'eternite devant sol. Aujourd'hui, et demain plus encore, la
pire de toutes les erreurs est, et sera le temps perdu. .Aussi le climat
d'urgence que nous prcposons doit-61 depasser immediatement le verbalisms
et s'attaquer aux problemes crui sont a la fois les plus aigus, les plus
negliges et les plus indisentablement rSglables. C'est pourquoi la deuxieme partie du programme d'urgence que nous proposons dans les mois qui
viennent s'appelle les priorites, sur quatre fronts distincts et precedes de
1'introduction rapide que voici.
Les priorites, nous ne pretendons pas en epuiser la liste mais
voici un certain nombre de questions pendantes. Sur la plupart G' entre
elles, un consensus tres large a eu amplement le loisir de se degager. Les
etudes ont ete faites et parfois refaites au niveau national comme dans
chaque region. En continuant de les trainer, on ne ferait que maintenir en
place au coeur de la societe cueoecoise de menaijants detonateurs. Or nous
sommes convaincus. que sur tous et cE;acun de ces points qui viennent, II est
possible, et partant necessaire dans le climat present, d'engager et dans
certains cas, de completer l'action requise d'ici un an.
Premierement, il est urgent cGmme jamais d'agir par dessus tout sur Go
grands problemes sociaux et humains qui affectent depuis Crop longtemps
les plus mal pris des notres et qui finissent par degouter de ce qu'on
appeile i'ordre etabli tous ceux qui s'interessent activement a leur sort.
- Ia renovation urbaine et le logement convenable a prix modique
ou nous sommes scandaleusement parmi les plus arrieres du
continent;
//.

003610

�- m o xegislaxion \-t ces mscanismcs ciixcaces oo pi^oxocsion
'Pec consommateurs on 1'on trains je ne sais co:UG.en Go pro jets
detailles, tandis qu'on esx probaolement les derniers, encore
une fois, a ne pas avoir quoi que ce soix en place pour proteger
les gens crui risfluent de so faire voler legalement:
- une arorce rapide d'un minimum decent Ge revenue gar ant is ct
dependance sociale,;
- 'one hausse rapide du salaire minimum a un niveau convenabie,
et son ajustement total et non plus mesquinement partiel a
l'augi:ientation moyeAine des salaires, au lieu de decisions
discriminatoires et arbitraires des ministres a tous les IS,
24 ou 3d mois;
- un echeancier precis prevoyant chaeune des etapes de 1'expansion
graduelie de 1'assurance-sante, en commen^ant par la date precise
de 1'extension des soins gratuits au AJoint de vue des medicaments
, pour les gens c:ui n'out pas les moyens;
- i'exercice complet du droit d'association accessible a tous les
s aiaries•
Ca, c'est la premiere partie: c'est tout faisable, rapidement a'apres nous,
G'ici quelcpies mois ou amoru.ables serieusement en tout cas, dans le domaine
social et humain.
Deuxiemement, il est urgent comme jamais d'agir pour corriger deux
Acs tares les plus flagrantes et les plus susceptibles de revolter les csprits
dans le fonctionnement de nos structures fondamentales. Dans 1'administration
de la justice, les lenteurs qui aboutissent au deni de justice et tous ce qui
de ores ou de loin permet de soupgonner trop frequemment une politisaticn des
procedures judiciaires.
Dans le regime electoral, l'iniquite caricaturale du decoupage Eies
comtes, le processus et le mode de scrutin trop expose a ia fraude et a la
distorsion de la volonxo popuiaire ainsi que les graves dangers que fait
peser sur 1'integrite meme de I'Etat quebecois le systeme traditionnel de
financement des partis. Ca, c'est dans ie domaine du fonctionnement Pec
structures.
TroisiememEnt. 11 est "urgent comme jamais d'agir pour desarmorcer
visiblement et par des resultats ccncrexs les questions culturelles les plus
importantes dans lesquelles toute notre coilectivite sent comme jamais son
existence en jeu. xl y en ^rcie qui nous puraissenx a xa xois urgonxes, iSisables au moins amorcables et vite. Le statut du frangais ici au GnEboc, et
ia necessite evidente de mesures legislatives et administratives et non plus
vuinement incitatives, pour nous renflouer. Gne restructuration scciaire qui
traine dans les coulisses des gouvernements depuis.... les dernieres elections.

003611

�h o&lt; A
A*

*

PDM
PDS
PSI
POP
M
„o
sr« Roquet
/c
K
~^ —JKtN (Mr. Church)
(Following French - EUx Trudeau)
MIN (Mr. Vincent)

October 27, 1970
N-lO

CC^pG

brev
Mro CU TEBESItCE MURPHY (Sault Ste* Mario) J Mr.
Speaker^, *ay question ID for the Prime Minister, In view of
the fact that sorao three weefcs' has Relapsed since the abduction
of Mr. Cross and in view of published statements by lav;
enforcement officer's in this country and in the United States
that established police investigational methods are not
adequate to ccpo with current revolutionary tactics and terrorist
tactics, does the government contemplate reviewing its policy with
reference to federal law enforcement agencies and possible
Implementation of the roeoiamenoi&amp;tions of the Royal CoMariission
on Security pertaining to a special security force for Canada1?

003612

�Right Hon, P, S, TRWSMJ (Prime Minister)I
I think the premise to the question is very

serious. On the

review suggested by the hen., member 1 can only say that thio
question aF was reviewed lafit year in great detail and ae the
House knows the decision was taken to appoint a deputy commlsoion
who would have special responsibility for this and the House
knows that the deputy commissioner was taken from outside tho
force o So wo feel this combines tiic advantage of the coirmiiGOion0
report and sxa-fa reflocts also the general confidence the
country has had in the force In the

past0

003613

�03-iyS

PDM
PDS
PDG
PDF
GUS
FCN
Mr. Roquet
Rip
MIN (Mr. Church)
MIN (Mr. Vincent)

October 27, 1970
I* ~ 9

So€&lt;

bxev
Mr. Aa Do KALES (Wellington):

Mr. Speaker, I should l i k e t o

d i r s e t my question t o in® m i n i s t e r of immigration.

Ss I t the p&amp;l&amp;sy

cf the government t o deport United S t a t e s army dodgers or d r a f t
rasisters

If thoy ara found g u i l t y of any a c t aga&amp;nat Canaida?

(M follows)

003614

�i-*'7 'X'-

H©n, OTTO E, LkM

70

(Minister of Manpower ad Immigaration) ?,

EUX. Speaker, .1' think the hen. meaner ixay be familiar with the general
state of the law in respect ©f deportations. He is referring \^
situations where Gemecne has committed an indictable offence. x....x
Xnv vjAvUld a'yiply to any category of person In the same way.
Mr. HALES a Vw. Speaker, laay Z assk the minister what the
xxliey will Ise if these people are apprehended under the Har Keaamrea

Mr. 8£32A£B3R8 Order- please.

I thins the hen. member v;ill

appreciate that thia appears v-o "K a hypothetical Question.

2 should

thinSc a question in those tezms w®uld hardly ce in ftrder.

003615

�EUx EUCGUiV Mc GO-"" \P&gt; '•• ixv-'. xx'-V Ex: xU ;:

Mr. S p e a ^ r , I an

x Prime K i n l s t e r u r^ie^teicr yexG'rtXiciay witl ?xx; t h a t 5. 3x0 the X: •
•• In t h e KUxxe peaixxxx he €a;;i Axxxx'
x

Exsre

U'XCA:,',

any change; In Aex"--;
', r h &lt; U '••-•• •; j

„XPXU

.'light en t h i s rxGGUxx

iff

/,.,

7': :

. &gt;; • : .'.. Ai, xd^ratlQIi laws eu;.E
U

_.

i j g u l e t i ^ ^ s wh(5&gt; have CAu: -,r.-f p;\;|j ttivcB ar«d aims uo t h e x.U"
'. ;, xxx xlr;,G t h e Eewemmeat Ivy ou :xx, :X crime w 'yi^UcXiCG

Hx.x x.Eu/,

-'. aG&lt;K ai\v xErxuGAGX;?
Ex;,, GEIO 3 , JCCEGUr iflUUtix :"' -:U IE;mx&lt;xr e r ax. J A,:. XXXA-: &gt; A .XU:
(Ax s p e a k e r , t h e r a hxx tu^m *X"; AA:" to „
ACGIGI'GAAI.)

ErAGxxU would x-U

P-XX'XPX;
»!

Oil:' wartfe,, v-'-*'---' -;-i with Q

-A,] uftdi-r any

XEP-.UX\XUU-.xx..

003616

�M-3

Mr. ivQOSExEX^xS s

Mr. Speaker, Z am w^n^erlng UVA." then vjhether

E..A a i M s t e r ©an explain why S r . S^&amp;ek, who i a spsakiag a t various
Viriiveraitiea and c o l l e g e s , am8 who has been found g u i l t y t£ an
.:..:........ cabie tux rcsxje *ii t h s Visited S t a t e s and xus ©nt on teall, hau EX. x
xu.u.x-'.EGi I n t o t h e country a t thi® tiiso In view of the War J^aour^s Act's'
Mr. SF£MvKEs
a xxxd i s In o r d e r .

Order, p l e a s e .

1 dauht t h a t t h e question aa

Tke henu aiemteer villi re^ogiila© t h a t i t ia aal&amp;ed

iri t h e toy-®, of an argument aftid because ef t h i a i s not in o r d e r .
% recognise the bora, member for Greenwood.
Mr. WQ0XJL1&amp;M3 a 25r. Speaker, 2 w©»$er i f 1 could rephrase
xx.x: q u e s t i o n .
Mr. SES/iKSBs
a usGiaent.

Perhaps I might r e t u r n t o t h e ' h o n . aemtoer in

The c h a i r has rs&amp;sgnizefltne

hen&lt;&gt; mem&amp;er l o r Greenwccd,

003617

�H-ft
•

h r . AICDK&amp;W BlEjJICN (Grcvxa-Aou ci) i

Mr. Speaker, £ should l i k e

SEA ask the m i n i s t e r whether he can, reaflTlra the ^iTHcy of the
g&amp;vernsier.i'i!5 ajsnswnsed hy hia predecessors vihioh way t h a t deecr&amp;erB
Gnu draft d^dgera vrould &amp;a t r e a t e d jutst l i k e any other people
applying i*or entxy into t h i s country?
Mr. LANOi

Mr» Speaker* there dioulti fee no d i f f i c u l t y about

t h a t ana I t h i n k the h®a. Be/abey &amp;h(mld a p p r e c i a t e that i£ thx.xe 1©
a change in poliey i t w i l l t e announced.

003618

�1 novembre 1970

DECLATION DE M. LOUIS LABERGE

Pour moi, deux vies humaines que nous pouvions sauver, c'etait
assez important pour me joindre a d'autres souhaits.
La deuxieme partie, le cartel syndical, c'est qu'en congres de la
FTQ, congres aurls congres, nous avons eu d'innombrable resolutions
d'adoptees, non seulement nous dormant instruction mais meme nous
blamant de ne pas assez faire pour se rapprocher des autres centrales
syndicales pour le M e n commun. Et dans mon cas tout particulierement,
j'oeuvre depuis deja 23 ou 24 ans dans le mouvement syndical, durant
tout ce temps, j'ai ete membre du comite national pour la defense des
droits de 1'Homme et je suisactuellement president de ce que l'on
appelle le Conseil uni pour la defense des droits de 1'Homme. Alors,
moi, quand je vois une loi oomme la loi des mesures de guerre, qui
vient brimer la liberte des individus, je ne peux pas faire autrement
que d'en parler.
J'ai reuni le bureau de la FTQ qui, entre les reunions du Conseil
general et l'organisme qui a le droit de prendre des decisions, j'ai
reuni le Conseil general et le Conseil consultatif. Le Conseil general
d'aures nos statuts est l'organisme supreme et concret. Alors, quand
il y a des travailleurs qui vous appellent ou vous ecrivent et qui vous
disent que je n'avais pas de mandat pour parler en leur nom, je mkxxxBxx
m'excuse mais j'ai le mandat de parler en leur nom. Non seulement le
mandat, mais le devoir de parler en leur nom. Maintenant, qu'il y en
ait qui ne soient pas d'accord....
Question: Je voudrais vous demander si a un moment ou a un autre, il
a ete question de votre part de participation a un gouvernement parallele
ou pnovisoire.
Laberge: La folie furieuse. En fait, laissez-moi vous dire avec tout
I'humour que je possede. Moi, on m'a oCfert le poste de Ministre du Travail
et moi j'ai dit "Merde, c'est premier Ministre que je veux etre".
Question: Justement vous faisiez etait de cela, de certaines protestations
dans les rangs syndicaux par rapport a votre prise de position. Certains
considerent que les chefs syndicaux justement outrepassent leur mandat et
ia±KKp3x£x se prononcent sur des questions politiques et sociales qui ne
sont pas directement reliees a des questions salariales et professionnelles.
Laberge: Justement, je me souviens de mon discours inaugural lors du
congres de la FTQ en 1967 ou justement j'etalais les possibilites d'un
eclatement a moins que les groupes, les democratiques, les forces populaires
se reunissent pour corriger les injustices sociales et je disais ju tement
que le role du mouvement syndical n»etait pas seulement un role de revendication et de negotiations collectives,$C que nous avions des responsabilites

003619

�vis-a-vis la societe et a ce moment la, tout la monde a apllaudi
ce discours. J'ai re&lt;ju des let tres de BriceM McKasay, qui est le
Ministre du Travail, de Pierre Laporte, qui a ce moment-la. etait en
quelque sorte, l'assistant-chef de l'opposition. Enfin de tout le
monde. Ils ont dit, voici un representant syndical qui semble prendre
conscience des faits. Et bien je pense que les positions que j'ai
prises a ce moment-ci, que la FTQ a prises ne font que decouler des
resolutions qui ont ete adoptees au congres de 1967 et au congres de
1968.
Question: Mais est-ce que vous ne devez pas vous preoccuper quand
meme dans des circonstances de crise ou quand il arrive des grandes
questions sociales, comme l'assurance-maladie, de redesKendre a la
base pour etre bien certain que vous exprimez le point de vue de
cette base la?
Laberge: Voici, l'assurance-maladie, nous en avons di-cute depuis
vingt arts, je ne pense pas que j'avais de redescendre a la base pour
savoir s'ils etaient pour ou s'ils etaient contre. D'ailleurs, personne
n'a contexte

�MESSAGE
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NOUS VOUS TRANSMETTONS
IX COMMUNIQUE DU MBIISTRE DE U JUSTICE VU 2 NOV.

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COHCENTRE PLEASE TRANSMIT ATTACHED.

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LOI DE 1 9 7 0 SUR L«CfcDR¥ PUBUC (MESURES TEMPCRAIRES)

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003621

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003622

�NoJ Co be released before:
No pas pubiicr av'jnt:

OTTAWA,
le 2 novEnu.ro 1970
Pub1i cation immed i a to

Loi d e 19 70 sur I'ordre public (m c s u r es temp oral res)

Le ministre de la.Justice, M. John Turner, a
presents aujourd'hui a la Chambre des communes un projet
Eoi intitule Loi de 1970 sur i'ordre public (mesures
temporal res) , donnant ainsi suite a. 1'.engagement pris par
le gouvernement le 19 octobre 19 70 de saisir le plus tot
possible ie Parlement d'une mesure legislative speciale,
afin qu'il ne soit plus necessaire de s'en remettre, dans
ia situation critique actueile, aux dispositions par trop
gUnerales de la Loi sur les mesures de guerre.
Le projet de loi a trait a la menace que fait
planer ie FLQ sur ia province de Quebec.

Ii s'agit d'une

iu.ur.ace continue causee par un groupe bien organisG ce
criminels revolutionnaires, et parce cue I'on ne saurait
1'affronter convenabiement en appliquant les dispositions
actuelles du Code criminel, des mesures temporaires spGciales
.. • Uaposent.

D'ou ie pro jet de loi.

.

.

2

003623

�Xes dispositions Au projet dc loi, qui ne
v:

:r.t aucun soctcur geographique particulier du Canada,

sc Eimitent a la lutte contra les activites du FLQ ou dc
uo; ,:e organisation pouvant lui succoder qui proconisc
cage de la violence et era crime pour effoetuer des
cu. un cements politiques au Canada a l'egard de ia provino :
Eie SuGbec ou des liens qui l'unissent au Canada.

Le projet

loi est egalcment destine G Gutter contre les activi'As
.:ut autre groupement qui preconise 1'usage do la violence
Eu crime pour offectuer ax Canada des chanrjssrents politique*
.Sables, ou sensibiement identiques, a ceux dont le FLQ
."-'••• xit ie partisan.
Le projet de loi, une fois adopte, entrera en
viguaur immediatement eu revoquera ia proclamation do 1;.
Loi .-.'er lex mesures de guerre et ie Reglement concernant
I'ordre public etabii aux termes de cette loi.
Le titre meme de la loi precise ie caractere
temooraire des mesures et la loi expirera le 30 avril 19 71,
a -..cans que, par une decision prise en commun par les deux
ChaxGres, elle ne soit maintenue jusqu'a une d^^te ulterieure.
Si Ecs circonstances le permettent, une procl-amation pourra
y mettre fin avant le 30 avrii 19 71.
Le projet de loi reprend en general les dispositions
A:.. XGglement de 1970 concernar.a i'ordre public, e'est-a-dire
CX.A. E! association connuo sous le nom da Front Ge Liberation
E'.

:~.7^e.c cemeure une association iilecale et qu'il est

003624

�oxrs ii legal d' en etre membre ou dc l'appuyer, .p.ia
xn certain nombre Ge points sur lesquccls il cenvi unt
tention:
&gt;REMIERE-&gt;!ENT, le projet de lei orecise qu'on
pas x intention de restremdre le croit au dissentiment
aticre politique.

II ne porte q'ue contra. Ses sctcs

le recours aux moyens illegaux oar leseucls

:ciux e

le ALQ espere realiser ses objectifs avouos.
XFGXIEE.FM5NT, on a modifie les criteres cA
X' '.vu.

Ainsi on ne pourra U'-Esumer £Er_Pr^Ul; cGaorc qu' x

•ex -onne esc membre d "une. association iileqale a. moins
.'-'-' --lie n'ait oris part ou n'ait Gee presente a un carta
_p . • "~e d'assemblees de ladita association.

Le fait qu'i

personne ait assiste a une seule reunion cu FLQ ne suffi
pas -en soi pour presumer qu'elie en est membre.
8 du bill enumere les cas ou 1'on

nsme illegal.

Cela se proauit quanc une personne:

a) a pris part ou a ete presente a en certain
n ccG":; de reunions de 1!association iiiegaie,
^es comixes ou de ses
LCI

' *. ^- O

) a pris publiquement la parole en favour de
1'association iiEGgale, cu
) a fait circuier des declarations en faveur c
cette association ou G titre de representant
u-C iadite association.
. . 4
003625

�prcso.uptions de preuve ne signifient pas que a-Au
u- c accuse d'etre membre cie 1 ' associate on i l V e u U
-.. C t prouver son innocence; il suffiC que 1 ' accuse
sc-nte en sa favour des temoignages, soit par ses procures
'xnx, soit par des temoins, a I'effet qu'il existe une
:Eication raisonnable de ia concuito qui a eu pour
rUxaltat de ie faire presumer membre ce l'organisme illegal.
Comme tou jours, c'est a la Couronne qu'il ir.combe do
p: stiver la culpabilite au-Gela du douXe raisonnable.
XUEOISIEMEKENT, quand une personne est arretce,
U

bill dispose qu'on ne peut la deter.ir sans porter

G • .accusation contre elle que pour une periode de trois
A- -X.-s seulement ou (sur les instructiens du procurcxr
A '.oral de ia province) d' au plus sept jours.

Dans les

A. ..; cas, on a reduit les pGriodes de detention de sept ex
vingt et un jours respectivement, prcvues par le Reglement.
Guns les deux cas, toujours il s'agit de la periode de

une accusation contre le detenu.

Toueefois, on peui

JATRIEMEMENT, une disposition de transition

lUii

permet de faire le lien avec les mesures prises dans 1c
cadre du Reglement.

Les nouveiles periodes de detention

: ' .piiqx.eront G ceux qui seront arret us apres 1' ad-option
c

Sa nouvelle loi, tandis cpue ceux qui auront etc crretes

xe ..revant seront soumis aux delais anterieurs dc detention

003626

�acausation, soit sept et vingt et un jours
.' ".vcuioxt.

Cette disposition de transition es i

E.-xeiro pour s'assurer qu'il n'y ail pas cl'hiatus
.torite pour detenir une personne arrocee sous le
x. ' :.e du Reglement et qui aurait Gee cetenue plus
Icu.gtemps que les delais reduits etablis par le projce
ax Eoi.
qi

Toutefcis, en ce qui concerne les personnes a

s'applique ia disposition de transition, la nouvelle
.slation stipule que x!on ne doit pas les detenir sans
Giles pendant un delai plus Cc
jeneral ce la province estima
;saire, eu egard aux exigences de la situation.
•"."r-.TOTT"
.ificatifs du projet ce loi est cue, sauf certaines

::. .prions bien precises, 1 ' on mainticnt toutes les
. ..uuxcxes ces croits exposoos aux aiineas aj a qj de
1' '"uicie 2 de la Declaration canadienne des droits (texte
c_-joint) .
un

Cela comprencl le droit de'retenir et constituer

.scat sans delai.

Les ceux executions ont trait G

c •• unines limitations du caxe.Eonncmcnt at au fait qu'on
cue.'.: cGtenir une personne sans porter EUccuudtion centre
alio pendant un delai maximal precise d-ans le projet ce loi.
SIXIEKEMENT, on a maintenu la disposition portant
cue celui qui assume ia garde d : un accuse qui attend son
".xu uXs et G xui 1' on a refusG tout cautionnemont doit
u.cxr un precis acceiere quatre-vir.g i-clix jours apres
_ X„. -cstation du prevenu.

Cette disposition joue en favour de

X U reuse et elle n'existe pas a I'heure actuelie dans ICE
003627

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e s d r o i t s ou d e s ': i b a r t e s r e e o n n u r , e«: Ax'-clar
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i o n , c t en p a r t i c u l i e r , n u l l a l o i Eu C..u. .a cu-

'exil arbitraires dc qui que ce soit;

sonr.

.lgeant ces o e m e s ou
a: crueis ct musites,
comme en autorisant i imposition;
•) P-

r

ant una personne arretoo ou catanue
cu droit d : Etre promptex.ent GnfarxUe dee motifs ae
' an acrestacion ou de sa. cetcntion,
ex droit de retenir et constituer en avocat sans
GGlai, ou
du recours par voie d'habeas ccrmx pour qu'il sol'i
jugc de ia validite de sa detention ct cue sa
liberation soit ordonnea si la detention n'est ; s
IGgaie;
uant une cour, un urrxuaux, un-- eorx.xssion, un o. . _ce,
exE ou u.ne autre aucorxto a contraincirc une per. xnne
gner si on lui refuse Ie secours d'un avocat, la
xon contre son pre/pro aemoicrax— ou ^.' exereice c.c;
armi'LiG a orare ccns'c-*cutj.c..nei,
.a. personne Q U erect a une audition imp a:
Scj-On ies urinciuus ae justice roncamen",
.liUctC-UOiiS
:mi'cion ce ses art

uuu.;:-s e m o t i o n d x . n n o c e n e e j u s q u A a ce cue Si. p r e u v e ex
u . o c l i u e a i t e t c i^ccacac en c e n r o r n u x t e c e i a l o i , a t
t u c _ c j - 0 n x m o a r t i a i o e t y u o l i q u e cic . s a c „ u s e o a r an
xxiax u.ncX:panc.ant e t non o r o n u g e , oa ea ' a r i v a n t san.x
. 1
cause cu
cautionnemen c re-^,onnau^&gt;^;
._

o.

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une personne du droit a 1'assistance d'un :.:
; urcceciures ou elle est mise -xn cause ou ex
: Vd.il i
o:: u
o un
una cour, une comm:
US ox autre tribunal, si elle ne comprenG ou xe p u n c
.a iangue dans laquelle se dGrouIeat coij procedures. ,!
_.iV_.-.L

003628

�FOR LOG OFFICER

FILE

UNCIASSSIFIED

„ D
.
C. koguet

November 5, 1970
*

Radio Canada Telejournal, November 4

On November 4 at 2300 hours, Mrs. Therese Casgrain was interviewed
on Radio Canada Telejournal. In essence, she said she fully agreed with the
Government having invoked the infer Measures Act. The situation was urgent and
there was no other emergency legislation at hand in Canada. She therefore
disagreed with the policy of the NDP.
2,
All her life she had been concerned with human rights. But the
human rights of the collectivity also must be considered. In this case, the
security of individuals had primacy.
3.
She had circulated among the working clases in recent weeks and
spoken to many people. Their reaction everywhere was one of relief at the
Government's firm handling of the situation.

CR.

003629

�,7e -j&amp; - T7K~ y
FGS-UT GO - C.G.O.S.T. - 22:00 ;UG - 6 GOVG'BGE 1??0
Gn se racpelle cue la semaine clemiere, le Premier Ministre,
monsieur Bourassa, d.eclarait ici a Format 60 qu'il n'avait pas cru
exile de convoquer une session speciale de l'Assemblee pendant les
evenements, puisqu'il ccnnaissait deja les positions dec partis Ge
1'opposition. f u n c6te, le Sartie Quebecois qui recommandait c c
attitude souple et la moderation, ce l'autre, le Ralliement des
Creditistes qui au contraire talonnait le gouvernement pour qu'il
prenne des mesures radicales afin oe GEsamorcer la crise. Monsieur
Bourassa ne mentionna pas 1'Union Nationale qui, tout au lon^ ce la
crise, s'est abstenue de tout cormentaire. Ce soir, le chef Ge ce
parti, II. Jean-Jacques Bertranu, explique a Real Barnabe cette
attitude et commente maintenant les evenements:
P.. Barnabe: Monsieur Bertrand, coxacent expliquer le silence
relatif de votre Parti pendant la crise?
J.J. Bertram!:

Sotre silence, qui d'ailleurs a ete commente par les
journaux, les ccmmentateurs, les editorialistes,
notre silence a Ete clelibere, voulu, accepte par un caucus. Sous
avons cru que dans cette periode de troubles, dramatique, tragic;ue,
qu'il valait mieux pour nous, a ce moment-la., en plusieurs cas,
accorder au gouvernement, quel qu'il soit, gouvernement d'Ottavra,
gouvernement de Quebec, accorder le benefice du doute, car il y
avait des faits devant 1'opinion publique. Ii y avait la disparition
de EG Cross, il y avait la disparition de 'A. Pierre laporte et, par
Sa suite, le meurtre de Pierre Laporte. illors, a ce moment-la, le
caucus a ete unanime a dire, nous allons garder le silence et comme
tous, nous avons souhaitG que dans Xes deux cas qu'il y ait une
solution heureuse et ncus avons egalement declare que nous etions
prets I approuver toute initiative propre' a. soutenir 1'autoritE du
gouvernement du Quebec, de 1'autoritE du Quebec. Cette attitude IE,
nous avons cru qu'elle s'imposait dans les circonstances. Certains
ont vu la cm appui inconditionnel aux mesures qui ont pu etre adoptees.
Je dois dire que cela est farm car des .la reprise des travaux parlemontaires, le 10 novembre, devant le parlement, et d'ailleurs a.
E'occasion du caucus que nous avons eu cette semaine j'ai Amis une
declaration dans laquelle j'invite le gouvernement du 'Quebec, e'est-aGlre son Premier Ministre et en particulier son ministre de ia justice,
a nous dormer un rapport complet et d.etaillG des attitudes prises par
le gouvernement du Quebec.
S. Barnabe: Gi vous voules, nous pouvons y revenir mais un commentateur
disait cette semaine que lorsque 1'opposition est faible,
ou lorsque 1'opposition se tait, c'est la presse crui doit jouer ce rdle
d'opposition. Bst-ce que par votre silence vous n'avez pas contribue
a faire en sorte qu'il y ait eu peut-etre un certain conflit entre lapresse et les gouvernements pendant cette crise?
P.J.

Bertrand: Son, parce qu'on a souvent note que meme quand 1'opposition est tres active, meme quand elle est tres
Gavarde, a ce moment-la. les journaux le sont encorepeut-etre davantage.
Je ne veux pas discuter du role de la presse, des medias d'information.
II y a eu en certains cas, il y a auexu doute, des abus, il y a eu des*
exces. A ce moment-ci faisant le point, nous avons traverse cette
pSriode, je crois, qu'a 1'heure actuelle devant le parlement de Quebec,
1'opposition reprendra son role et d'ailleurs, il y a eu plusieurs
declarations par des homes politiques, mais a quoi ont-elles conduit?

003630

�eerie cette decision, certains r ..,.'.-,,
uu "lar^i ont l ait aes -.. i~ c j_uranox.s •
la plupart des declarations qui ont etc faites, 1'ont Etc
simplement pour marquer la syrpathie que nous avions A 1'endroit cu do
Madame Cross et en particulier de Madame laporte, et de neter que c'etait
une situaxion dramatiquc et tragique.
S. Sarnabe:

Sst-ce q;e d'apres vous, A. Bertrand, la crise que nous
avons connu est asses importante pour qu'on mociifie Eur,
priorites Eu gouvernement ct qu'on mcdifie peut-etre meme no3 doctrines
politiques?
.•ertrana

..U7.J.J. .

1
~~••priorites gcuvernemenmutes a 1'Eeure
1'heure actuc
ac.

entre autres economiqnes par exemple, je crols qu'au contraire, je
que c*Etait des priorites, qu'elles le deme'orent, ct tout ce que je me
demande c'est ou est l'action.
II y a 1'heure actuellc peut-etre trop GEiscours mais pas sulxisamment a*action. o-e suis, peut—euro c. cavisc -..cu.
annees passees en politique, je devious de plus en plus un partisan Ae
l'action et non pas des discours et dec propositions abstraites, ee qu'il
faut, ce sont des gestes. Alors, quo cette crise modifie les priorites
fjouvernementales au Quebec, je did non, au contraire cG devrait aceCUG'EE
1'adoption de certaines politiques.
S. "X:.rnabc : Certains ont dit, A. Bertrand, cue votre silence, ajout '
uournoyer parmi. vcs ranee, etait un inaice d'un rapprocnement
deux partis, un jouriialiste a meme parle &gt;
nale ct le Parti Liberal, fusion evcntuelle.
E.J. Bertrand: "on, si c'est la 1Timpression que c'a donnee, ce n'cet
Aie,o

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crise le rapprochement des pensees politiques en vue de carer a un rulaU
profond, a un malaise dramatique coerce celui que nous evens vecx, ou:U
dans co sens la. Ge la a conduire a une union politique, il y a toute U:
difference au monde. Je peux soutsnir on appuyer v.n gouvernement Aans
les mesures qu'il prend pour preserver 1'autorite et 1'int.egrite Ge C X c
admis, mais a ce moment II je jugerai le gouvernement a ses uctee.
G. Barnab-E: C'est une question qui est peut-etre un peu difficile mais .
est-ce que d'apres vous, si vous avies cennu cette crise ia
lorsque vous utiez au pouvoir, ost-ue que vous vous aurxes ccmxorGG Ec
la meme facon que le gouvernement liberal?
T
T
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— ,,...j..,. ^. 3 .
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n . ..,,.,.
O es b

T. T _,. _ J.A„ '.'--:,
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........
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.• ? - - ---&gt; -' &gt;
A.A.C'.UI.A.. i. u J-c* J 'i.Li.u„;

'- "

on a eu X Xaire dace et j *
lesquels je crois profondEment, celui de la libe:
... . -.-.x

L,

C-o 0

. U -4 -•.« ~ 4-

t~7. U^i UJ. C J _ . .

P.. Bar nab E:

J7P

G s t - c e que vous croyea que c e r t a i n e s d e c i s i o n s du ^cxverxo. .e.t
p r o v i n c i a l , n ' a u r u i e n t pas Gu e t r e p r i s e s , ' e s t - c e quo vous Goes
enticrcment s a t i s - a x x a e s . . .

"crtrand:

J e c r o i s , j e c r o i s e t l a n a r r a t i o n d e s . f a i l s eu Chambre l a
i&amp;ii.me p- o^.-i-j-.-e UU,J. ie pi -__._7_U.L -.'O-.a, JT. .,. T..^JC. „, •„ ^ i; ..
1 ' i n v i t e encore a l e f a i r e , au no:., de uoc p a r t i , au nom, j e pence, ie .'-a
p o p u l a t i o n . Je c r e i s q u ' i l y a eu Tree p e r i o d e d ' h e s i t a t i o n , q u i ! ec moment
Id aue: yeucc de 1 T o p i n i o n p x b l i q u e quEGEcolso d o n n a i t 1'impress i o n que nous
n^aviono pas de gouvernement a Quebec.

003631

�-ce cue voxs voules dire par la que le pouvo.

.e- pouvoir •- ee mom;o .1
j.e xouvoir ne semoj., ':
iuebec. C ' e s t une i m p r e s s i o n cue p l u s i e i u
..Lu
i.«. . , o
. e us
xonii e o« eu a a
nous ..... e ...
garee le silence parce quel..!, y avai"
ctua uion
^aar
-• -i r. „ -) -| .. ^ .:. &amp; r. ^ „ .
El

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I'mcenaie.

-ox—cc que vous ^cxceccc.
liana nemo que pennant, voxxc
U.
'.K u 7 [ L , l U u
O . J. U U,.— T&gt;
,-u..
'....^.
; H e n c e / d'autres 1'ont
^oi'irna.Lis uos ^ c c r c a x n s u a i u c r i a n e c e o one d i e ,
u e* u a _ u
m e n . Alors s i vous 1 ' a v l e i
i o n que pueoec ne lad
gouvernements e t c e r t a i n s
ue l e s c o n f l i t s c u ' o n cor
ant
..vfr-O

jOc.rna.Lisres, n e s c r a i e n x r a s xrocuxxs .•
Meme si je ne 1'ai pxs Git pxGliquemcnt, j'
autremenx•
xabe:

Gst-ce c:ue vous aves eu des consultations

Jta-i
a i eu avec . . . e o u r a o s a U'uoora dimancne,.
. .Le s o n - a e'• l a r ^ u e x o r acs cnefs ac
j e n ' c t a i s pas p e r s o n n e l l e m e n t p r e s e n t p a r c e que j e r c n t r a i s Ac vcy
• -

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' ' G A i n

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ir&gt;&gt; ^ ,*~ v-i — *~i "| - : - » a

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par la suite une conversation avec M. Bourassa, je lui ai offert r.:a
coopEruUioii entiere, dans la mesure ov. je pourrais aider ct par apr
avec le leader parlementaire du
:';Uis"uC. j.e o.oex our bOfl-i, Ui
.i eu une renconxre avec X. .Coca",
)
o
ourassa quand celui (
) nous indiquer,. le jour ou il a fait sa
Ucluralior pour 1'appel de l'armee, la loi dec mesures dc guerre, qu_r.d
. i. nous a mis au couranx ees i^&amp;'ox&gt;^o cu ii cue entail, ioscr.
l

-I'nao'U:

.. 7~uel x.omerco .LCS rum.eurs eu f'ouvernement carallelo vouc
sont-elles parvenncc?

J.J. SoxSrxxG:

Je les ai lues dans les journaux. Je n'en ai jamais
entencln parler autrement et je n'y ai jamais ete met
ni directement, ni indirectement.
E. SarnabE:

M. Bertrand, certains out dit quo si votre gouvernement
lorsque vous Sties au pouvoir, oi vous aives fait ccrta
rSformes, on auru.it peut-etre pas connu la situation.

E.J. Bertrand:
~
.

"svr.---1-in •
...'.... 1 i_.--J'.... .

Be auelles reformes voulons-nous narler?

-i-rT-'
d ' u n e rEforme o l u s r a x i d e .Ac
ex
c
OL*± .1.7-:,
e l c - c t o r a l o , de l a l o i e l e c t o r a l e .

(V
\JlX

A*jL\ EExSxxiGi^ :

^ e Eouto f o r t , p a r c e que
1 -.1-'
lonnairo oue 'e consxaere concarciaole
de vuo car elle est marquee au col:
La violence, del-- violence
objecte comme cela a Etc dSmontrG,
.1 "• ••••
e ee crois pas_ Vprofondc-ment, comme citoyen, comme homi-ie, je uo ois pas dans ce:, r.ctho'cs
peut-etre vrai, mais je ne crocs pas Gam:; cette violence object'.
:,e et cue 1'ox utilise G
'c .-.droit de monsieur Cress.

i r,

-is, ... ..oi*uraxe 1 o 'osr qu"on ^ o.'.t cue si ces g-sns --x.
:ux—cure pas venus a cexxe conclusion a.a?

003632

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003633

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&gt;n may not be -old for twenty—one Pi /..

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a.races res unwarranted, then Xow do you come to approve en princi^.
slightlv less of the same cert of measure.

:P I may cay so y o u ' r e p u t t i n g i t
..., Li-eoip G
..e oppose t n e a )S— X.C.1 o_ u:.u .car ..e^ur.rep ..cc vu
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003637

�&amp;-}}- TVK' *f
IRISH TELEVISION "SPECIAL REPORT CN QUEBEC"
November 13, 1970

de Gaulle:

"Vive le QuebecI
Vive le Qu6b«e libreI
Vive le Canada fracgaisl

Vive la France\•
Narratori

(ffric/rCcj^ic I
s-2

/, ,

lrCi\f rfi

The man who many people say was France. The man who was
the pride of France. The nan who was the greatness of France: General de Gaulle understood, perhaps better than any English speaker
ever could understand, the depth of historical passion and fierce
pride that went into that phrase "Quebec libre". De Gaulle is now
dead but the historical sense and the pride that he stood for, lives
and is the centre of life in Quebec today* Che of the ways in which
it shows itself is in a political party; a party just over 2 years
oldj but a party which in the last provincial election, by offering
the electors a policy of complete independence for Quebec, managed
to win 24 per cent of the electorate - the Parti Quebecois.
Last Sunday, 700 people packed a hall in the City of Quebec,
the capital of the Province of Quebec. They came in the belief that
the Province of Quebec should be an independent sovereign state - a
belief Justified, as they would see it, by 300 years of history.
In 175V, after 2 months of bombardment, the City of Quebec
fell. The British General, James Wolf/, defeated the French General,
Montcalm, One hundred and fifty years of French rule were over, the
300 years of Anglo-Saxon rule had begun. To the French they were
betrayed by the mother country, left an isolated minority surrounded
by their conquerors. When France officially ceded Canada to the British at the end of the war, Voltaire referred to it merely as the
loss of a few acres of snow. Te the British, Canada was a spoil of
war to be exploited and developed and hardly surprisingly, it was to
be developed mainly to the advantage of the English speakers. They
were, after all, the conquerors.
Today in Montreal English speakers share the fruits of
that conquest, as in the Province of Quebec 80 per cent of Montrealers are French speakers. let industry and the financial centres
are controlled by the Anglo Saxons. Like Quebec, Montreal was founded by a Frenchman. To the nationalist French Canadian, Paul Chomedey
de Maisonneuve looks down on a conquered city. There is little evidence that the conquerors deliberately attempted to subjugate the
French. On the contrary, most historians seem to suggest that the
special position of the French Canadian, his language and his religion, was respected. But respect or no, he was surrounded and vastly
outnumbered.

• ••*

003638

�2
The Government in the Province of Quebec is almost entirely
made up of French Canadians. Parliament speaks in French; laws are
made in French} the civil code is Napoleonic, but the world surrounding them is English. Jerome Choquette, Minister for Justice in the
Provincial Government, is the man most intimately concerned with the
current crisis.
Choquette:
"When we calculate the population of ihe United States, which
is approximately 250 million, plus the English speaking of Canada,
which is about 15 million, it creates an atmosphere through the development of communications Where the French element feels that it is
losing ground either culturally and in other respects. Also, one must
admit that the socio-ecenomic status of the English speaking minority
in Quebec, the 20 per cent, is higher than that of the French speaking.
It has been calculated that the income of the English speaking is higher
and therefore this has created a lot of conditions whereby there is a
reaction by the French speaking in Quebec t.o have an independent state
where the French language would be the only language that would prevail
and would thereby would help them to reduce the impact of the circumstances which I have mentioned and which would better their socio-economic status in an independent state."
Narrator:

Certainly, in the short run at least, the language does not
appear to be threatened.

Music Bridge:
Narrator:

But although their language and culture is surprisingly strong,
surprising in that they are surrounded by an English speaking world, it
is unarguable that the French were, and still are, financially inferior,
Paul-Emile Dalpe is Vice-Chairman of the Confederation of National Trade
Unions in Quebec.

Dalpe:

"I think studies have proved that the French Canadians are
behind the great majority of Canadians, which is composed of Anglo-Saxons. It seems that our opportunities for better jobs, more steadier
employment, is very weak in comparison with the Anglo-Saxons. It is
particularly marked in Quebec. Montreal is a typical example: you can
go around and wherever you see good houses or surroundings with big
properties, most of the time they do belong to Anglo-Saxons. Maybe
among tnem you could find a few French Canadians, but they are not the
majority. So that could induce that we are much behind the Anglo-Saxons."

Narrator:

Westmount - the expensive residential area of Montreal: a
house can cost as much as a quarter of a million dollars. Here, overlooking the second biggest French speaking city in the world, the population ratio is reversed. In Westmount 80 per cent speak English,
20 per cent speak French.

Music Bridge:

...3

�Frank Hanley (?), a local Montreal politician, has, for 30
years, represented French Canadians in less luxurious surroundings.
Q.

"How bad are these houses?"

Hanley:

"Well, this is an example of approximately 40,000 other
uninhabitable flats within the city. This would be over 100 years
old and without baths mind you. And here, in this dayand age, having people living in a flat without a bath I think that is more
than uneanitay, I think it is criminal."

Narrator:

Like any major city, Montreal has its housing problem, and
like any major city, the rights and wrongs of thatproblem are part
of the complicated debate. What is certain is that mostly French
Canadians live in those 40,000 slums and 9 per cent of them are unemployed. To suggest that all French Canadians live in squalor and all
English Canadians in luxury, would be absurd. By international standards, very few Canadians are very poor but to the nationalist-minded
French Canadian, relative poverty, relative to the Anglo-Saxons is an
insult to this country. Someone has to be blamed. Surprisingly, very
few of them blame the English,

Music Bridge:
Narrator:

They blame the Church,
Until recently, French Canada has been intensely Catholic,
The Catholic Church was part of their Frenehness. By some standards,
the Catholic Church in Canada is hardly a reactionary* Laymen control
parish finances and decide on financial grounds whether or not new
churches should be butLt, Tou have a Saturday mass instead of a Sunday
mass and the confessional box is rapidly being replaced by a public
token confession of just one sin. But in the past it was part of the
old French establishment and controlled education.

Narrator: Professor Frank Scott of McGill University in Montreal, is a recognized
expert en French-Canadian social history,
Seott:

"The French try to hold to an older concept of society. When
the Catholic Church is very strong it was a very fine concept in the
sense that it was tranquil and it based itself on the family and on the
land and so forth and of course that just got broken down by the modern
technology and by industry. And when it suddenly had to go, well, then
they found they were behind as it were in the industrial race. So there is a disparity of income for the French Canadians by comparison with
the English Canadians in Quebec."

Q.

"Would it be possible to point to the federal government, say,
over the last hundred years and say most of the blame is there?"

�Scott:

"I would say not at all, no, I think most of the blame
is due to the change in the nature of our society which the federal
governement has nothing to do with. I mean, the industrialism coming into an agricultural community and the English speaking people
being first to take advantage of it because it mostly came out of
the United States or even came out of England. So that there waa
a gap in the pace of development and it would have been difficult
for the federal governement to have closed that gap because all
the authorities in Quebec were afraid of industrialism. They told
the workers to stay out because they thought their faith would be
destroyed which is more or less what has happened in a number of
instances."
"And these were French speaking Canadians telling their

Q.
own,,..,
Seott:

"Ch yes, very much so, you could easily document that..,,.
It was a struggle to maintain a way of life that could no
longer be maintained and keeping that struggle going till when they
want to enter the industrial age they have a lot of time to make up
to the gap."

Narrator:

Industrial cargo on its way down the St, Lawrence Seaway
to the great inland port of Montreal; very little of it to make money for French Canadians; very little of it to make money for French
Canadians who are still on the land.
The average French Canadian farm worker in the latest census was earning $2000 a year whereas someone in transportation was
getting $4000 and an ordinary labourer, $3025,

Scott:

"French for many years were not oriented towards business,
towards science. They were naturally oriented, through our system
of education, to liberal professions in calling. Now whether this
was just an inclination on our part, or whether it resulted from
the fact that there was an English conquest here and therefore that
the English, when they did conquer Quebec in 1760, naturally took
over many of the economic activities. So, what has happened is that
for many years, for maybe 2 centuries, one of the dominant influences over French Canada, was the Catholic Church. This factor is
very important in understanding the history. Now recently, French
Canada, there is no doubt, has to a large extent, not I would say,
abandoned the Church, but today the Church is much less important
and since I960, we have been going through let's say a kind of revolution, a peaceful revolution mind you, to increase our standards
in education, to direct the young French Canadians to scientific
and commercial enterprises, and this has taken place yry,
very
suddenly and I think that its probably the factor of sudden change
in the evolution of French Canada, is probably one of the most fundamental explanatxons for the crisis that we are living today,"

...5
003641

�University de Montreal, It is part of the new social
revolution. But the fact that it is so new is also part of the resentment. The University de Montreal is French but it has only been there
for just over 20 years. Its English speaking equivalent, McGill, has
existed for 160 years. The McGill graduate goes to a job in an environment probably substantially created by English speaking graduates
over the last 160 years* The Montreal (U) graduate has to start from
the beginning. When a proud people like the French are suddenly released from the past into the modern world, indignation and resentment
can be released as well. An astute politician who can articulate a
peoples1 grievances is on strong ground. Such a man is Ren£ Levesque.
A former war correspondent and current affairs journalist in
Canadian television, he is a performer par excellence, Ttao years ago
Levesque left the government where he had held Cabinet rank and became
leader of the Parti Quebecois.
Film clip:

"Speech in French by Levesque"

Q,

"Do you not believe that there is an attempt by the federal
government to develop a bicultural/bilingual country?"

A*

"Tea, there is an attempt by the federal government to at
least give itself and give the country a sort of bieultural faqade.
But that is really a facade. It is a fraud to be rory brutal about
it because if you know anything about Canada it is a continental expanse. There are about 3000 miles from Montreal lets say, or Quebec
to Vancouver, on the Pacific, and any place you go outside Quebec,
French will always be nothing but nothing; I mean not even nothing
but. There are minorities of ours outside the country but they are
treated just like any other group of immigrants. They have to, which
is normal, they have to speak English to get ahead in any way or even
to earn a normal living and 2000 miles from Quebec or even 600, you
will never have anything but plaque French. But the only place in
the world we can be at home, just a bit like, I guess, an Irishman
can be at home in Ireland, he is an exile and become something else
when he goes outside, the only home we can have is Quebec,"

Q,

"Would an independent Quebec not still be dominated by American money, American industry?"

A,

"Up to a point, yes. Canada as it is now, is recognised as
the most over-colonized country in the western world to American investment so the one answer I can give you vory briefly is this: Could
we do worse?"

Q,

"Some people might find it difficult to understand why you
want separatism when the provincial parliament in Quebec is governed
by French Canadians and Pierre Trudeau is a French Canadian,"

• ••6

�"Yes, Trudeau and, guys like Jean Marchand, who is sort
of right-hand man, a sort of political boss for Quebec and the Trudeau Government, and Drapeau, the famous or infamous, depending on
how you look at it, Mayor of Montreal. They are all French Canadians, so-called. In the case of Trudeau it is a bit different because
he is Elliott-Trudeau and in fact was brought up more, I think, basically English than French, because his mother was English; his father
died when he was young but that is beside the point. What happens
to those guys is that they come to power in a set up where we are
more or less the natives, the sort of native minority. We don't have
a colour line so you don't see it. Tou know, if we were black, it
would be more visible,"
"Ws understand that there is a complete distinction between
the Parti Gueoecois and the FLQ. To what extent do you sympathize
with their aim which for example the release of prisoners?"
"Well yes, but that had nothing to do with sympathy for the
FLQ. It was the fact that there were two men there, Cross and Laporte.
One of them is dead, the other rory possibly so, Mr. Cross, you don't
know. We thought, I think you have had about 12 or 15 different cases
over the last 3 years, whether South American or, in a different way,
the British Government about Miss Lalil Khalid or the Swiss or ths
Germans about other people, you know. And in evory case where there
was negotiation, at least the hostages were saved. In cases where
there was no negotiation, where people arrogantly, and I think rather
impudently, like Trudeau and his bunch, decided not to negotiate, you
ended up with corpses. So basically, we said, since they have got
them, and there is a sort of pattern there, we have seen it elsewhere,
if you are interested in saving human life for God's sake deal* It
does not mean you agree with the guys that went away with Laporte and
Cross; it means save those lives* The only excuse a guy like Trudeau
had was that there was incipient revolution in Quebec, For Christ's
sake, for all we know, there is not even 50 FLQ,"
"Do you not sympathize with some of FLQ aims?"
"We do not sympathize with their aims if by aims you mean
political aims because they have none. They're basically a group of
desperados that are more or less part of the social sickness that you
find everywhere. In the States you have the Weathermen er the Black
Panthers. They come out, you know they*re the crop you get from social
unfairness, in many cases from political unfainess too. Se, if by
their aims you mean Quebec independent, yes, we have the same aims
except we want to do it democratically. If you mean by their aim that
they also underline, for instance some of the unfairness that we have
to live with, certainly everybody should agree that this should be
corrected. But if by aims you mean revolution or anarchy or capturing
people and then killing them, no, we don't agree.

..,7

�The Vice Chairman cf CNTU had told us that he personally
would support separatism that if it could be proven to him that an
independent Quebec would be viable. Now, do you think you can prove
that.
Well, in the same way, we all more or less have been brought
up under a sort of British system where precedent is very important.
How the hell can you prove something logically which hasn't existed
yet. So you go by precedent. Ireland, in the 20th century, how many
countries have become independent, aaal1 countries? ftna11 or big for
that matter. How many of them become independent? Maybe, I don't know,
75? Have you heard of any of them yet going to pieces economically?
I mean a lot of them are still primitive, African or Asian countries,
a lot of them still have a hell a lot of trouble but I know of very
few that haven't made some progress. Not one of them has sunk under.
Now, Quebec is 6 million people. Its sitting at the crossroads of the
so called Atlantic world. It has a hell of a good natural resource
base, I think a lot of people know, forest, mining, things like that.
It has now in modern society probably more college and university graduates than practically all western countries, you know we have been
going with the vengeance set, dealing with our backwardness in that
field. We probably have more professional people, potential or otherwise than most Western countries comparably. Now, if you have a wellorganized society, which has its partial heme rule tradition for long
enough, over 100 years, we know how to deal with our own public affairs,
and if you have a good resource base and if you have for 6 million people, you can compare with, you know, your figures, a base, just a tax
base of 7 billion, 7 thousand million dollars a year for six million
people. That's Just the tax base. If you have that, who the hell,
except the most incredibly dishonest person or the nervous wrecks that
you have in every society especially among the higher ups that don't
want people to emancipate, who the hell can say that Quebec is not viable, for God's sake.
In summary then, Mr. Levesque, would you say that Quebec has
been betrayed more by French Canadians than by Anglo-Saxons?
Well, betrayed is a very hard word, let's say that we've been
given the business in a way especially politically by our own higher
ups. We have a saying in Quebec, a rather bitter saying about Negro king.
In other words you can't blame the English group for exploiting us, after all, they've got that native groups called French Canadian and anything they can use to manipulate it, why not. They use mostly our own
public men, guys like Trudeau or Duplessis beforehand. The more the
time goes by, the more that Trudeau who used to fight Duplessis looks
like Duplessis. In other words the Negro king, the one native or the
few natives that come up every generation and more or less sell out.
Selling out doesn't just mean money, you know; it can mean selling out
intellectually, in a sense that you have a certain contempt for your
own people. They look inferior and you stick to the dominant bunch.

• ••8

�t
I think, look we thought this we found this, you had the same darn
thing in your own Irish history,"
Narrator:

There are not so many soldiers in Montreal now. Slowly,
they're withdrawing. Only public buildings, embassies and houses of
prominent men are still guarded. The Front de Liberation of Quebec
like the Parti Quebecois wants separation. But unlike the Parti
Quebecois, it wants a Marxist French Canada and unlike the Parti
Guebecois, it believes that violence is justifiable. He was jiaying
football with his son when the FLQ picked him up, Pierre Laporte's
grave is simple; he's buried with his father. Pierre Laporte will
not be forgotten. Not only because of the monument to his name,
schools and the bridge over the St. Lawrence seaway at the entrance
to Quebec already named after him, but because of the viciousness
of his murder. Violence and the FLQ are not new to Cansda, but murder of a cabinet minister is,
"I would not venture to say that there is any government
outside influence, I would not say that any foreign government is involved but I certainly feel that the terrorists here are in contact
with other terrorist groups in the world."
I can recall that a few months back a representative of all
Fatah were in Montreal and met with some of our members. I can also
recall that Mr. Cohen Bendit, very well known for the events in France,
was also in Montreal and met with some of our representatives or members.
There is no doubt that the general philosophy behind the FLQ
terrorists is a world wide philosophy. It stems out of Maoism and out
of Cuba, out of Che Guevara, and a lot of these French Canadians have
been abroad. We've also had coming into Quebec some of the terrori±s
from Algeria and so on, so there was a nucleus here"

Narrator:

A vast majority of French Canadians abhor violence. We did
speak to one who was sympathetic to the FLQ* His justification for
crimes such as Laporte's murder was the age old justification for using force. Change could not come any other way. He quoted the French
revolution. He argued that Britain can supply aims to kill 1 and a
half millJ on Biafrans and surely we can kill one or two to gain our
freedom. He believed violence was the only way to bring the plight of
the French Canadian to the attention of the world. The vast majority
of French Canadians would not agree with him. In Quebec 74£ still vote
for non-separatist parties. The federal system gives them, they believe, the best chance for the language and the culture to survive.
Minister, do you believe in the long run French Culture
will survive in North America?

...9

003645

�•••
Choquette:

I certainly do, and for me the question, or at least one of
main questions, is under what system of government can it survive the
better* Because I agree that in the federal system of government such
as we have in Canada today, that one can find fault with system and
with the situation but would these faults be remedied by a separate
state from the remainder of Canada. Because by establishing a separate state from the rest of Canada, would we not be not curing those
faults and defects but increasing the difficulties in our economic situation today, which certainly would not be in the interest of the
progress of French Canada,
Oh, undoubtedly there's going to be a lot of resentment both
sides. It would be impossible to go through this without some continuing soreness. But I'm hopeful that we will get over it, Just because
this kind of - let's call it a shot-gun wedding between the English and
the French in Canada - it's kind of an ine-.Ability now, you can't do
very much about it. Even if Quebec became independent, it would still
have a million English speaking people inside it. They would have a
problem there and there would be a million French Canadians in other
parts of Canada. They'd have a problem. I don't think Quebec independence solves the cultural relations problem. We are here in this
part of the World together, for good; we better make the best of it.

Narrator:

As part of Canada, a new and exciting country potentially
the richest in the world, Quebec's much quoted motto may sound to
some a little sad. It is "Je me souviens", "I remember".

003646

�o2o-X&gt;- TFK- &lt;f

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3
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DATE

HR.

November 14, 1970

SOURCE

1830

CLASSIFICATION
UNCLASSIFIED

CJOH

Former Prime Minister Lester Pearson has called the Cross - Laporte
kidnappings a new dimension in violence on the part of the FIQ:
Pearson made the comment during the taping of the CTV program
"Question Period" which will be broadcase tomorrow (November 15).
Asked why the government had failed to outlaw the FLQ during the mid
1960's when the terrorists engaged in mailbox bombings and killings,
(he replied)
A.
There have been many bombs and many killings, I don't know what
you mean by many . There has been violence, violence of course in
other parts of Canada, but there wasn't, at least to the knowledge of
the government or to my knowledge, a conspiracy of organized violence
which we have in the kidnapping of a diplomat and the kidnapping and
murder of a cabinet minister. I think that is a little different,
I think, a different dimension of violence.
Q.
You don't feel then charges of subversion might have been laid
against some of the members of the FLQ, there wouldn't have been any
necessity for any War Measures Act or outlawing of the FLQ for those
charges.
A.
Well the provincial authorities who were in charge of the
administration of the law might have felt that but they didn't. And
I don't admit the situation was bad enough or quite the same as a
few weeks ago.
Q.
The royal commission on security was saying (as early) as mid
1968 that efforts ought to be made to infiltrate the FLQ and other
subversive organizations by the security organization. I take it
from that, that no more efforts have been made to infiltrate.
A.
Well, I can't answer that question, the police made efforts of
this kind sometimes
I'm not in a position to comment on
the efforts they may or may not have made to infiltrate what they
considered to be subversive organizations.

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In Toronto Opposition Leader Stanfieid has called Gor an
independent Commission of Enquiry Go investigate events in -Sueoee
leading up to the invocation of tie Gar Measures Act.
"The call, almost a plea, carr.e in a major statement
by the opposition Leader to tne lawyers club at Gsgcode
Sail. In a smoke-filled convocation hail he said
'Canadians can ana should be fully inforicea7. In hie
words we owe it to ourselves as Canadians to get the facts
on the extent of terrorise: and the effectiveness of measures .
taken against it - facts of the reasons made ~oy Government
and the treatment of those detained. Se said Canada had
practically a government by rumour for several days and for
xhat he blames the government. Ee contended either the police
work v.ras powerfully inadequate or the power and influence
of the FLQ was exaggerated".

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"St qu'ils fassent attention les Coitcucc, lee Xacroix, Lee Trudeau,
Uarchand, tous ceux qui directement ou indirectement, hypocritement
ou brutalement, comme des homines primitifs cautionnent cette ecpece
p'invraisemblable calomni&amp;JPQ FLQ FLQ PQ; qu'ils fassent attention
a leur loi abusive ou ils risquent de creer encore une fois des
martyrs d'une justice devoyee: leur loi retroactive avec G^u- presumptions
de culpabilite.

lis ne sont pas capable de se souvenir qu'une partie

de ceux qujont bascule dans le FLQ oriid'abord ete dans les groupes qui
s'appelaient des choses comme le mouvement Valliere-Gagnon. Pourquoi?
Parce que pendant des mois et des mois, et des mois, et due mois il y
avait des gas qui etaient en tole.

Je ne sais pas s'il&amp;etaient coupablcg
B

ou pas coupablej; mais toute societe civiliseUa le devoir do juger cogens, de pas les laisser pourrir en prison sens jugement pendent cue
A*

l e s a u t o r i t e s attendent et t r i p o t e ' l a j u s t i c e . "

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jjowe/ba

UNCLAi-IFltD
Novesabfcr 2 5 , 1970.

PGP (A.D. Bows)

DOCUMEMrS FOB SSEA»S VISIT TO LCMDGN

C

20-22-TFK-9
e_^20-22-tF«-4
' 20-22-TF8-1

Attached are copies of the following*
(a) Quebec Press helease - Safe Conduct Offer - October 19, 1970.
(b) Quebec Press Belease - Safe Conduct Offir - October 26, IV70.
(c) Rewards Press Statement - November 2, 1970.
(d) "Notes for Kenarks by the Prime Minister at the Liberal Party
Conference - November 20, 1970.
le) Statement in ths House by ths Prime Minister - Safe Conduct November 24, 1970*
(f) Transcript of CBC interview with Parliamentary .Secretary to
SSEA - November 24, 1970.
(g) Statement in the House by ths Prime Minister - Police Cooperation - November 24, 1970.
(h) Statement in the House by Mr. Ouellet - U Thant "interest" in
Cross kidnapping - Noveaber 24, 1970.

2.

As agreed, you may leave these copies with Canada House,

A.D. Bows,
Operations Centre.

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g I y. . • M
J% III TM-JylMlt 11 » L

November 30, 1970.

POP (C. Roquet)
(fcar asserandun of November 25 to FCO, CF£, ECL.
Kidnappings • Proposed speech by our Consul
Coneral in San Francisco*

2C-22-TFK-4

Following are proposed changes to the speech:
(a) or. page 5, Odd the following underlined; section: "And
one new similarity ia that we now, like you, (although

JLn a v*gY deforms, PJHm»r. Jfflrt mfoftr* f « victims

... ate.". - The reason for thia change ia to avoid too
close a parallel between Canada and the U3A: wo do aot
want to be compared to the advocates of law aad order
ia tho OS*;
&lt;b) on
f&lt;
• » • whoa I think the aMfcury »woo good for
giving Quebec aad .Trench-apeak ine FiMnmA u n a throughout
tho country a bettor stake than over ia the Canadian
Confederation". • The pr&gt;aont sentence implies that
Quebec's current place in Canada is unacceptable;
w

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(0) on page 10, ia the first
v X suggest, that the
fr
tmt
aot bo used. Also add
words "rtiwunl Is 1 iai aad **
to the third sentence; "but these arm Merely causes to
bo exploited for tho sake of tho real objective: violent
eeiaure of power, so that tho few oaa iapoas their will
on the aany". After tho fifth sentence, add a reference
to recent aohlovcaonta ia Canada, e.g.: "They ar
prepared to see the vast renewal Canada has been
in for years, tho unprecedented successes scored ia t
direction of linguistic equality, economic aad social
justice, aad aa iaproved quality of life';
A '

U&gt;

»«

' 4

at ths top of page 11, Mr. Sntt night perhaps insert s
iwwsry of tho reasons given by the Prioe Minister for
the stront mcianraa adopted: the continuance of two
kidnappings, tho throat to the aafety of Individuals by

. ./2
003657

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a group equipped with thousands of sticks of dynanite,
an increasing allaats of confusion, the strain oa tho
provincial and municipal police forces and tho request
fro* Hoatroal aad wuebec. Aa appropriate quotation of
tho Prime Minister would ba ths boat way of handling it;
(o) on page 14, paragraph 1, Mr. Sutt night wish to add that
polls indicate that public support for the government's
action (and also a measure of opposition), was the same
ia Quebec as elsewhere, among French Caaadiaasas among
English Canadians* M a - l a no seed for him to do so
however;
"*^
(f) the figures at the top of peg* 15 should be cheeked with
Le*al Division j
(g) on page 17« 1 would delete the two sentences on de Gaullt
but this is up to GST to doolie.

EXO
C. R.

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x

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•'•

BULLETIH
DATE

1-12-70

CLASSIFICATION

SOURCE

HR.

UNCLASSIFIED

CP

21:22

Cf - Paul Martin, government leader i n the Senate, a a i i
night the "protracted debate pi i a the Ceaaeas en the
uat»a publie eider b i l l ahoved the governments siadoa ia s e t
seeking parliamentary approval before proclaiming the f a r Measures
Aat Oct. 16.
"Bad the government s a l t e d f o r auoh approval, i t would not have
been able te deal aa e f f e c t i v e l y aa i t dld&gt;» with the threat poeed
"by the front de Liberation du Quebec, Senator Martin told the
Senate aa he opened aecond"reading debate en the b i l l t e replace
wgulatlene under the War Measures l o t . She debate eentiauee today.
•senator Martin aaid the public order b i l l , given f i n a l approval by
the Ceaaona e a r l i e r i a the day. vaa designed to "meet the oriole that
say be with as f a r aeae time to coae.tt
a l t waa aimed at the Ilk and particularly l t a a c t i v i t i e s i a Quebec.
Xae public order b i l l vaa before the Ceaaona for a month before
Onal approval.
The l e g i s l a t i o n , which would expire next April gn unleea extended
\y approval of parliament or revoked e a r l i e r by the government,
eatlnuee to outlaw the 11M and rstains arrest without warrant er
m i l aad detention without charge aa provided by the war aeaaurea

V

limits to seven days the time a person can be held without
L compared with 21 days under the regulatlena now in e f f e c t .
senator Martin aaid the b i l l does not give aa much power t e p o l i c e in
a r r e s t or detention aa do the regulations under the War Meaaurea
Aet. Bat the extraordinary povera i t did confer are aeeeaeary.
" L e t no one suggest, however, that thia parliament, thia Senate, l a
aet concerned with c i v i l l i b e r t i e s and freedoms,»t he s a i d .
Ihe overwhelming awaber of Canadians supported the government »e
actions te deal with the TIM and terrorism in Uuebec.
Senator Jacquea flyan jO-Quetec said he w i l l introduce an amendment
aimed a t giving anyone found to have been an flA member the chance te
prove that he i a no longer associated with the organisation.
This waa juat one of numerous amendmsnte he hoped would be
introduced, aaid the opposition leader in the upper ohaaber.

MIN

PMO
CIDA

MINISTER I

PDE

GAF

GEU

GLA

OMP

OUN

ICP

AFP

FCN

ECO

APP

SRR
PSI

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PDM

PDF

CCO

GEUE

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DOPS

PDS

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GFE

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PAG

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FSR

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DCS A A M I A U

EXTCRIKURK*

CENTRE D'OPERATIONS CENTRE
TEL. 54331

DEPARTMENT Or EXTERNAL

Aff»IK»

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file (2)

log

y

axtra*^

Filet 20--22-TFK-7
cc: 20»22-TFK-7-Cuba

OTTAWA, Deeember j , 1970

I am snelaolag a copy of a correction X have
issued te the news aodia this iswrnin^, regarding the
of Cuban Consular officers at the house haroouring the
kidnappers.
Yours sincerely.

A. EC HlTCHiU

Hie aassMsssy Or. •Joed Feniaixlei de Ceeeio,
aaansaaa? of Cuba,
OTTAMA.

003660

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file (2)
log
extra

Filet 20-22-TFE-7
cc: 20-22-TFK-7-Cuba

aoeesdteg to certain nees reports the Cuban Censul
i» alleged to have eeeompanied a lawyer Into the house where the

Consul Is in this house Is unfounded. Ihe Cuban authorities ere
in fact being very helpful in relation to the safe conduct
aseaaaaawaW at the temporary Cuban Consulate at Torre des 3ommss.

�„

#"

TRANSMITTAL SLIP

*

TO:. JPpar.traent. .of. External .Affairs.,

Security . . . U n c l a s s i f i e d

Q.tt swa.,. .Ontario,. GssadA.......?.1?!.

Date

FROM: .. .Canadian. .Consulata fieaenal,. Kew.Yox.k
A*

Air or Surface . . . .Air

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No. of enclosures . . . . .1.

The documents described below ate for your information.

Despatching Authority
Copies

n e c e m h e r . .11;, .19.7.Q

IE- '

&amp;&amp;%. P.*. .?F V . C .^
Description

.sitsam

Also referred to:

Transcript of Broadcast entitled: "Rene
Levesque interviewed and answers listeners".

st*&lt;. , /d^

&gt;•-•

-

.c,».

Our tel. no. 238 of
December 8, 1970.

+*MX

J

TO: PSI
FROM: ACRU

JAN

C

7

2

icU
Ext. 250/Eng. (Rev. 10/51)
(Admin. Services Div.)

Ui

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(Instruction

on Reverse Side)

-003662 -

�INSTRUCTIONS
A

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'

cxw..

GEE

1. T h i s form may be used in sending material for informational.purposes from the.
Department to posts abroad and vice versa.
2. This form should NOT be used to cover documents requiring action.

\
3 . The name of the person responsible for authorizing the despatch.»i ,fj**.U . X.
material should be shown opposite the words " D e s p a t c h i n g Authority"jeT-his^7«=
may be done by signature, name stamp or by any other suitable means.
4. The form should bear the security classification of the material it covers. _
~&gt;8fT

i f

5. The column for " C o p i e s " should indicate the number of copies of each document transmitted. The s p a c e for " N o . of E n c l o s u r e s " should show the total
number of copies of all documents covered by the transmittal s l i p . This will
facilitate checking on despatch and receipt of mail.

003663

�V Accuracy

' *
TRANSCRIPT

9

Clarity
OF

Completeness
BROADCAST

CONSULATE GENERAL OF CANADA
PREPA

RED

FOR

PROGRAM

Fred Gale

STAT/OA

WMCA Radio (New York)(Straus Broadcasting Group)

DATE

Monday, December 7, 1970

HOUR

\

1.00 - ^-.00 P.M. Weekdays

db

af
RENE LEVESQUE INTERVIEWED AND ANSWERS LISTENERS

(Fred Gale conducts daily interviews
and answers telephone callers' questions during this time period.
His ^uest today at 1.00 P.M. was
to be Rene Levesque.

Mr. Levesque

did not arrive until about 1.10.
Savins previously identified him,
Mr. Gale began the interview at
once.
Durin.x the latter part of Mr.
Levesque's appearance on the
program, he spoke with listeners
too, as in the following transcript.
At about 2.10, when he left, Mr.
Gale resumed calls with listeners
on this and other subjects.)

003664
6 ./•

U u ^ O
I

�W

2.
GALE:

Welcome to our program.

LEVESQUF•
GALE:

Thank you very much, Mr. Gale.

I'O nice to see you, because I know you have a very

busy scheduT~e-^--~--Youi»re speak i ng in New Haven, or Hartford, Connecticut?
LEVESQUE:

At Yale University in Connecticut, and I had a TV

show this morning, and then had to go back to New York, but it's no
picnic trying to find your way without cabs.
GALE:

Oh, that's right, no cabs.

What's been the reaction in

America, in the States here, to what's going on in Canada?

Do you

feel that people in the States have an understanding of what's going
on?
LEVESQUE:

Well, I think, you know, bad news is news, so for

once we made very bad news, so a lot of people got interested.

I

think, from the questions I got this morning, for instance, and last
night I got, meeting with students, that people have--some people,
anyway, have a pretty good awareness of the background.

I think

most Americans take Canada for granted, which is kind of normal.
GALE:

Yeah, I got that feeling speaking to you, and speaking

to some other people when I was uo there a couple of weeks ago,
that many people up in Canada felt that we do take all Canadians
for granted.
LEVESQUE:

Well, it's kind of inevitable, I suppose.

You know,

it's such an old story, but the mouse next door to the elephant,
so the elephant doesn't notice except when the mouse squeaks very
1 oud .

003665

�3

i
GALE:

Adnt to give you something.

In yesterday's New York

Times Magazine Sect?on-LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Oh, you read it?

LEVESQUE:
GALE:

'read it.

This morning, yeah.

Alright.

There was a story about Mr. Trudeau, and in

here it talks about the Parti Quebecois.

They say, in effect,

there's a coalition of separatist i nteres ts rang i ng from the far Left
sympathizers of the FLQ, to the far-Right corporatists, who received
2k percent of the vote.
LEVESQUE:

Yeah.

Would you accept that definition, in effect?
I mean, I can't very well either accept it

or refuse it because you don't have a confessional next door to a
voting booth saying, you know, what kind of motivation does the guy
have who's voting for us.

The party itself tries to stand, let's call

It left of center, more or less close to what the Scandinavian, you
know, what Sweden or Denmark call social democracy.
GALE:

I see.

LEVESQUE:

Now, hangers-on can be any extreme.

What the hell

can you do about that?
GALE:

Not too much.

What about the party as far as strength--

vot ing strength?
LEVESQUE:

Well, we got 2k percent, just about, of the vote--

of the overall vote in Quebec, which means that we have to make thatkind of accounting that one-third of French Quebec -- because there
are about a million English-speaking Quebeckers who naturally would

003666

�It.

•

be again**

/

change of the kind we're proposing -- which means the

first election wx had this party on the lists, we got just about
one-third xf t^e yrench vote in Quebec.
GALE:

But you only got seven seats in the Parliament, which I

don't-LEVESQUE:
electoral map.

We haven't had reapportionment yet.

It's a horrible

We got most of oui—which is normal, I mean.

When

you're calling for change you get echoes and results, I think, more-faster in the big cities, so our vote is massively inside Montreal,
which is the metropolitan area,
torted.

and the write-ihs there are dis-

In other words, it takes about ten people in Montreal to

elect a man, when it takes one in the rural areas.
GALE:

I see.

What about your connection with the FLQ?

There

have been some politicians, I understand, who have tried to either
insinuate or have come out directly and said that the Parti Quebecois
is a--and FRAP, which is another group--fronts for the FLQ.
LEVESQUE:

Well, you know, you have hacks in the States--

political hacks who will say anything.

The same applies at home.

except that people know better, so thank God for that.

time

GALE:

So,

to try

and answer

LEVESQUE:

in other words,
that.

Not very much.

you d o n ' t

You

bother

taking

t o o much

feel--

Things are becoming much clearer.

In

fact, the FLQ -- in that sense, tragedy always has its good aspects -made things much clearer, because people know, from our attitudes
and from the work we've been doing, that if they want change there's

003667

�one good channel to/effect it with—is
GALE:

a

democratic party.

h. Levesque, how do you explain the FLQ to people who

are not aware or what it is?
LEVESQUE:

Well, in a sense, it's more social than political.

I think it's been said, you know, you feel like you're running out
of cliches, but it's true.

You have the same in the States, in a

sense, you have--it takes local coloring.

At home it's political.

You know, the main problem is political.
People like that, when they go out of balance and become--go
from confrontation to violence, feel they have to stick to one of the
popular causes, so they stick to a political cause in Quebec.

In the

States they may stick to Vietnam, or to the Negro problem, and become Weathermen, or what have you, but It's a social disease which
is--the breeding ground is somewhere in the gap that our so-called
advanced societies have left between the people that are contented
and the ones that are not.
GALE:

So the FLQ is not an organization —

LEVESQUE:
GALE:

No, no —

--it's not an organized conspiracy, as such is it?

LEVESQUE:

Look, our government went completely nuts.

If you

read the New York Times thing, I think they're a little off balance
because they don't — didn't help the facts.

The facts —some of the

facts are this, which the New York Times ignores, but which we're
aware of.

To try and justify this over-react ion that practically

put all of Quebec under martial law, with hundreds of arrests, the

003668

�6.
•

government came up with possibly 3,000 terrorists, possibly a conspiracy, possibly an insurrection, uprising, you know, a revolutionevery one of those reasons has more or less disappeared.
And now they found who it was.

It was, up to now, all told,

eight kidnapers and maybe a dozen or two dozen accessories before
or after the fact, some punks, some probably a little more serious,
all told maybe two dozen.

Do you put the whole population under

martial law for that?
GALE:

I know you're very critical of the Trudeau — o f Trudeau,

himself, and a lot of other people for the War Measures Act.

In

other words, the FLQ —say we had five people in this room and we
decided to take an action of some sort, kidnap someone, or whatever,
then we would become a cell.
of the FLQ?

We could just declare ourselves a cell

We wouldn't have to report to anyone?

Wou1d we be

responsible to anyone?
LEVESQUE:

There's no overall command.

FLQ is three letters,

more or less smacking of Algerian memories, you know, le Front
Liberation

National

Front of Quebec.

in

Algeria

;

It stands for Liberation

It's been used by different groups, in fact, we

call them generations every second year, completely unconnected,
four or five times in the last seven years -- the first one was in
1963 -- and they're always fringe groups of people who more or less,
you know, plunge into —from confrontation, usually, you know, demonstrations, things like that—into bombings.
And this is the first time—it's an unfortunate fad, apparently,

�throughout the world — t h e first time they go for kidnaping.

But,

you know, there's been kidnapings in the last couple of years, so —
GALE:

But, in other words—yeah, I think peoole have a better

understanding for that now, that it really is not an organized thing
on a nationwide basis.
LEVESQUE:

No.

It has nothing comparable, for instance, to

what Castro stood for in Cuba, or what the IRA, even, stood for in
I reland years back.
GALE:

What about this War Measures Act, which is now called

something else, isn't it?

The Law and Order Act, something of that

sort ?
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, they used the War Measures Act, which was some-

thing that dated back to the First World War, until they got this
new Act through Parliament, and this new Act is more or less the same
thing with a little less insistence on delays.

In other words, they

can keep people incommunicado without telling them any reason for
their arrest for, I think, up to twenty-one days, and now of fourteen.

You know, they changed that for a few days.

On the other hand, there's one of the most poisonous things
ever done in legislation in that new Act, that people can be accused
of guilt by association, and even of guilt by past association.

In

other words, if you went to an FLQ. or something close to an FLQ
meeting, supposing there was such a thing, you could be accused of
that six months ago. or a year ago, before the Act was in.
GALE:

Even if you just went there out of curiosity?

003670

�8

I

-

LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Yeah.

And potentially the Act says that.

But, even worse than that, sir, the fact is that you

don't have to be accused of anything, you can just be picked up,
with no charges, nothing —
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, that's a first—in other words, without warrant

police can arrest you, detain you, without a lawyer, for quite some
time, can search your home without a warrant -- they've done thousands
of that in the last few weeks —

over three thousand searches without

warrant, close to five hundred arrests.

Apart from fifty people

they're still trying to hang something on, everybody has been left
out after days, and in some cases a couple of weeks, without even any
kind of serious interrogation.
In many ways, the police got back at people they didn't like,
you know, demonstrators, and things like that.
GALE:

I understand that they locked up some hippies and a few

other people that were —
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, but also newsmen, artists, labor leaders,

labor organizers, people with interest in politics.
GALE:

How did you manage to escape it?

LEVESQUE:

Well, I think most of our ranking members managed to

escape it, in spite of being very critical of the government? for one
good reason, we got close to a quarter of the vote in Quebec.

They

won't touch that for the moment.
GALE:

You mean--in other words, do you feel that if you were

not a ranking member, and a former Cabinet Minister, that you might

003671

�I

9-

have been subject to arrest, or interrogation?
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Quite possibly.

I just wanted to define those two things before we got

to the larger problem that created these frustrations, or the
separatist movement, the bi1 ingua1ism. What are exact 1y — h o w would
you define the problems in Quebec so the people might understand
them on a simple level?
LEVESQUE:

Well, the problem is a sort of colonial problem that

people don't see, because we're inside a country instead of being
somewhere in Africa, and there are quite a lot of differences being
in North .America instead of being in Africa.

We're part of the

consumer society, even though we're not exactly on top of it, and
we're part of the industrial society, and we're part of a country
called Canada .
And yet it's a colonial setup in this sense.

But, just to give

you, maybe, two examples, and I think from that anyone with a head
on their shoulders can see the feeling, anyway.

First example, the

richest per capita bunch of people of the white race happen to be
the English people in Montreal.

In other words, that ghetto-like

group of English-speaking people are managers of all of Quebec, more
or less .
They have five million people who are more or less also looked
upon as cheap labor.

Those are the French people, my people.

That

close to one million English group is the richest per capita--richer
than any comparable group of Americans--in, so far as we know, the

003672

�I
Western world.
GALE:

In other words, they control the economy.

LEVESQUE:

Yeah, that's basically a colonial set-up, whichever

way you look at it.

Another fact is that G.M.--you know, General

Motors finally settled their strike, I think, on the American side
a couple o f — a few weeks ago, that was lasting since September.

Then

it lasted a few days longer -- I don't think it's quite settled -on the Canadian side, the Canadian subsidiaries, on account of — t h e
question of parity, you know.
We have exactly the same wages in Canada as in the States.

And

then, there's one — a t the end of the line, one major G.M. plant that
has another problem, in Montreal, next door to Montreal, the Pontiac
plant of G.M.

Ninety-five percent of the people working there are

French, but they're being run, regulated, handed orders that sometimes they understand more or less, in English, not because G.M.,
you know, particularly wants it that way, but it comes into a country
called Canada and why the hell should it make a great effort of
learning the other language, which is more of a problem, because,
after all, it's English also, Canada, isn't it?
So, you know, they come right smack into a 95-percent working
force, which they wouldn't do in France, or Italy, or Germany, because there it's clear.

But there, what the hell, the natives c a n -

al 1 they 'nave to do is learn.
GALE:

Five percent will run them in English.

So this causes animosity on the part of French-speaking

Quebeckers?

003673

�ft

LEVESQUE:

We 11, this causes resentment for anyone who can un-

derstand other people's feelings.
GALE:

So, are you saying, then, M. Levesque, that the companies

should be nationalized, that they should be run by Quebeckers —
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

--who should be French-speaking?

LEVESQUE:
is Quebec.

No, no, but if Quebeckers could—

No, but if Quebeckers—the hell with that.

Quebec

They do the same thing as I hope G.M. -- I think it does

and Ford, and others, do elsewhere when they invest—if they're in
a people's country they normally respect the people's language.
GALE:

I see, so another American company coming in—

LEVESQUE:

A good honest buck of profit can speak any language.

In our case it should speak ours.

And we have to get out of this

sem i-col on ial set-up where it never knows exact 1 y —nobody knows where
he stands.
GALE:

Okay, when you talk about separatism, you're talking

about Quebec being a state unto itself, a country unto itself, apart
from Canada?
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Yeah, yeah.

Not being a province in any way, run by French-speaking

Quebeckers?
LEVESQUE:

Run by the people of Quebec who happen to be 80 per-

cent French, so—the minority keeping its right—we even fight inside
our own party, so they keep basic rights like schools, their share
of tax money, whatever they built from their own effort, and get the

003674

�I
same chance for promotion as any minority in any civilized country.
But Quebec would be 80 percent French.
GALE:

What does Prime Minister Trudeau mean in this article

that I'm reading here, talking about monies that were given—the
federal government undertook to supply, over a period of five or more
years, 160 million dollars to Quebec?
was not used.

Forty million of it, he says,

And asked why, he said because they haven't got the

manpower, they don't have the administrators, they don't have the
economists, the sociologists, the entrepreneurs, to invest this money
usefully.

What does he mean by that?

LEVESQUE:
period.

Well, to be brutal about it, Pierre Trudeau is a liar,

Does he remind people in that New York Times article that

that plan he's talking about, which is one of those federa1-state
plans that are always very complicated, was signed in 1968, just
barely two years ago, and it's a new thing?
GALE:

Yes, it says in 1968 the federal government signed with

Quebec a cooperative agreement.
LEVESQUE:

Okay.

It was, in effect, an electoral ploy by

Trudeau's party, which was in party before that election.

They signed

it for his election, his nice personal gift to the GaspS

people —

the people involved.

Now, this is new in Quebec, new in Canada, in

fact, this kind of, you know, inter-government development program.
Everybody talks about regional development, that it's one hell of a
job.
So one basic reason is that the money cannot be spent as quickly —

003675

�I

13.

it's a five-year plan —cannot be spent as quickly in the first year,
or in the second year, as in the years after, you know, because you
have to organize teams and make the money be useful.
reason.

That's one

Another reason is that they're forever fighting between

themselves, Quebec and Ottawa, who's going to get the credit, and
who's going to —you know, who's going to be top dog in—with the
population because, after all, every citizen is both a federal and
a state voter.

Who's going to get the credit?

And they're foreverwrangUne about it, which people see and become resentful about, and it's not a very good example he's giving.
In other words, if you want to have an authority deciding something,
have one authority? don't have two heads —you know, like two captains
on the same ship.
GALE:

I see.

Another quote here that surprised me after talking

to you a couple of weeks ago in Quebec,"he considered the prospects
of Quebec's separatism and shrugged." And he said, quote, "I don't
regard it in the realm of possibility," unquote.
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Well, look—

And I'm surprised at that, because there is a huge, it

seems to me, anyway, separatist movement, and separatist feelings in
the province of Quebec.
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, but--I suppose at the end of everything --

from the Roman Empire, and you could probably go back further, to
the end of any regime -- the guys, sincerely or otherwise, who are
defending it, will feel that, you know, it won't happen.

And it's

003676

�m

iu

usually when it's closer

that

they

feel least, because they

get panicky, and they harden up, and Trudeau has always been a staunch
federalist, which is his God-given right, as long as he uses moderately
honest means to keep the regime going.
GALE:

I see.

Let me take a little break here and then we'll

get back to our conversation with M. Levesque.
(Commere ials .)
Our guest, Rene Levesque, is the President of Le Parti Quebecois
of Quebec, and we're just discussing recent events in Canada.

M.

Levesque, one of the things in this article that struck me, and I
know that you're quite an outspoken gentleman—you say, just come
right out and call Trudeau a fascist.

It seems—isn't that a little

heavy, or am I misquoting you?
LEVESQUE:

No, they're not misquoting me? they forget one adjec-

tive that was added to that, "a potential fascist," in this sense.
What's the basis for fascism?

I know the word is kind of brutal, but,

on the other hand, they weren't exactly using, you know, kid gloves
e i the r, that bunch .
A fascist is someone, basically, that in one way or another —
Hitler used storm troopers, but today, with media, and with a lot
of money, and government powers, you can do it different.

People

who will try and throw any kind of opposition into a sort of noman's land—in other words, you know, get the so-called silent
majority,and whoever the herd can be, massively enough against any
kind of call for change that people feel practically outlaw,*asking
_____

003677

�15.

•

for change,

in other words, trying to paint, for instance, us as

terrorists, and making everything well mixed up, which is potentially
fascism because fascism means absolute power -- as close as possible
to that -- and no divergent voices, you know, do it one way or another.

And Trudeau went for that very heavily, and his entourage even

worse .
GALE:

Do you feel that it's going to have less than a positive

effect in the next elections?
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

You mean —

As far as Trudeau is concerned?

Is there going to be a

backl ash —
LEVESQUE:

I think Trudeau is on the way out, not only for that.

The economy in Canada has been mismanaged under Trudeau as never before.
GALE:

What's the unemployment rate now?

LEVESQUE:

In Quebec, it's up to nine percent, as of November,

and we're expecting eleven or twelve, incredible as it may sound.
GALE:

Twelve percent.

Doesn't the Prime Minister chalk a lot

of this up to the terrorists, though, and the terrorist activities?
LEVESQUE:

No, no, they're not that silly, because everybody

knows that's not true.

j

I don't think, for instance, your Weathermen

J

or other people throughout the world have changed much in the economic
outlook.
GALE:

They're not that important a factor.
I see.

LEVESQUE:

No, the basic thing, apart from American spillover,

because you've got your own, you know, close to a recession, anyway,

003678

�16.
•

something

l i k e a slowing

down;

that

affects

Canada.

Apart

kept

this

damn a n t i - i n f l a t i o n

from

that,

m i smanagement.
In o t h e r w o r d s ,

they

so l o n g a n d , you know, w i t h a l l
In economic

terms,

and sometimes
inflated

this

they f i n e - t u n e

years before

fine

tuning

that

t o t h e p o i n t where

you can come up a g a i n .

l i k e m u r d e r and now t h e y ' r e

c a u g h t up

thing

they
it

talk

takes

So t h e y

in a s o r t

going
about

months

anti-

of

spiral

of

unemployment.
In o t h e r w o r d s ,
can't

make
GALE:

it

now you

p i c k up a g a i n .

I see.

and t h e n w e ' l l
guest,

t h e y s l o w down t h e economy so much t h a t

Okay, w e ' r e g o i n g

come b a c k .

M. Rene L e v e s q u e .

This
It's

to take a l i t t l e

break

i s WMCA, F r e d Gale h e r e ,
news

here,

and o u r

time.

'News announcements.)
Thank you,Steve.

Pardon me.

We'll open up the telephones, if

you have any questions for M. Levesque.

Our phone number is Plaza

9-1000, PL 9-1000, and the area code is 212, if you are out of the
area,

212, the area code, Plaza 9-1000.
This is, to me, a very interesting article.

Sunday Times.

It was in the

I know you say that there were quite a few things

that were left out, as far as you're concerned.
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, well, I think—look, I met the guy who wrote

it, what's his name, Buckley, I think it is.
GALE:

I'd have to go back—

LEVESQUE:

I met him sometime, I think, not long after the

003679

�17.

•

kidnapings, before the end of October, anyway.
early December.

So this comes out

The background on Trudeau, especially, because it's

basically a profile on Trudeau, I suppose is alright.

I know Trudeau

from way back and, you know, it sounds authentic.
But the facts and the interpretation, let's say they're at least
a little bit passe.
GALE:

Alright.

A couple of things that, when I talked to you

before, I mentioned and I thought might be interesting to people is,
number 1,the feeling of Quebeckers generally toward England, toward
the Crown, toward the Queen.

What sort of allegiance or alliance is

there?-a11 egiance, I guess, is the word.
LEVESQUE:

Look, among French people in Quebec, we couldn't care

less about the Crown? we just ignore it.

I mean, to us it's, you

know, it's part of an old colonial set-up, and since the British like
to keep the trappings long after the real importance of them has
gone, and it's part of the British tradition, nobody is very rabid
about the monarchy? we just couldn't care less.
I mean, young English Canadians, more or less, feel the same.
If you still have the Queen, theoretically, you know, as the head
of state in Canada it's mostly on account of the dodoeS

that still

lie around all over the place.
GALE:

What about the educational system, sir?

Is French taught

as the first language in Quebec, or is English taught?
LEVESQUE:

No,

it's—in

other words,

equi1 ibrium—we both h a v e - - i n other words,

it's

supposed

there's

t o be an

the French

system

003680

�, 8

•

-

which teaches English as the second language, there's an English
system that's supposed to teach French as the second language.

I

say Supposed'because since -- I gave you the G.M. example -- since
they don't really need—they control the economic life, or most of
it, they have their own family compact among English-speaking
families, you know, the good families in business^ they don't really
need French, so they don't exert themselves at learning it.
GALE:

But aren't there some English-speaking families there

that--isn't there a small movement that--I guess you can call it a
radical movement that supports your idea of separatism for Quebec?
LEVESQUE:

No.

There are different little groups among younger

people, especially on college campuses and places like that, especially among the Jewish community, which is very important in Montreal,
over 100,000 people.
It's a funny thing.

At both extremes.

The Jews, you know,

they're pretty close to being weather vanes because they're so dangerously used to being the scapegoats in any kind of change.

So

the older Jewish group is usually rabidly against everything vie
stand for and, you know, they just close their minds to it.

And the

younger Jewish generation, in other words, the growing one, seems
to be adapting to the idea of change.
So you have a generation gap there that's very interesting.
GALE:

Yeah, the whole thing is very interesting.

I don't see

how anybody can really survive totally in Quebec without speaking
French.

003681

�19.

•

LEVESQUE:

Well, you'd be surprised.

a sort of ghetto.

I said ghetto, and

it is

Look, when you control business, most of the finan-

cial district, promotion

is, you know, according to school

tie or

to family contacts, and you're used to that for generations, and
inherited privilege, and

inherited money helps, honestly, a lot of

people can go through their lives, and a lot do, without knowing a
bloody word of the language the natives speak around them.
GALE:
when

I see.

I felt badly because

I didn't speak French

I was up there.
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

as

Well,

I said,

Yeah, well, some people manage to control such feelings.

Well, luckily

I had somebody with me who did, otherwise,

I don't see how anybody can get along.

LEVESQUE:

Look, sometimes they get very bitter when

I say that,

our friends, you know, the English group in Quebec, but they are
little bit like Rhodesians, you know.
don't see

it, but

a

There's no color line, you

it's the same thing, a few hundred thousand people

running a few million natives.
GALE:

But the thing that throws a lot of people off is that

Prime Minister Trudeau

is French-speaking, and the head of the

country, not quite leader.
LEVESQUE:

Trudeau

that's no criticism,
Trudeau.

is not basically a French Canadian.

it's just fact.

Trudeau's name

His mother was a Miss Elliott.

Now,

is Pierre Elliott

His father died when he was

\

a baby, so he was brought up by a Scottish mother, and most of his

I

training goes back to London School of Economics and to British

*

003682

�20.
•

tradition, which

is—also

is right.

But he's sort of a fraud as a

F rench Canad ian .
GALE:

Was he not the editor of a French-speaking magazine

at

one t ime?
LEVESQUE:

Yes, mostly because he had the money, but the real —

most of the writers were a team around him at that time, in the fifties.
GALE:

I was struck by the fact that the man who is more or less

his hand-picked successor at that particular magazine

is now in jail,

charged with sedition, and a few other things.
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, well, Ouebec

is a rather—French Quebec

is a

rather small, five or six million people, closely-knit society.

That's

why Trudeau had to be, and quite a few with him, really out of touch
to even play at imagining this
terrorists.
something

Everybody

like that.

GALE:

So, as

J

idea of a revolution, or three thousand I

knew there had to be a dozen, three dozen,
You had to be really out of contact —

I understand

it then, M. Levesque, your party is

truly a people's party, is it not?
LEVESQUE:

Well, we are trying to make

it that, and up to now

i t has been that .
GALE:

Because one of the men that

what was he?
I forgot.

first

—

He worked with his hands, a mechanic or something.

You were soeaking that night.

LEVESQUE:
Montreal

I met up there who was a

were

In f a c t ,

the w o r k i n g - p e o p l e

t h e ones where we e l e c t e d a l l

election,

so

it's

rather

close

ridings

o r wards

o f o u r members

in

in
that

to working —

003683

�21 .

•

GALE:
'7^,

I guess

If
it

LEVESQUE:
I t w o u l d be

you had t o p r e d i c t
is,

isn't

No,

there's

'7^ at

the

That's

right,

a vote

for

your

party

in

19 — w h a t ,

it?
no c o n s t i t u t i o n a l

latest,

but

it

date f o r

probably w i l l

our

elections.

be f a s t e r

than

that.
GALE:

w o u l d you p r e d i c t
LEVESQUE:
result,
of

a vote

I ' d say n e x t

where we c a n ' t

F r e n c h Quebec.

population,
not

for

the

parliamentary
for

your

time,

escape

In o t h e r w o r d s ,

and y e t ,

have a p o l i t i c a l ,

on a c c o u n t
you know,

of

party,

and t h i s

i t —next

system.
if

What — s o what

you had t o p r e d i c t

c o u l d be t h e most

one?

poisonous

t i m e we c o u l d have a m a j o r i t y

fifty

percent

the b l o c

government

o r more o f

the

English-speaking

French

vote,

majority.

But then, you'd have that feeling throughout the French nation
in Quebec -- that's the way we see ourselves —
by a sort of foreign body inside Quebec.
GALE:

as their being blocked

That could be poisonous.

Well, many Canadians —

LEVESQUE:

I think that's the minimum we could expect the next

t ime .
GALE:

Many Canadians--maybe I shouldn't use the word Canadians--

Quebeckers, I guess, that I talked to felt that Rene Levesque might
be the next Premier of Quebec.
LEVESQUE:

I don't know.

I'm not interested in that.

I'm forty-

eight, I had six years in our state government, about three years of
building this party —

not three years, two and a half years -- and

I'm a newsman by trade, and I'd like to get back to my trade someday,

003684

�22.

•

but f o r the moment I'm —
GALE:

That's

right,

you were a correspondent here in t h i s

country f o r a while .
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, as a foreign correspondent I covered most of

the American activities from Korea to all your elections between '^5
and '60. and conventions, and what have you.
GALE:

I see.

Let's take some telephone calls.

Plaza 9-1000,

the telephone number, and our guest, Rene Levesque, President of
Le Parti Quebecois of Quebec in Canada.
Hello, WMCA, you're on the air.
MAN:
GALE:
MAN:

Hello, I would like to direct my question to your guest,
Yes,sir, go ahead.
What is his opinion of the difference that would occur

in Canada with two separate states—at least Quebec being a separate
in relation
state, and all the rest of Canada/to each other, and in relation to
the Uni ted States?
LEVESQUE:

Well, the basic difference would be that Quebec

would have self-government.

In other words, to put it in a nut shell,

would have all its tax money, would have a new financial set-up that
would organize its banking system according to channeling its savings
at home, and have the government powers that go from not paying for
another government anymore.
Apart from that, we are proposing that Canada and Quebec keep
relationships.

Next door to Quebec, there's the big province of

Ontario, you know, which is a major state in Canada.

Now, Ontario

003685

�23.

•

has the sophisticated, let's call

it that, industry, you know, any-

where from television, to electrical equipment, and automobiles, and
th ings 1i ke that.
One third and more of their market
case it could be suicide?
have market arrangements.

is in Quebec.

So in their

in our case it would hurt also, not to
Eased on that, I think we could become

more or less like Norway or Sweden that did separate about fifty
years ago, and did

it in a civilized way, and they're much better

neighbors now than they were as partners.

We could become something

new.
MAN:

Yes, the thing that bothers me though

is the way this is

coming about -- with "little unrest," in quotation m a r k s — i s that,
while they all need each other, all the states that might end up
separate, Ontario eventually, possibly, and Quebec, we hope, for
your sake,

is it at all possib1e--isn't

that they would have diplomatic

relations with each other and the

United States, and a working agreement
LEVESQUE:

it a little naive to think

in the near future?

Well, look, it all depends on whether you gamble on

people being stupid, and cutting their own necks, or on people being
at least half civilized.
managed

You know, a few years back even Singapore

to get peacefully cut off from the Malay Federation.

If

they can do it in Asia, and they have clone it in Europe for ramshackles ,*pol i t i ca 1 set-ups that don't, satisfy people, why the hell
shouldn't we do it without twenty-five years of hostility?
MAM:

•"Sic".

Well, we've seen bad things happening

in relation to the

�2k

Common Market in Europe? isn't it possible some sort of international
coup behind the scenes would develop in relation to the United States
wh i ch is —
LEVESQUE:

Oh, what do you mean?

Annexation, or something like

that?
MAN:
States?

Yes.

I don't mean—do you mean on the part of the United

No, I don't mean that.

I mean some pressure behind the

scenes might be discussed in relation between, say, Britain, Canada,
which would still be—Canada proper which would be the major body of
the whole area, at least if Quebec went first and Ontario didn't
follow too soon after.
LEVESQUE:

Well, look, I don't deal in mystery, and I'm no prophet.

All I know is there are — a s far as the United States is concerned,

•

there are about seven billion dollars of American money invested in
Quebec, and there's also, I think, something between one and two
billion dollars in Quebec bonds held on the American market.

So I

think there would be incentive, you know, if a democratic solution
came for peaceful settlement.
MAN:
GALE:

Thank you very much.
Okay, sir.

I wish you luck.

Thank you.

We'll be right back.

(Commere ia 1 s . )
This is Fred Gale on WMCA, Dialogue Radio 57. Straus Communications in New York? our guest, Rene Levesque, President of Le Parti
Quebecois of Quebec.

Plaza 9-1000, the telephone number, if you

have any questions or comments for M. Levesque.

WMCA, hello?

003687

�25.

WOMAN:
GALE:

Hello.
Yes, ma'am.

WOMAN:

I would

like to ask your guest this following question.

It seems to me that the people of Quebec have a self-imposed
that they have developed.

ghetto

I cannot understand, having been there,

that people would sort of cut their nose to spite their face.
having the opportunity
be{

to learn another language, whatever

They live in the land, they are

for that many years, and they make

Imagine,

it would

Canadians of French descent,
it a point of not--de 1 iberate 1y

not learning to speak English.
Now,

if this gentleman says that all the English have the money,

they have actually cut themselves off from the bigger developments
by not being

integrated

in the country, and still maintaining

own ethnic qualities, just as we have here

their

in the United States.

We

have many states that have a peculiar ethnic quality about them,
the Pennsylvania Dutch,
GALE:

Wisconsin.

Well, let M. Levesque reply to that, if you would, ma'am.

LEVESQUE:

My reply would be very simple, ma'am.

right off where you left off.
have

Italians
WOMAN:

I think—

You have

start

Pennsylvania Dutch, and you

in New York, or Puerto R i c a n s —
But they're Americans all.

LEVESQUE:

Yeah, they're all Americans for one basic reason, and

you can argue on that, but the basic reason
comes

I'll

is there.

Everybody that

into the United States who wants to integrate becomes English-

speaking and tries to make

it in the American melting pot.

That's

�I

26.

one way of looking at things.
the s t a r t .

We d i d n ' t

accept

But

in Canada it was different from
pot
t h e m e l t i n g / i t w a s n ' t imposed, maybe

it should've been 200 years ago, but
WOMAN:

it's too late now.

Why —

LEVESQUE:

There are two groups--1ook,

about facts, not about rewriting history.

I'm sorry, but
There are

few million people speak French, and they're mostly
comparison would be this.

I'm talking

two g r o u p s — a
in Quebec.

The

Supposing from Texas to California you

had 30 percent of the United States, 70 million people from the last
census, who were Spanish speaking, had a Spanish tradition -- it
could've happened -- and —
WOMAN:

Well, we did have it.

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

No, it could've

Well, we did have

LEVESQUE:

happened.
it.

No, you didn't have one-third of your p o p u l a t i o n -

look, let's not —
WOMAN:

We 11, we have California, New Mexico, Texas, all Spanish-

speaking, who eventually became American citizens, and still are

very

Span i sh speak i ng.
LEVESQUE:

No, I'm sorry, they're not very Spanish-speaking, and

I was through the West.
WOMAN:

Well, we have Louisiana —

LEVESQUE:
and

Look, m a ' a m — n o , Louisiana was given over by Napoleon,

in the statutes
WOMAN:

it says they can still speak F r e n c h —

Yes!

003689

�f

27.

LEVESQUE:
more.

It's

--but

their

God-given

from the b e g i n n i n g
wanted t o stay
to

they a s s i m i l a t e d .

Right

they're

not

t o be s o m e t h i n g e l s e .

t h e r e was a n a t i o n a l

t h a t way.

remain t h a t way.

right

Now,

French anyIn o u r

group c a l l e d French,

or wrong,

it's

their

From t h e r e on you have q u i t e

and

God-given

a different

case,
they

right
set-up

from the American.

WOMAN:

Well, isn't it a little bit worse for them to have a

divided country so close to each other, with animosities and stuff,
that prevail

in Europe?

LEVESQUE:

Look, ma'am, you're so right, in a sense, and so

comfortably sitting there telling us we should be different.

Look,

if people after 200 years, who should've maybe assimilated a couple
of centuries ago, haven't done it—they spend now to educate their
kids in French, and they want promotions in French, and they want
the jobs in French in Quebec, not elsewhere in Canada, just in Quebec.
And they want to run their own business.

Now, is that, you know, the

end of the world?
GALE:

I hope that answers her question.

Here's a commercial

message for you.
(Commere ia 1 s .)
Plaza 9-1000 is the telephone number.

Hello, this is Fred Gale,

you're on the air.
WOMAN:
GALE:
LEVESQUE:

Hello, may I speak to M. Levesque?
Yes, ma'am, go ahead.
Yes, ma'am, speaking—I'm listening.

003690

�I

28,.

WOMAN:

I would like to know--can you tell me. what is the

population of Canada?
LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

And how--what is the population of Quebec?

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

Just about six million.

Six million.

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

About twenty —just about twenty-one mi11 ion.people.

Twenty-one to six million.

Well, no, six out of twenty-one.

Oh, six out of twenty-one.

Since there is a certain

attitude that the majority will prevail, don't you think that the
Quebec people should really prevail upon themselves to speak the
language of the country?
LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:
in t h i s

The language of the country happens to be two languages.

Well,

particular

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

the

language

c o u n t r y we are

in t h i s

country

immigrants

is b i - l i n g u a l ,

from a l l

over

because

the w o r l d .

Well, what country are you talking about?

I'm talking—I'm making an actual ana 1 ogat ion ( s ic) to

both countries.
LEVESQUE:

You say that the —
No, no, no, I'm awfully sorry.

I'm sorry to inter-

rupt you, but let's not start from false premises.
is English-speaking, period.

The United States

The —Canada, from the start, has accepted

the idea of two languages, but in our case we feel we got gypped.

But

the two languages are supposed to be official.
WOMAN:

I was under the impression that Canada at one time was

the dom i n ion—was supposed to be part of the United Kingdom.
LEVESQUE:

No, it was a colony of the British Empire.

003691

�P

29.

WOMAN:

It was a colony of the British Empire?

Well, what was

the language of the British Empire?
LEVESQUE:

The language of the British Empire officially, from

the top, was Eng1 i sh.
WOMAN:

Well, the United States at one time was a colony of the

British Emp i re, too.
LEVESQUE:
ularly

Well, look, alright, so was

like speaking English.

WOMAN:

But

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

India.

They don't partic-

And so was Kenya, and —

if you've —
--what the hell,

This

I mean, w h a t —

is not my main premise.

o t h e r — a s k you another question.

That

I would

like to make an-

is one question, but, you know,

this business of language to me, that is so unimportant.
nation that should b e — i t should be centralized,
area, because

it is part of—actually

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

people

Look, ma'am, may

you know,

Very

simply

this.

sometimes you g e t

it,

they've

from t h e i r

them k i n d o f ,

I tell you something very frankly?

What?

i n t h e w o r l d are

even n o t i c e

it's the Northern Hemisphere.

Closely adjacent to the United S t a t e s —

LEVESQUE:
Toynbee t h a t

it should be a united

Look, ma'am.

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

It's a

the

I a g r e e w i t h a g r e a t man c a l l e d
impression

the Anglo-Saxon b l o c s
been d o m i n a n t

point

of view,

for

that

you k n o w — t h e i r d i f f e r e n c e

that

because--they

so l o n g ,
other
is

t h e most

they

people's

important

/

racist
don't

run t h e w o r l d ,
d i f f e r e noe makes

because t h e y ' r e

on

003692

�30

I
top.

But other people's difference makes them kind of feel bad, you

know, this is not serious, this is not this, this is not that.

The

world is made up of different peoples, big, medium, small, that have
different languages, different cultures, and if they want to keep
them, now what the hell right have other people, ircluding top dogs,
to say they shouldn't?
WOMAN:

If you had--I'm in this country since the end of the

Second World War —
LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

Good for you.

Alright, I speak a fairly good English because when I

came here, in order to assimilate into this population, I decided
that I wanted to become an American.
advantages this wonderful country has.

I take advantage of all the
I came out of the holocaust

of the German—wel 1 , if you know the hell that was there.

And I came

here with my husband, and we came here and we did not speak English,
neither my husband nor myself.

Now, he speaks a perfect English.

We

still retain the other language, but we are very proud to speak the
language of the country that we came t o —
GALE:
the point.
WOMAN:
GALE:

But, ma'am—this is Fred Gale.
Mr . —

I'm only here twenty-two years—
M. Levesque is saying —

LEVESQUE:
GALE:

I think you're missing

Look, ma'am —

--you can't compare what's happening in Quebec with the

Un i ted States .

003693

�I
LEVESQUE:

--if

I come to the United States as an

immigrant--!

worked with the American forces during that war you're talking about.
I know how y o u — w h a t you're talking about.
WOMAN:

We looked —

LEVESQUE:
when

Alright, look, if I come to the United

States—or

I was with U.S. forces as a very junior correspondent,

English.

You don't expect anything else, you assimilate.

it's different.
like Belgium,

French, some people speak Flemish.
them they should change over,

WOMAN:
is such an

In Canada,

Now, if you know anything about Canada, it's a bit

if you know Europe.

or the other?

I spoke

In Eelgium, some people speak
Nov/, who the hell

is going to tell

you know, and assimilate

into one group

It's their God-given right to remain what they are.
Yes, but don't you see, M. Levesque, that the language

insignificant part of the —

LEVESQUE:

No, ma'am,

I don't believe that.

I believe

language

is not an insignificant part of any nation.
WOMAN:

But why can't a country become bilingual and —

LEVESQUE:
that will

look like homogenized baby food, with your kind of reasoning.

WOMAN:

Perhaps —

LEVESQUE:
learn

Look, ma'am, you're going to end up with a mankind

The Chinese like to speak Chinese.

We may have to

v

it some day.
GALE:

Listen, let's not belabor the point, ma'am.

I think,

you know, you've gotten your answer at least four times already.
Hello, this is Fred Gale.

Hello?

003694

�32

i

-

MAN:
GALE:
MAN:
GALE:
MAN:

Hello?
Yes, sir, you have a question.
Hello?
Yes, hello.
I'd 1 ike to ask Mister Levesque a question of fact, and

perhaps one of opinion, in a moment.

The question of fact is, what

is the relative strength of the provincial parties in Quebec now,
say, as represented by the last popular elections?
LEVESQUE:
two bases.

The relative strength is very simply put this way on

One, the basis of seats* the Liberal government, which is

a sort of provincial extension of the same Liberal party that holds
office at the federal level -- like Democrats here, or Republicans

—

the Liberal government has 71 seats right now? the National Union,
which is the opposition party, the former government, have about 16
of them? the CKditist^ which is a sort of rural group, and ourselves,
have 10 and 7 respectively.
On the other hand, on account of the map, if you look at popular
vote, the Liberals got kS percent to get the 71 seats, we got 2k percent to get 7 seats, the National Union got 20 percent to get about
16 seats, and the other bunch got 10 percent.

That's the relative

strength on both bases.
MAN:

How does that compare with the previous election?

LEVESQUE:

In the previous election, the so-called separatists

ran two groups that were not too well organized, and got about 8 percent of the vote.

This time we had a party in all ridings—we got

003695

�P

33.

about one quarter of the vote.
MAN:

Could

I also ask you what's your opinion of Trudeau's

invoking of the War Measures Act?
LEVESQUE:

I think it was lousy.

I think

it was blowing up out

of all proportion something which we now know from the facts, and
everybody knew who was

in contact

in Quebec, was a very marginal,

fringe group of punks, mostly, that wouldn't justify
putting a whole population under martial
GALE:

Another thing, sir, if I may

terrorist acts were taking place
MAN:

law, which

in any way
is what

it was.

interject this, most of the

in the province of Quebec —

Yeah.

GALE:

--but you'll notice the War Measures Act was

invoked for

the whole country, for all of Canada, so a lot of people in the
western

regions wondered what the heck is it being

imposed

in this

area for?
LEVESQUE:

Which also made the feeling a little more bitter than

usual against Quebec, you know, on account of those bum French —
MAN:

Why do you think Trudeau did it?

LEVESQUE:

I think it's, in part, a panic reaction, in part, a

cold calculation to try and disrupt opposition
feel, you know, the opposition to the structure
Canada

is growing

MAN:

in Quebec, because they
itself of federal

stronger—

But his party won the last election, which would seem to

suggest that his strength was

increasing

rather than decreasing,

wouldn't it?

003696

�3k.

9
LEVESQUE:

No, I'm sorry to say that Mr. Trudeau, for instance,

talked about us a few years ago as a particle, you know, a play on
words, partyt being a particle?
MAN:

Yeah.

LEVESQUE:

When they ended up with -- in spite of all the scare

tactics and everything they could use, and money was no object -with seeing 25 percent, or just about a quarter of the population of
Quebec, and one-third of the French people, voting for—to opt out,
they got a panic reaction.
GALE:

Listen, I'm going to have to interrupt, sir.

Thank you for

the cal1 .
MAN:
GALE:

Thank you.
Right.

M. Levesque, one last question.

I'm wondering,

as in this country we have the Democrats at one time, and the McCarthy
forces in the last election, talking about tlie youth movement behind
them, where are

the young people in Quebec mostly?

Are they behind

the Parti Quebecois, or Trudeau, or what?
LEVESQUE:

The ones that are at all active politically are all

with us, or practically. 90 percent, which is the wave of the future.
I think, to make us confident.

The rest of the young people, the

ones who--you know, the high school dropouts, and people like that —
let's not exaggerate this idea of youth being monolithic.

They're

all split up the way the adults are.
GALE:

But you would say you have a majority of the young people

behind your party?

003697

�#

LEVESQUE:

The ones with more education, and are active or in-

terested in politics, we have a massive majority.
GALE:

I noticed many, many young people when I first met you

up there, and that's the reason for the question.

M. Levesque,

thank you very much for taking the time.
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Thanks a lot.

I know you're busy now, and you have to go and catch a

piane .
LEVESQUE:

Yes, it's flying, because we had a storm yesterday

i n Mont rea1 .
GALE:

Oh, that's right.

LEVESQUE:
GALE:

But thank you very much for coming by.

Thanks a lot .

Certainly appreciated it.

Parti Quebecois of Quebec.

M. Levesque, President of Le

And I hope you learned something from

that conversation, and the questions.

###

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Declaration de M. Robert Lemieux a Radio mutual
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&lt;*Je m'enquiHe et Je suis un peu attrlste par le fait que la
declaration de M. Sharp est un peu laconique, tardive et suggfcre des choses
sans y mettre auoun contenu. Je pense que a*ils avait des choses derriere
la tete a part de ce qu'il a declare^ il aurait 6te* opportun dans l'iatlrtt
de tous qu'il le declare et qu'il ne fassa pas une declaration du genre
de celle que 1'on oonnait £ des ministres dans les conflits syndicaux. Ce
n*est pas un confllt syndical, c'est une affaire differentei si l'on contraste les positions des deux parties en cause il salable qpie les positions
sont d'un part claires et nettes, tandis que de la part du gouvernement il
semblerait pret a negocier, mais il. n'offre pas d'avenues et n'offre pas
d'isBsunites des personnes qui pouvaient tenter. On ne salt pas s'il s'agit
d'un guet-appens ou s'il s'agit d'une assure pour avoir du delai. Je pense
que M. Sharp auralt peut-fttre faire une declaration un peu plus elaboree
et aurait peut-$tre pu la faire un petit peu plus tdt."

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CBC RADIO g : 35 STATEMENT BY CLAUDE RYAN

QcT./o/^Q

Q: DO YOU PEEL THAT THE GOVT REALLY HAD ANY OTHER FESIABLE ALTERNATIVE?
A: .1 THINK SO.
Q: DO YOU MAKE ANY RECOMMENDATIONS?
A: IN MY PAPER. I WROTE A PIECE THE OTHER DAY IN WHICH I INSISTED THAT THE
ONLY POSSIBLE SOLUTION WAS TO FREE A CERTAIN NUMBER OP SO-CALLED POLITICAL
PRISONERS.

I WAS. NOT PASSING JUDGMENT ON WHAT THEY DID BUT I SAW A GOVT

FACED WITH AN UNMANAGEABLE SITUATION AND I SAW A WAY OUT OP THE PREDICAMENT
VIA THAT SOLUTION.
ANNOUNCER:

IRONICALLY, MR RYAN SAID MINUTES AFTER THE JUSTICE MINISTERS

STATEMENT AND ONLY MINUTES BEFORE MR LAPORTS ABDUCTION THAT HE 'FEARED •
POSSIBLE SERIOUS CONSEQUENCES TO FOLLOW'.

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CKCH - I6hl5 - 14 octobre 1970.

Voici le resumS de la conference de presse qu'a donnee Me Robert
Lemieux \ Montreal, vers l6hl5o
rt

Lors de la rencontre, de 1 hre h. 3 hres avec Me Demers, il a ete

question du nouveau mandat qui a ete renouvele par le Front de Liberation du
Quebec quant aux modalites d1execution des 6 conditions qui demeurent encore
pour la liberation des otages. Le FLQ, dans son communique No 9 a donne" carte
blanche S. Me Lemieux pour negocier ces 6 conditions.
Me Lemieux a egalement discute avec Me Demers, de nouveau, de la
proposition par laquelle le gouvernement demande des garanties additionnelles.
Cette proposition a ete faite hier par Me Lemieux * savoir que les prisonniers
politiques soient conduits en Algerie ou &amp; Cuba, il semble que ce soit plutot
en Algerie, et qu'ils soient detenus la jusqu'ct la liberation des 2 otages,
MM. Cross et Laporte, sinon les 23 prisonniers dits politiques et le jr million
en lingots d'or seraient tout simplement ramenes au Quebec.
Me Lemieux a egalement rejete une demande qui lui a ete faite par Me
Demers a savoir qu'il serait preferable de continuer les negociations dans la
vieille capitale, etant donne que le cabinet des ministres se reunit a Quebec
et qu'il serait ainsi plus facile de communi {uer avec les ministres. Me Lemieux
a rejete cette demande, tout d'abord parce que son travail le retient a Montreal
ou se trouvent la plupart de ses clients. Les incidents dont il est question se
sont deroules &amp; Montreal, les communications entre les ravisseurs des 2 otages et
Me Lemieux sont plus faciles evidemment parce que les media d1information qui
s'en occupent sont a Montreal et il lui sera plus facile de surveiller le deroulement de la situation 3!il demeure ians la metropole.

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.003703

DEPARTMENT OP EXTERNAL AFFAIRS

�page 2

II a demande a Me Demers de faire pression pour que le gouvernement
fasse diligence afin de discuter de 1'application des 6 conditions qui sont
exigees par le FLQ.
Pour ce qui ust de la demande du FLQ dans son communique d'aujourd'hui,
en ce qui a trait aux operations policieres, on a demande, on le sait a Me
Lemieux de faire ra,port. Celui-ci a tout simplement declare que les fouilles,
I

les perquisitions, les orrestations des policiers se poursuivent toujours et
que plusieurs militants et. sympathisants du FLQ demeurent toujours emprisonn^s
et il a mentionne le nom de Pierre Tadeau, un etudiant, et un autre sympathisant
du nom de Potvin.

.

003704

�CONFERENCE DE PRESSE DE M. ROBERT LEMIEUX
15 OCTOBRE 197O

Mesdames et Messieurs, chers Patriotes, parce que je m'adresse
au Front, je suis particulierement inquiet de ne pas avoir eu encore une
reponse du Gouvernement &amp; la proposition que je lui faisais sur la question
Cprealableea Savoir que. les prisonniers politiques et 1'argent soient transported
.dans un pays etranger et gardes IS, jusqu'S. temps que les otages soient liberes.
Ca fait trente heures que le Gouvernement sait .que c'est IS, notre proposition.
Ca fait plus que 9a qu'ils la connaissent cette proposition IS, parce qu^ oh en
avait parle des notre premiere rencontre la veille,/tlorsf la population du Quebec
qui.comme dans toute;negociation, doit presumer la bonne foi des deux partis aura
a juger 3i on est de bonne foi lorsque l'on a une proposition simple et qu'on n'a
pas apres trente heures et apr£s plus que cela, et qu'on n'a pas donne sa reponse
sur 1'acceptability ou la non-accept&amp;bilite de cette proposition.
J'ai parle a Me Demers a 5 heures 10« Je lui avais parle plutot aujourd'hui
vers 1 heure et il m'avait dit alors qu'il me ferait, il me donnerait uhe reponse
sur ma proposition*sur la question prealable et qu'il me parlerait peut-etre aussi
d'autres sujets relatifs S. l'affaire. Mais quand je lui ai parle tantot, il m'a
ditj"Bien j'attends que le Premier Ministre sorte de la Chambre et je .te rappelleraitout de suite"; en fait j'attends toujours son appel et je n'ai pas encore de
'nouvollos*

Alors, jo commence &amp; me demander. si mon mandat n'est pas un petit peu

illusoiro et j'ai d&lt;$clar&lt;$ £ certains moments dans cette affaire que jo dirais la
vSrite et touts la verity &amp; la population et particulierement S mes clients puisque
c'est le seul moyen que j^ai pour communiquer avec eux. C'est S. cette condition que
je travaille dans toutes les circonstances et dans cette circonstance .partiiculiere,
J'ai eu a mon hotel, hier soir, une visite en presence d'une journaliste de la -XA
gresse, Rosaruie Giroux, elle se trouvait a ma chambre pour un entrevue, poux un
.papier qu'elle prepare pour le Journal La Presse? j'ai eu une communication
telephonique, un individu s'est rendu a mon hotel et m'a fait part, un hornme
" d'affaire qui exerce un commerce important, d^n certain age, il m'a fait part.

dont
. q u ' i l avait des informations, i l m'a donne ce d e t a i l , l a fa^on ^ * l l s l u i sont
parvenus et je l e s consid%re ; S leur f a c e ; s e r i e u s e s , ces informations, £. I ' e f f e t
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DEPARTMENT OK EXTE R N AS,' 003705

�.que, et 9a viendrait d'un membre, d'un.depute, membre du PartixLiberal et
...qui.a une fonction speciale S l'Assemblee nationals ,S.I'effet que le Gouvernement
A aurait repere la cellule Chenier qui garde M. Laporte et qu'elle attendrait de "

:

•f reperer la cellule Liberation qui garde, d'apres les communiques, M. Cross et que
elle interviendrait alors, lorsqu'eile decouvrirait le repSre de.la deuxierne
.cellule , elle iiiterviendra alors par une operation polici&amp;re. CJ'ai pose au$
•'negociateur, cet apr^s-midi cette question, je lui ai demande, .je lui ai suggere
que. j'etais en droit d'avoir une reponse S ce chapitre IS.

Je.lui ai parle tantot

... S, 5 heures 10, .il semble 'qujGil n'a pas tout S fait bien compris ma question^
,. }le toute fa9on le.Premier Ministre aurait repondu que 9a releve du domaine policier
' et que §a ne le,.' qu'il ne peut pas repondre S, cette question. ES bien.moi^. je pense#.
que je suis en droit au chapitre de la bonne foi d'exiger une reponse S une telle
questione

C'est une information serieuse que j'ai pris la peine de verifier, j'ai

' interroge et je m'y connais un tout petit peu, 9a fait quelques annees que je fais .
cela^j'ai contre-interroge, j'ai S'erifie avec cet individu et-j'ai aussi verifie
certains faits aprSs qui me confirment que ce qu'il m'a dit se tient et j'aimerais...
• savoir du, Gouvernement si cette information que j'ai est bien fondee ou est mal
•'•fondee.ei ;parce que je la, consid^re serieuse^si je n'ai pas de reponse et si ia
raison pour laquelle. je n'ai pas de reponse ne me semble pas serieuse he bien 1S ;

;

' je devrais peutOltre me poser des questions serieuses sur mon mandat. II y a une XX
:

;autre question aussi que je pense serieuse,et importante c'est de savoir parce

• qu® il y a toutes. sortes d'informations qui nous viennent sta d'Ottawa, c'est de
.: savoir 1' attitude du Gouvernement federal face aux negociations que le Gouvernement
,:du Quebec a entreprises.

Je n'ai pas besoin d'avoir des communications avec le

Gouvernement d'Ottawa mais peut--etre queVle Gouvernement du Quebec pourrait nous
• le laisser savoir. Parce que,entre autre les prisonniers politiques ~je pourrais
.. les nommer«»S, 1'Institution Archambault qui est une institution federale qui'depend
• du Solliciteur general qui est un ministre du Cabinet federal et ces gens IS, sont
sous la garde et le controle d'un Ministre federal. II s'agit de, par exemple.,
Ade Pierre Paul Geoffroy, Edmond Guenette, Robert Levesque qui sont S 1'Institution
•AArchambault, il y en a six IS et il y en a six au Leclerc. Alors 9a fait dovize
_.•••'

'

, &amp;-&amp;U)

'personnes, les douze premieres personnes qui ont signe.A Je pense que je suis en
droit: aussi de demander.au Gouvernement. du Quebec.-ai^negociateur^ de me .repondre^

r

�:

:'-

"•: •

x

•'' -

3

~

de me donner xuneCreponse S ce chapitre I S .

•••"• '

Alors, je suis un p e t i t peu Unquiet , . . . .

je ne s a i s pas trop :o{\ je v a i s , je vais attendre,* Me Demers m'aSdit q u ' i l m'appellerait
a u s s i t o t q u ' i l le pourrajmais disons que je suis S 1'heure actuelieIS, un p e t i t peu
•* •

'

•

••••• ) .'/

.

pessimiste parce ;que ce ne sont pas des negociations syndicales.et c'est une question .
' urgente, la vie ;de deux hornmes "dependent de ces negociations etcje pense que si oh

X

considers que-ie .Gouvernement a une 'proposition depuis trente-heures et la connait
depuis a. peu-pres'une cinquantaine d'heures et qu'il n'a pas encore repondu je pense
que IS la population et.la partie que je represente est. en droit de se poser desA
questions, serieuses-sur. la bonne foi du. ^Gouvernement. CA.

.'A

-+"-.
non dechiffrable

..... je. ne m'en plMnel pas, je n'ai rien S cacher avec, aupres de mes clients '......
... au^Ss du Front et ils semble^n 'avoir rien S cacher auprSs de la population : .'.:
en ce qui a trait aux instructions qu'ils pourrait me donner|alors,. je. trouve

..C.vGX'

le moyen, le moyen staffisant et jeApense pas qu&amp; on doive le changer,, ce serait •
evidemment te.se livrer S la police.

.

^K^x^xxHKCBEaraaaK -Ah oui 8 un point important^ Re jean Tremblay et Andre Lessard/av?

. ;

. sont rnentionnes au communique numero I sonti^d'aprSs des informations &lt;$dune
enquetE que Me Cloutier a menee, une enquete peut-etre complSte^seraient sequestres ,
par la Surete du .Quebec et les policiers les empecheraient de venir. S Montreal
pour s'entretenir, avec.moi# Se sont deux membres"du Front qui sont sous des accusations
presentement S Joliette et qui sontrnentionnesdans le communique numero I comme
etant des personnes sous cautionnernent9qui seraient invites S partir et ils n'ont
•pas pu se rendre S Montreal parce que les autorites policiSres les empechent de
quitter leur domicile.

..'•""••'.

003707

�CONFERENCE DE PRESSE SE M. ROBERT UMIBUX
15 OCTOBRE 1970

Mesdames et Messieurs, chers Patriotes, parce que je m'adresse
au Front, je suis particuli&amp;rement inquiet de ne pas avoir eu encore une
reponse du Gouvernement S la proposition que je lui faisais sur la question
prealable. Savoir que les prisonniers politiques et 1'argent soient transports
dans un pays stranger et gardes IS jusqu'S temps que les otages soient lib6res.
Ca fait trente heures sue le Gouvernement sait que c'est IS notre proposition.
Ca fait plus que ja qu'ils la oonnaissent cette proposition la paroe que on en
avait parle die notre premiere rencontre la veille alors, la population du Quebec
qui comme dans toute negociation, doit presumer la bonne foi des deux partis aura
S juger si on est de bonne foi lorsque l'on a une proposition simple, et &lt;ju'on n'a
pas apr&amp;s trente heures et aprfes plus que cela, et qu'on n'a pas donne sa reponse
sur 1'acceptability ou la non-acceptibilit6 de cette proposition.
J ' a i parle S Me Demers S 5 heures 10, je lui avals parl6 plut3t aujourd'hui
vers 1 heure et i l m'avait dit alors qu'il me ferait, i l me donner ait une reponse
sur ma proposition sur la question prealable et qu'il me parlerait peut-etre aussi
d'autres sujets relatifs S 1'affaire.

Mais quand je lui ai parle tant8t, i l m'a

dit "Bien j'attends que le Premier Ministre sorte de la Chambre et je te rappellerai
tout de suite" en fait j'attends toujours son appel et je n'ai pas encore de
nouvelles. Alors, je commence S me demander si mon mandat n'est pas un petit peu
lllusoire et j'ai declare S certains moments dans cette affaire que je dirais la
verite et toute la verite S la population et particulierement S mes clients puisque
c'est le seul moyen que j'ai pour communiquer avec eux. C'est S cette condition que
je travaille dans toutes les circonstances et dans cette circonstance partdculiere
J'ai eu S mon h3tel, iiier soir, une visite en presence d'une journaliste de la
Presse, Rosanne Giroux, eile se trOuvait S ma chambre pour un entrevue, pour un
papier qu'elle prepare pour le Journal La Presse, j'ai eu une communication
teltiphonique, un individu s'est rendu S mon hotel et m'a fait part, un horame
d 1 affaire qui exerce un commerce important, d'un certain Sge, i l m'a fait part
dont
qu'il avait des informations, i l m'a donne ce detail, la fayon &lt;pj^"ils lui sont
parvenus e_t 0 e l e s con3id%re S ieur face serieuses, ces informations, S I'effet
. . »/2

003708

�- 2 -

que, et 9a viendrait d'un membre, d'un depute, membre du Parti Liberal et
qui a une fonction speciale S l'Assemblee nationale , S I'effet que le Gouvernement
aurait repere la cellule Chenier qui garde M. Laporte et qu'elle attendrait de
reperer la cellule Liberation qui garde, d'apres les communiques, M. Cross et que
elle interviendrait alors, lorsqu'elle decouvrirait le repere de la deuxieme
cellule , elle interviendra alors par une operation policiere. J'ai pose aut
negociateur, cet apres-midi cette question, je lui ai demande, je lui ai suggere
que j'etais en droit d'avoir une reponse S ce chapitre IS.

Je lui ai parle tantot

S 5 heures 10, il semble que il n'a pas tout S fait bien compris ma question,
de toute fa9on le Premier Ministre aurait repondu que 9a relSve du domaine policier
et que *a ne le, qu'il ne peut pas repondre S cette question. He bien moi je pense,
que je suis en droit au chapitre de la bonne foi d'exiger une reponse S une telle
question. C'est une information serieuse que j'ai pris la peine de verifier, j'ai
interroge et je m'y connais un tout petit peu, 9a fait quelques annees que je fais
cela j'ai contre-interroge, j'aitferifieavec cet individu et j'ai aussi verifie
certains faits apres qui me confirraent que ce qu'il m'a dit se tient et j'aimerais
savoir du Gouvernement si cette information que j'ai est bien fondee ou est mal
fondee et parce que je la considere serieuse si je n'ai pas de reponse et si la
raison pour laquelle je n'ai pas de reponse ne me semble pas serieuse he bien IS
je devrais peut-etre me poser des questions serieuses sur mon mandat. II y a une
autre question aussi que je pense serieuse et importante c'est de savoir parce
que il y a toutes sortes d'informations qui nous viennent d*x d'Ottawa, c'est de
savoir 1'attitude du Gouvernement federal face aux negociations que le Gouvernement
du Quebec a entreprises. Je n'ai pas besoin d'avoir des communications avec le
Gouvernement d'Ottawa mais peut-etre que le Gouvernement du Quebec pourrait nous
le laisser savoir. Parce que entre autre les prisonniers politiques je pourrais
les nommer S 1'Institution Archambault qui est une institution federale qui depend
du Solliciteur general qui est un ministre du Cabinet federal et ces gens IS sont
sous la garde et le controle d'un Ministre federal. II s'agit de, par exemple
de Pierre Paul Geoffroy, Edmond Guenette, Robert Levesque qui sont S 1'Institution
Archambault, il y en a 3ix IS et il y en a six au Leclerc. Alors 9a fait douxe
AO

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personnes, les douze premieres personnes qui ont signe. Je pense que je suis en

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droit.aussi de demander au Gouvernement du Quebec -a^fr- negociateur^ de me repondre

.../3 -

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reponse S ce chapitre IS. Alors, je suis un Apetit peu Unquiet", • S

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" 0V

pessimiste parce que ce ne sont pas des negociations syndicales et c'est une question®
&lt; urgente, la vie de deux hommes dependent de ces negociations et je pense que si^on
• " considSre que; le; Gouvernement a une proposition depuis trente heures et la connait
,

'

,. depuis S peu pres une cinquantaine d«heures" et qu'il n'a pas encore repondu je pense :

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IS la population et la partie que je represente est en droit de se poser des
Cxquestions serieuses sur la bonne foi du Gouvernement.

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Nous apprenions i l y a une minute que' l e gouvernement provincial a
decide d ' o f f r i r l e s mods&amp;ites de son offre aux r a v i s s e u r s .

Si'les

ravisseurs de M. Cross veulent se prevaloir de ces modalites; eh bien,
• i

e l l e s e x i s t e n t toujours selon une personne dont nous tai&amp;ons l e nom
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bieri sur, mais qui e s t attachee au cabinet du Premier ministre Bours.ssa
- . e t ceci en depit de la, mort affreuse de H. Laporte.
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demande aux ravisseurs s'ils veulent liberer M. Cross Abien, de se • • '
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Early Sunday, a ' f e d e r a l government spokesman s a i d the offer s t i l l bDlds f o r the kidnappers of Mr. Cross, s e n i o r B r i t i s h trade commissioner
i n Montreal.
• -Different HA c e l l s were involved, he s a i d , and «*may have reached
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Le gouvernement federal a faii' savoir que l'offre d'un sauf conduit est toujours'
valable pour la liberte de M. Cross. On echange un sauf conduii? pour ses ravisseurs
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raembres du Front de Liberation de 'Quebed. Le cabinet federal d'autre part se reunira
ce midi.

On ne connait pas les sujets qui seront abordes, mais il parait certain 'que

. 1'on discutera'la mort de M. Pierre Laporte ainsi que des chances possibles de retrassver
Ie diplomat brittanique James Cross en bonne sante. Le premier ministre de Quebec, M. Robert
3ouracssa dit que M. Laporte avait ete victime d'une hainej une haine terrifjrante, dont tous les
Quebecois font 'experience pour la premiere fois.- M. Bourassa s'addressera fort, probablement
-i la population que.becois vers midi.

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CLASSIFICATION

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DATE

CKCH - I6hl5 - 18 octobre 1Q7C

L'aml assadeur de Prance au Canada, son Excellence Franijois oiraud,
s ' e s t d i t profond^men boulevers^: " C e s ' avec beaucoup de peine frue "i'ai
appris d'abord 1'enlevement de M. Pierre Laporte et. la fin t r a g i que auquel
cet enlevement a abouti. Je suis sur qu'en France mes compairiotes de meme
que l e Gouvernement frangais partageront l e s mSmes sentiments que ceux du
peuple canadien, semimen's de r e g r e t , de ^eine et d'indignation. M. Laporte
avait'jou£ un r8le important comme ministre des Affaires c u l t u r e l l e s du
Quebec dans la preparaiion, l a mise au point et 1'a-plication de l a cooperation
franco-qu7=becoise. A ce l i t r e i l U a i t bien connu, t r e s appr^cie, tr&amp;s estim*
a P a r i s . D ' a i l l e u r s , i l devait s'y rendre ces jours-ci et sa v i s i t e aurait
ete certainement une nouvelle Itape dans la voie de l'amitie' franco-canadienne.
A Madame Laporte et sa famille, de m§me qu'au gouvernement, canadien et au
gouvernement quebecois, j ' a i exprime ides vivies condol'ances et nos sentiments
profondement a t t r i s t e s . "
A Londres, le Secretaire au Foreign Office, Sir Alec Douglas Home a lane*
un appel au F.L.Q. l u i demandant de l i b e r e r James Cross:" Je t&gt;rie et .i'esreCre
que ceux qui detiennent M. Cross reprendront leur e s p r i t et auront des sentiments
humains".

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MONTREAL cp - Rene Levesaue, l e a d e r of the s e p a r a t i s t P a r t i
Quebecois, d e p l o r e d Sunday xx.
.....
;he " a t r o c i o u s w
a s t e ? ? of P i e r r e
Laporte?s l i f e and c a l l e d f o r renewed e f f o r t s t o s a v e James J a s p e r
Cross 9 t h e kidnapped B r i t i s h envoy.
^,
Speaking a t a news c o n f e r e n c e i n an abnormally hushed v o i c e ? Mr.
Levesaue s a i d t h e a s s a s s i n s of Quebec»s l a b o r m i n i s t e r &lt; «are
inhuman b e i n g s . ? ?
Members of t h e P r b n t de L i b e r a t i o n du Quebec had " c o l d l y and
d e l i b e r a t e l y ? ? executed Mr. L a p o r t e " a f t e r having seen him l i v e and
hope?? f o r s o many d a y s .
/•«
Mr. Levesque s a i d Quebecers now had to l e a r n to he * &lt;more f r a t e r n a l ,
conscious as n e v e r "before of t h e i n e s t i m a b l e w o r t h of each human l i f e e
To s a v e Mr. Cross, e v e r y t h i n g humanly p o s s i b l e had to be done,
&lt;ssespecially now t h a t we have paid so d e a r l y t o know t h a t t h e
.sidnappers w i l l go r i g h t t o t h e l i m i t , s?
Mr..Levesque blamed t h e f e d e r a l government f o r i t s h a r d " l i n e p o l i c y
to d e a l i n g w i t h t h e k i d n a p p e r s , s a y i n g i t b e a r s &lt; &lt;a heavy
responsibility??
I n Mr. L a p o r t e ? s d e a t h .

2

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" I t i s n o t t h e time t o hide~what~we t h i n k . ??
"
'•'
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Mr. Levesaue s a i d i ^ e e m e d t h a t Premier Robert Bourassa was
attempting t o " n e g o t i a t e s e r i o u s l y an exchange?? w i t h t h e k i d n a p p e r s .
But e x h o r t a t i o n s l a t e r by Mr. Levesaue and o t h e r s f o r an. immediate
s o l u t i o n were n o t l i s t e n e d to because Ottawa had a l r e a d y d e c i d e d n o t
to n e g o t i a t e *
Mr. Levesaue a l s o a p p e a l e d t o t h e k i d n a p p e r s to r e l e a s e Mr, C r o s s .
"We p e r s i s t i n hoping t h a t a minimum of r e s p e c t f o r l i f e and. a s e n s e
of honor can a g a i n be awakened.??
With Mr. Levesaue were r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of The C o n f e d e r a t i o n of
N a t i o n a l Trade Unions, t h e Quebec Teachers C o r p o r a t i o n , and t h e
Quebec F e d e r a t i o n of L a b o r .
•'
I n a j o i n t s t a t e m e n t t h e y s a i d was a l s o endorsed "by t h e P a r t i
Quebecois and Claude Ryan, e d i t o r of Montreal Le L e v o i r t h e y
asked the Quebec government t o n e g o t i a t e t o s a v e Mr. Gross'.
I n Mr. L a p o r t e ? s c a s e , t h e s t a t e m e n t s a i d , " w e vehemently condemn
this b a r b a r i c a c t . ? ?
'* - -....

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CJRC

OCT 18

CJRC - 21hG0 - 18 octobre 1970

DECLARATION DE HEME LEVESQUE:

A son sens la mort de M. Laporte a £te le gaspillage atroce d'une
vie qui sur le plan public comme sur le plan prive, etait une vie si
remplie et juste au sommet de la maturite. II a ensuite demande qu'on
redouble les efforts pour sauver la vie du diplomate anglais M. Cross.
Dans une conference de presse, M. Levesque a qualifi' d'etres inhumains
les assassins de M. Laporte. Ils ont emporto ici, a-t-il- lit, dans une
societe qui ne just if ie pas un tel .'tat de chose, un fanatisme glacial
et des methodes de chantage a I'assassinat qui sont celles d'une jungle
sans issue.

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'Document lu par M. Rene. Levesque a la suite d'une reunion du Conseil
'des Deputes et du Conseil executifN du Parti.Quebecois :
i"

ON HE PEUT1 PLUS ATTENDRE

'

:
Les evenements que nous.nvavons helas, pas fini de vivre,
ibouchent encore notre horizon. Une seule certitude, globalement, se
iprofile avec clarteU^ C'est une espece d'apres-guerre qu'on nous a
linfligee et qui nou.4 attend,, avec toutes les- possibilities pour le
;meilleur et pour le pire que comport© cette periode de reprise et de
reconstruction obligatoire. - Mais tant d'occasions du genre ont ete
•gaspillees a. notre epoque, faute d'une volonte lucide et organisee
de les faire servir au progres.
j
C'est pourquoi, nous croyons absolument necessaire d'y penser
:.tout de suite, et de proposer au moins le brouillon d'un programme
I'd'urgence. C'est sur le plan politique, lorsqu'il peut fonctionner
iriorrnalement, que doivent s'elaborer et s'appliquer les principaux •
consentements collectifs. Or, depuis plusieurs semaines deja, ia
tension et ia tragedie on dangereusement pourri 1'atmosphere sur ce
•plan comme sur d'autres. Elles ont favorise les attitudes extremes et V
sans nuances, et meme un certain regne, heureusement provisoire, des
aspects les plus primitifs surgis de la peur et de la vieille tendance
.
a, la demission a laquelle toute societe est exposee a de tels moments.
Avec le' concours des grands moyens d'information ou s'exerce leur influence, les dirigeants en place font naturellement leur possible pour ;
accentuer et pour canaliser a leur .profit ce climat anormal.

V

-

A court terme, il leur a permis d'agir a. leur gre, en retardant
au maximum, 1'inevitable periode de questions et de jugement qu'ils auront
,a subir. Sur le plan politique, encore une fois, c'est au Parti Quebecois,.
.qu'est evidemment devolue la tache exigeante et delicate d'amorcer le redressement qui s'impose. Ce mandat reel, il se doit de 1'assumer.au nom des
650,000 ou 660,000 citoyens qui lui accordaient, il y a quelques mois a, •.
peine, la seconde place dans le classement des partis. II y est non seulement tenu, encore davantage par le fait que son role est de contester
//
democratiquement non seulement les partis traditionnels, mais le regime
meme dont ils sont l'» emanation. Ce regime ou seule une autruche ne verrait.
pas les causes profondes de nos difficultes. Et de toute fagon, c'est aussi
'un mandat qui nous appartient par defaut, puisqu'au niveau quebecois, les
deux autres partis d'opposition ne sont presentement, l'un, que silence
iapprobateur, et 1'autre, que I'accessoire du pouvoir. Ce mandat reel, encore
une fois, nous entendons le rernplir avec feraiete et sans le moindre compromis, mais sur un ton aussi responsable et constructif qu'il/est humainement
possible. Nous sommes prets a epauler I'Etat de toutes nos forces s'il
reprend ses sens et s'il accepte.de faire sa part decisive dans cette tache
indispensable qu'il faut entreprendre.

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Sans pretendre inventer le monde, voici done, sommairement,
ce que notre monde a nous, ici au Quebec, nous parait exiger de la
facon la plus urgente, si l'on veut qu'il retrouve le minimum vital,
.de sante, d'elan et d'acceptation de soi-meme, qui ne viennent ou ne
reviennent a une societe que si elle se sent avancer. A partir de la,
nous avons formule un programme d'urgence sur le plan politique essentiellement, qui se divise en deux parties, premierement pour l'immediat,
e'est-a-dire, pour les jours qui passent, et deuxiemement, pour les
mois qui viennent.
Premierement pour l'immediat, ca se situe sur deux plans:
l'action parlementaire d'abord. Alors que le Quebec est en etat de
crise, que la democratie elle-meme est sournise a de rudes epreuves,
il y a un Parlement ou l'on discute de problemes fondamentaux de la
societe quebecoise et de l'action du gouvernement, et c'est le Parlement
federal d'Ottawa. II n'y a pas de signe plus eloquent du tragique
emplacement du pouvoir qui s'est opere durant les jours de crise. Et
c'est une aberration qu'il faut corriger immediatement. Le seul Ombudsman
occasionnel du citoyen quebecois, en ce moment, ce sont des voix occasionnelles aussi a. Ottawa. Le Parlement du Quebec est absent. C'est pourquoi,
le Conseil des Deputes du Parti Quebecois demande au Gouvernement de faire
sieger d'Assemblee nationale des cette semaine ainsi que le Gouvernement
s'yGetait d'ailleurs engage avant les vacances d'ete. Si on veut vraiment
defendre nos institutions democratiques quebecoises contre des gens qui
n'y croient plus, il faut absolument les faire fonctionner au moment meme
ou elles sont en peril et la nation aussi. Autrement, on en arrive a,
justifier ceux qu'on veut combattre.
Pour l'immediat, encore une fois. Deuxiemement, en ce qui concerne
le droit des citoyens. Vu que I'application de la loi des Mesures de Guerre
peut causer aux individus des prejudices graves, nous jugeons necessaire
dans l'immediat, de mettre sur pied, un comite juridique qui veillera a ce
que soit respectes les principes les plus elementaires de la dignite humaine.
En particulier, ce comite veillera a. ce que les autorites premierement,
reconnaissent une commission de controle comprenant au moins les representants
des eglises et de la; Ligue des Droits de 1'Homme....
.... cinquiemement, fasse corriger le communique de l'escouade de la Brigade
anti-terroriste ou l'on prohibe la distribution de litterature a. caractere
politique, sans preciser que selon les reglements en vigueur, il ne s'agit
que de litterature subversive. Voila pour 1'immediat.
Quant au programme d'urgence, il nous parait indique et meme
absolument necessaire dans les mois qui viennent, tenant compte des racines
les plus evidentes des difficultes que rencontre le Quebec, il se divise en
deux parties essentielles. Premierement, deux points concernant le climat
general de la societe et deuxiemement, un certain nombre de priorites.
Dans les mois qui viennent done, premierement en ce qui concerne le climat
politique, il faut que cesse I'extremisme de la violence sous tous leurs.
aspects. Nous nous engageons solennellement, nous, a. continuer avec plus

.../3

�_3de clarte et de vigueur que jamais, a, condamner les tentations absurdes
que le FLQ concretise si tragiquement. Mais il faut en contrepartie,
un engagement tout aussi ferme des autorites et des interets publics et
prives, qui tiennent chez nous les leviers de commande. De faire cesser
les distorsions et la calomnie dont eux-memes et ceux qu'ils controlent,
ont trop systematiquement abreuve les gens et les groupes avec lesquels
ils ne sont pas d'accord. C'est ainsi. qu'on s'expose a jeter dans la
rage et la revolte, des esprits qui ne demandaient au depart que le respect de la charte democratique.
- C'est au point ou une veritable campagne de re-education
collective nous semble indiquee sur ce plan. Nous en ferons notre tache
quoi qu'il arrive et surement pas tout seul. Elle ne pourra .pleinement
reussir cependant, que si les dirigeants en place et ceux qu'ils controlent en font autant.
En ce qui concerne le climat general de la societe, il faut
aussi que soitretrouve sans delai le sens de l'urgence et de l'action
concrete. A la place de cette allure routiniere et pas pressee qui regne
excessivement en haut-lieu depuis plusieurs annees; On a tire du cornportement quebecois, de divers evenements politiques en particulier, la
conclusion dangereusement erronee que le Quebec etait alle trop vite et
qu'il etait pour longtemps essoufle. On s'est installe dans cette pause,
et cedant a. la tentation evidente de la faire durer, on s.'est mis a, croire
qu'on avait 1'eternite devant soi. Aujourd'hui, et demain plus encore, la
pire de toutes les erreurs est, et sera le temps perdu. Aussi le climat
d'urgence que nous proposons doit-ml depasser immediatement le verbalisme
et s'attaquer aux problemes qui sont a la fois les plus aigus, les plus
negliges et les plus indiscutablement reglables. C'est pourquoi la deuxieme partie du programme d'urgence que nous proposons dans les mois qui
viennent s'appelle les priorites, sur quatre fronts distincts et precedes de
1'introduction rapide que voici.
Les priorites, nous ne pretendons pas en epuiser la liste mais
voici un certain nombre de questions pendantes. Sur la plupart d'entre
elles, un cons7^nsus tres large a eu amplement le loisir de se degager. Les
etudes ont ete faites et parfois refaites au niveau national comme dans
chaque region. En continuant de les trainer, on ne ferait que maintenir en
place au coeur de la societe quebecoise de menacants detonateurs. Or nous
sommes convaincus. que sur tous et chacun de ces points qui viennent, il est
possible, et partant necessaire dans le climat present, d'engager et dans
certains cas, de completer l'action requise d'ici un an.

V

Premierement, il est urgent comme jamais dMgir par dessus tout sur de
grands problemes sociaux et humains qui affectent depuis trop longtemps
les plus mal pris des notres et qui finissent par degouter de ce qu'on
appelle I'ordre etabli tous ceux qui s'interessent activement a leur sort.
- La renovation urbaine et le logement convenable a. prix modique
ou nous sommes scandaleusement parmi les plus arrieres du
continent;

...A
003718

�- une legislation et des mecanismes efficaces de protection
des consommateurs ou l'on traine je ne sais combien de projets
detailles, tandis qu'on est probablement les derniers, encore
une fois, a ne pas avoir quoi que ce soit en place pour proteger
les gens qui risquent de se faire voler legalement:
- une amorce rapide d'un minimum decent de revenus garantis et
de mesures actives de prevention et de rehabilitation de la
dependance sociale;
- une hausse rapide du salaire minimum a. un niveau convenable,
et son ajustement total et non plus mesquinement partiel a
1'augmentation moyenne des salaires, au lieu.de decisions
discriminatoires et. arbitraires des ministres a tous les 18,
24 ou 36 mois;
- un echeancier precis prevoyant chacune des etapes de 1'expansion
graduelle de 1'assurance-sante, en commengant par la date precise
de 1Textension des soins gratuits au point de vue des medicaments
, pour les gens qui a'ont pas les moyens;
- l'exercice complet du droit d'association accessible a. tous les
salaries.
Ca, c'est la premiere partie; c'est tout faisable, rapidement d'apres nous,
d'ici quelques mois ou amorcables serieusement en tout cas, dans le domaine
social et humain.
Deuxiemement, il est urgent comme jamais d'agir pour corriger deux
des tares les plus flagrantes et les plus susceptibles de revolter les esprits
dans le fonctionnement de nos structures fondamentales. Dans 1'administration
de la justice,'les lenteurs qui aboutissent au deni de•justice et tous ce qui
de pres ou de loin permet de soupconner trop frequemment une politisation des
procedures judiciaires.
Dans le regime electoral, l'iniquite caricaturale du decoupage des
comtes, le processus et le mode de scrutin trop expose a. la fraude et a, la
distorsion de la volonte populaire ainsi que les graves dangers que fait
peser sur l'integrite meme de I'Etat quebecois le systeme traditionnel de
financement des, partis. Ca, c'est dans le domaine.du fonctionnement des
structures.
• Troisiemement. II est urgent comme jamais d'agir pour desarmorcer
visiblernent et par des resultats concrets les questions culturelles les plus
importantes dans lesquelles toute notre collectivite sent comme jamais son
existence en jeu. II y en trois qui nous paraissent a. la fois urgentes, faisables au moins amorcables et vite. Le statut du francais ici- au Quebec, et
la necessite evidente de mesures legislatives et administratives et non plus
vainement incitatives, pour nous renflouer. Une restructuration scolaire qui
traine dans les coulisses des gouvernements depuis.... les dernieres elections.

003719

�Is tx^-c O

"

:

•

PDM

-

O

;

•

October 27, 1970

; •• .
v

_

•

' PDS
PSI
POP
esoo M r « Roquet

' • ' • . . •
._••••••••
K-10

rrK—Rlin (Mr. Church)
(Following French - Mar, %*udeau)
MIN (Mr. Vincent)
caps
0«C«

brev
Mr, C, TSaaKKCB MURPH3T {Sault gt© 0 Marie) 5 . MrU
fep@a&amp;erA1rayquestion is for tho Prime Minister,, In view of
, '1 - 1 / -1

the fact that some thre© weeks)has Relapsed, since the abduction
of Mr* Cross and in view of published, statements by law
.enforcement officers in this country and in the United States
that established police investigational methods ara not
adequate to cope with current revolutionary tactics and terrorist.
tactics* does tho government contemplate reviewing Its policy with
reference to federal law enforcement agencies and possible
implementation of the rocoiaiiiendatlono of th© Eoyal Commission
on Security pertaining to a special security forca for Canada?

7-2 .- •
X

0xU
&gt; • G 003720

�1

.

•

0

Eight Hon* P* £ B TRUDEAU (Prime Minister)8
I think tho preroiee to the question is very aorioua 6a .the
reyiewcsuggested by the hon» member 2 can only say that this
question JF was reviewed laat year, in great detail and as the
Bouse knows the decision was taken to appoint a deputy commiBsioner
who would have special responsibility for this and the House
.knows that the deputy commissioner was taken from outside the
force*

So we feel this combines the advantage of the commission's

report and &amp;d@e reflect© also the general confidence the
country has had in the force in the past*

003721

�•

October 27, 1970

?M

• PDS

PDG'

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SA. FCN,
"•• Mr.Roquet
POP
•': MIN (Mr. Church)
: MIN (Mr. Vincent)

mm

.fcrsv
0

Mz, A a Do HACE8 (Wellington)i

Mr. Sleeker* I should Ilk© t©

dizset ny'question to ths minister of limigratlonu

1® it tha'pel&amp;ey

of the government t© de$@rt United States ©say dodgers or draft ..
ras 1st®ra if thoy'axa found guilty of any'ast against Canadaf

(34 follows'

003722

�2g25 pa

.•,

•

HOT, OVXO'E,

27.10.70

L » (Minister of Manpower ad Immigration]) ?,

Mr. Speaker ( I think the hen. member may toe familiar with the general
state of the law in r e s i s t &lt;*f deportations.

He i s

referring

(situations whey© semeesne has eemmitted an indictable offeree.

to
Ths. .

lav/ wrold apply t o any category ©f person in the same way.
' ; x Mr. HftUSSa

Mr. Speaker, may t aete the minister what the

policy'will to© i f these people am apprehended under the Mar Measures

'••; Mr.'8HSASSK8 Order, pleaee.

I think the him. meutoor will-'

appreciate that thi© appears t o ^Q a hypothetical question*
' • ' " ' ' • ,

• •

'.

X should

i

thinsra question-in ttoee teas would hardly be in order..

' 003723

�Mr, ElPmw Mc WQUMMB |Calgary riosth) 3 Mr. Speotoar, l a r k e d
the Frtee'.llSniater a qsaieotlon yesterday and new that X soc the ©inirate;
io to the H&amp;use perhaps he eao tharow $em&lt;g l i g h t cm thia matter.
. ••-... , C
there feeea any change -in refere&amp;o-s to ,'jf taaigratleara laws'and
w h&lt;. c A/v/. i; ..,

Hag

/ ' - , , ..,&lt;c

regulati^m^wh® have the mam® o ^ e ^ t i ^ e s arad aims ao the FIQ in
vj»faettiing the gwemaeiat fey iseaos af ©rime ©r ¥i@;iLerage? Has thers;
'•
•
'
toeen.ai^-ehangefft?'
He©., G3M0 E0 I o . « C&amp;Sinisiter of Jtapcarcr and Itaigjrat&amp;eir^ 8
.Mfo $p@a!cer/ there has toeon^o Ghaj$ge • .. Of ee'wrse, percents with a
seditious Inte&amp;t wowld mm l^admittsyd URder any cdrmmstatiasgiU

E&lt; .-, •
, ,0

-..^,
003724

�M-3
Mr* mQIM.&amp;mt

Mfi Speaker* 1 am wondering gfft$hen whether

't&amp;e s i n i s t e r @an explain why $r.. Spoefc* who i s speaking a t various
unlverelt&amp;es &amp;nd colleges, and who has toe en found guilty ef an
indietatole offence in t'he ©Kited States and Is out en b a i l , hasto®en
allewed into the Qtmitry at t h i s tlars in view of the War Measures Act'
MSf. SSEAKEfts Order, please.
asked i© in ©rder.

I deutot t h a t the question as

Tfee hon* measlier will ve@8gftiZ0 that i t i s asked •

in the '.form of an argmaent arsd toesause ©f t h i s is not in order*
.'. .S raeogniee the h@a. member for Greenwood.
•Mr* W00X£&amp;AM3i Mr. Speaker, I wonder if X-could r©phra®@
'the. *gweutl@n. • ! .

•

.

Mru SKHAIER8 Pexfeaps X might return t® the 1 hen* saemto©r In •
•a st&amp;aent*-. The chair ha® reeognlzedthe

h®n&lt;, member for Greenwood.

�• I&amp;-4

, Mr, AWSm BSEHES (Gr©oaw«©d)» Mr. Speaker, 2 should life©
t© ask the minister whether he can reaffiirai the p©li«y of ths
gavemiaeKit ammsmeQ toy hie predecessors mloh was that deserters
and draft d@dger® would too treated $vwfc llfee any other people
applgring f©r entiy into this eoNoafoxyf
Mr, XMG&gt;. Mr» Speaker» there dheuld too n» difficulty about
that and X think the hm^-memta' shewdd a$?pr©ieiat© that Sf -there Is
a ohenge in policy i t will toe amunineed..

. ' • ' ' ' .

.

•'

.

',

' • ' . - .

�?o" a &gt; - JO^X * */
\

1 novembre 1970

DECLATION DE M. LOUIS LABERGE

Pour moi, deux vies humaines que nous pouvions sauver, c'etait
assez important pour me joindre a d'autres souhaits.
La deuxieme partie, le cartel syndical, c'est qu'en congres de la
FTQ, congres apres congres, nous avons eu d'innombrable resolutions
d'adoptees, non seulement nous donnant instruction mais mime nous
blSmant de ne pas assez faire pour se rapprocher des autres centrales
syndicales pour le M e n commun. Et dans mon cas tout particulierement,
j'oeuvre depuis deja 23 ou 24 ans dans le mouvement syndical, durant
tout ce temps, j'ai ete membre du comite national pour la defense des
droits de 1»Homme et je suisactuellement president de ce que l'on
appelle le Conseil uni pour la defense des droits de 1'Homme. Alors,
moi, quand je vois une loi oomme la loi des mesures de guerre, qui
vient brimer la liberte des individus, je ne peux pas faire autrement
que d'en parler.
J'ai reuni le bureau de la FTQ qui, entre les reunions du Conseil
general et l'organisme qui a le droit de prendre des decisions, j'ai
reuni le Conseil general et le Conseil consultatif. Le Conseil general
d'apres nos statuts est l'organisme supreme et concret. Alors, quand
il y a des travailleurs qui vous appellent ou vous ecrivent et qui vous
disent que je n'avais pas de mandat pour parler en leur nom, je vtikexmsx
m'excuse mais j'ai le mandat de parler en leur nom. Non seulement le
mandat, mais le devoir de parler en leur nom. Maintenant, qu'il y en
ait qui ne soient pas d'accord....
1
/

Question: Je voudrais vous demander si a un moment ou a un autre, il
a ete question de votre part de participation a un gouvernement parallele
ou puovisoire.
Latoerge: La folie furieujje. En fait, laissez-moi vous dire avec tout
I'humour que je possede. Moi, on m'a ofifert le poste de Ministre du Travail
et moi j'ai dit "Merde, c'est premier Ministre que je veux etre".
Question: Justement vous faisiez etait de cela, de certaines protestations
dans les rangs syndicaux par rapport a, votre prise de position. Certains
considerent que les chefs syndicaux justement outrepassent leur mandat et
iateKgExx&amp;c se prononcent sur des questions politiques et sociales qui ne
sont pas directement reliees a des questions salariales et professionnelles.
Laberge: Justement, je me souviens de mon discours inaugural lors du
teongres de la FTQ en 1967 ou justement j'etalais les possibilites d'un
eclatement a moins que les groupes, les democratiques, les forces populaires
se reunissent pour corriger les injustices sociales et je disais ju.stement
que le r61e du mouvement syndical n'etait pas seulement un r61e de revendication et de negotiations collectives,^ que nous avions des responsabilites

003727

�vis-a-vis la societe et a ce moment la, tout la monde a apllaudi
ce discours. J'ai recu des lettres de Briceft McKasay, qui est le
Ministre du Travail, de Pierre Laporte, qui a ce moment-la etait en
quelque sorte, l'assistant-chef de 1'opposition. Enfin de tout le
monde. Ils ont dit, voici un representant syndical qui semble prendre
conscience des faits. Et bien je pense que les positions que j'ai
prises a ce moment-ci, que la FTQ a prises ne font que decouler des
resolutions qui ont ete adoptees au congres de 1967 et au congres de
1968.
Question: Mais est-ce que vous ne devez pas vous preoccuper quand
meme dans des circonstances de crise ou quand il arrive des grandes
questions sociales, comme l'assurance-maladie, de redessendre &amp; la
base pour §tre bien certain que vous exprimez le point de vue de
cette base IA?
Laberge: Voici, l'assurance-maladie, nous en avons diacute depuis
vingt ans, je ne pense pas que j'avais de redescendre a, la base pour
savoir s'ils etaient pour ou s'ils Etaient contre. D'ailleurs, personne
n'a conteste

�MESSAGE
'
FM/DE

PLACS

DEPARTMENT

ORSO. MO.

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M1NISTERB

N ° O'ORIO.

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DATE

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2N0V/70

SAUS C05E
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INFO

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003729

�KIDNAPPINGS
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FOR IMMED.

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DAKAR KNSHA SAIGN TUNIE YUNDE7? &amp; ' - D 3A ^

003730

�AU I A U V U X u&gt; P.! U O »3 *

, , ,
OTTAWA,
Not* to Lbe re eased before: -.
~
N e pas publecr avant:

,
-&gt;n-&gt;n
le 2 novembre
19 70
Publication immediate

Loi de 19 70 sur I'ordre public (mesures temporaires)_

Le ministre de la.Justice, M. John Turner, a
presente aujourd'hui a la Chambre des communes un projet
de loi intitule Loi de 19 70 sur I'ordre public (mesures
temporaires), donnant ainsi suite a 1'.engagement pris par
le gouvernement le 19 octobre 1970 de saisir le plus tot
possible le Parlement d'une mesure legislative speciale,
afin qu'il ne soit plus necessaire de s'en remettre, dans
la situation critique actuelle, aux dispositions par trop
generales de la Loi sur les mesures de guerre.
Le projet de loi a trait a la menace que fait
planer le FLQ sur la province de Quebec.

Il s'agit d'une

menace continue causee par un groupe bien organise de
criminels revolutionnaiires, et parce que l'on ne saurait
lf affronter convenablement en appliqucint les dispositions
actuelles du Code criminel, des mesures temporaires speciales
s'imposent.

D'ou le projet de loi.

. .2

003731

�- 2 -

Les dispositions du projet de loi, qui ne
visent aucun secteur geographique particulier du Canada,
se limitent a la lutte contre les activites du FLQ ou de
toute organisation pouvant lui succeder qui preconise
1'usage de la violence et du crime pour effectuer des
changements politiques au Canada a l'ggard de la province
de Quebec ou des liens qui l'unissent au Canada.

Le projet

de loi est egalement destine a lutter contre les activites
de tout autre groupement qui preconise l'usage de la violence
et du crime pour effectuer au Canada des changestents politiques
sernblables, ou sensiblement identiques, a ceux dont le FLQ
se fait le partisan.
Le projet de loi, une fois adopte, entrera en
vigueur immediatement et revoquera la proclamation de la
Loi sur les mesures de guerre et le Reglement concernant
I'ordre public etabli aux termes de cette loi.
Le titre meme de la loi precise le caractere
temporaire des mesures et la loi expirera le 30 avril 19 71,
a moins que, par une decision prise en commun par les deux
Charobres, elle ne soitraaintenuejusqu1 a une date ulterieure.
Si les circonstances le permettent, une proclamation pourra
y mettre fin avant le 30 avril 19 71.
Le projet de loi reprend en general les dispositions
du Reglement de 19 70 concernant I'ordre public, c'est-a-dire
que 1'association connue sous le nom de Front de Liberation
du Quebec demeure une association illegale et qu'il est

003732

�toujours illegal d'en etre membre ou de l'appuyer, mnis
il est un certain nombre de points sur lesquels il convient
d'attirer 1'attention:
PREMIEREMENT, le projet de loi precise qu'on
n'a pas 1'intention de restreindre le droit au dissentiment
en matieire politique.

II ne porte que contre. les acres

illegaux et le recours aux moyens illggaux par lesquels
le FLQ espere realiser ses objectifs avoues.
DEUXIEMEMENT, on a modifie les criteres de
preuve.

Ainsi on ne pourra presumer.de prime abord qu'une

personne est membre d'une, association illegale a moins
qu'elle n'ait pris part ou n'ait ete presente a un certain
nombre d1assemblies de ladite association.

Le fait qu'une

personne ait assiste a une seule reunion du FLQ ne suffira
pas en soi pour presumer qu'elle en est membre.
L'article 8 du bill enumere les cas ou l'on
presume de, prime abord qu'une personne est membre d'un
organisme illegal.

Cela se produit quand une personne:

a) a pris part ou a ete presente a un certain
nombre de reunions de 1'association illegale,
de ses sections, de ses comites ou de ses
mercbres; .
b) a pris publiquement la parole en faveur de
1'association illegale, ou
£) a fait circuier des declarations en faveur de
cette association ou a titre de representant
de ladite association.

�- 4 -

Ces presomptions dc preuvc ne signifient pas que colui
qui est accuse d'etre membre de 1'association illegale
doit prouver son innocence; il suffix que 1'accuse
presente en sa faveur des temoignages, soit par ses propres
moyens, soit par des temoins, a I'effet qu'il existe une
explication raisonnable de la conduite qui a eu pour
resultat de le faire presumer membre de l'organisme illegal.
Comme toujours, c'est a la Couronne qu'il incombe de
prouver la culpabilite au-dela du doute raisonnable.
TROISIEMEMENT, quand une personne est arretee,
le bill dispose qu'on ne peut la detenir sans porter
d'accusation contre elle que pour une periode de trois
jours seulement ou (sur les instructions du procureur
general de la province) d'au plus sept jours,

Dans les

deux cas, on a reduit les periodes de detention de sept et
vingt et un jours respectivement, prevues par le Reglement.
Dans les deux cas, toujours il s'agit de la periode de
detention maximale que l'on puisse imposer avant de porter
une accusation contre le detenu.

Toutefois, on peut

relacher n'importe quand une personne detenue sans avoir
porte d'accusation contre elle.
QUATRIEMEMENT, une disposition de transition
permet de faire le lien avec les mesures prises dans le
cadre du Reglement._ Les nouvelles periodes de detention
s'appliqueront a ceux qui seront arretes apres 1'adoption
de la nouvelle loi, tandis que ceux qui auront eOe arretes
auoaravant seront sounds aux dSlais anterieurs de detention
. . 5
003734

�sails accusation, soit sept et vingt et un jours
reapectivement.

Cette disposition de transition est.

necessaire pour s'assurer qu'il n'y ait pas d'hiatus
d'autorite pour dgtenir'une personne arretee sous le
regime du Reglement et *qui aurait Ste" dgtenue plus
longtemps que les deOais reduits etablis par le projet
de loi.

Toutefois, en ce qui concerne les personnes a

qui s'applique la disposition de transition, la nouvelle
legislation stipule que l'on ne doit pas les detenir sans
porter d'accusation contre elles pendant un delai plus long
que celui que le procureur general de la province estime
necessaire, eu egard aux exigences de la situation.
CINQUIEMEMENT, 1'un des aspects les plus
significatifs du projet de loi est que, sauf certaines
exceptions bien precises, l'on maintient toutes les
garanties des droits exposees aux alinSas a) a £) de'
1'article 2 de la Declaration canadienne des droits (texte
ci--joint) . Cela comprend le droit de-retenir et constituer
un avocat sans delai.

Les deux exceptions ont trait a

certaines limitations du cautionhement et au fait qu'on
peut dgtenir une personne sans porter d'accusation contre
elle pendant un delai maximal precise" d-ans le projet de loi.
SIXIEMEMENT, on a maint-enu la disposition portant
que celui qui assume la garde d'un accuse qui attend son
proc£s et S. qui' l'on a refuse tout cautionnement doit
demander un procds acceiere quatre-vingt-dix jours apres
1 'axxcestation du prevenu.

Cette disposition joue en faveur

1"accuse et elle n'existe pas a I'heure actuelle dans les
prescriptions du Code criminel.

�NOTE EXPLICATIVE
IU article 2 de la Declaration canadienne des droits se lit comme suit:
Toute loi du Canada, a moins qu'une loi du Parlement du Canada
ne. declare express£ment q u e l l e s'appliqucra nonobstant la
D6c3.arat.iA3n canadienne des droits, doit s' interpreter et s'appliquer
de maniere a ne pas supprimer, restreindre ou enfreindre 1'un
quelconcjuc des droits ou des libertes reconnus et declares aux
presentes, ni a en autoriser la suppression, la diminution ou la
transgression, et en particulier, nulle loi du Canada ne doit
s!interpreter ni s'appliquer comme
a) autorisant ou pronongant la detention, 1'emprisonnement
ou 1'exil arbitraires de qui que ce soit;
b) infligeant des peines ou traitements crueis et inusites,
ou comme en autorisant 1'imposition;
c) privant une personne arretee ou detenue
(i) du droit d'etre promptement informee des motifs de
son arrestation ou de sa detention,
(.ii) . du droit de retenir et constituer un avocat sans
deiai, ou
(iii) du recours par voie d'habeas corpus pour qu'il soit
juge. de la validite de sa detention et que sa
liberation soit ordonnee si ia detention n'est pas.

legale;
d) axatorisant une cour, un tribunal, une commission, un office,
un conseil ou une autre autorite a contraindre une personne
a teraoigner si on lui refuse le secours d'un avocat, la
protection contre son propre temoignaga ou 1'exercice de
toute garantie d'ordre constitutionnel;
e) privant une personne du droit a une audition impartiale de
sa cause, selon les principes de justice fondamentale,
pour la definition de ses droits et obligations;
f) privant une personne accusee d'un acte criminel du droit a
la presomption d3innocence jusqu'a ce que la preuve de sa
culpabilite ait ete etablie en conformite de la loi, apres
.une audition impartiale et publique de.sa cause par un
tribunal independant et non prejuge, ou la privant sans
juste cause du droit a un cautionnement raisonnable; ou
£) privant une personne du droit a 1'assistance d'un interprete
."*" dans des procedures ou elle est mise en cause ou est partie
ou temoin, devant une cour, une commission, un office, un
conseil ou autre tribunal, si elle ne comprend ou ne parle
pas lalangue dans laquelle se derouient ces procedures."

003736

�FOR LOG OFFICER

FILE

UNGLASSSIFIED

„ B
.
G. Boquet

November 5* 1970
*

Radio Canada Telejournal, Hovember 4

On Hovember 4 at 2300 hours, Mrs. Theresa Caegrain was interviewed
on Radio Canada Telejournal. In essence, she said she fully agreed vdth the
Goverrmeret having invoked the War Measures Aet. fhe situation was urgent and
there was no other emergency legislation at hand in Canada. She therefore
disagreed with the policy of the HDP.
2.
All her life she had been concerned with human rights. But the
human rights of the collectivity also oust be considered. In this case, the
security of individuals had primacy.,
3.
She had circulated among the working clases in recent weeks and
spoken to many people. Their reaction everywhere was one of relief at the
Government's firm handling of the situation.

C.R.

003737

�FORMAT 60 - C.B.O.F.T. - 22:00 HRS - 6 NQVEfSRE 1.970
On se rappelle que la semaine derniere, le'Premier Ministre,
monsieur Bourassa, d.eclarait ici a Format 60 qu'il n'avait pas cru.
utile de convoquer une session speciale de l'Assemblee pendant les
evenements, puisqu'il connaissait deja, les positions' des partis de
1'opposition. D'un c6te, le Partie Quebecois qui recommandait une
attitude souple et la moderation, de. l'autre,, le Ralliement des
Creditistes qui au contraire talonnait le gouvernement pour qu'il
prenne des mesures radicales ,afin de desamorcer la'crise. lionsieur.
Bourassa ne mentionna pas 1'Union Nationale qui, tout au long de la
crise, s'est abstenue de tout commentaire. Ce soir, le chef de ce
parti, M.. Jean-Jacques Bertrand, explique a. Real Barnabe cette
attitude et commente maintenant les evenements :
R. Barnabe: Monsieur Bertrand, comment expliquer le silence
relatif de votre Parti.pendant la crise?
J.J. Bertrand: Notre silence,.qui d'ailleurs a ete commente par les
journaux, les cornmentateurs, les editorialistes,
notre silence a ete delibere, voulu, accepte par un caucus. Nous
avons cru que dans cette periode de troubles, dramatique, tragique,
qu'il valait mi eux pour nous, a ce moment-la., en plusieurs cas,
accorder au gouvernement, quel qu'il soit, gouvernement d'Ottawa,
gouvernement de Quebec, accorder le benefice du doute, car il y
avait des faits devant 1'opinion publique. II y avait la disparition
de M. Cross, il y avait la disparition de M. Pierre Laporte et, par
la suite, le meurtre de Pierre Laporte.' Alors, a. ce moment-la, le
caucus a ete unanime a, dire, nous allons garder le silence et comme
tous, nous avons souhaite que dans les deux cas qu'il y ait une
solution heureuse et nous avons egalement declare que nous etions
prets a approuver toute initiative propre' a. soutenir 1'autorite du
gouvernement du Quebec, de 1'autorite du Quebec. Cette attitude la.,
nous avons cru qu'elle s'imposait dans les circonstances. Certains
ont vu la un appui inconditionnel aux mesures qui ont pu etre adoptees.
Je dois dire que cela est faux car des la reprise des travaux parlementaires, le 10 novembre, devant le parlement, et d'ailleurs a.
1'occasion du caucus que nous avons eu cette semaine j'ai emis une
declaration dans laquelle j'invite le gouvernement du Quebec, c'est-a•dire son Premier Ministre et en particulier son ministre de la justice, ..'
a. nous donner un rapport complet et detaille des attitudes prises par •
le gouvernement du Quebec.
R. Barnabe: Si vous voulez, nous pouvons y revenir'rriais un commentateur
disait cette semaine que lorsque 1'opposition est faible,
ou lorsque 1'opposition se tait, c'est la presse qui doit jouer ce role
d'opposition. Est-ce que par votre silence vous n'avez pas contribue
a faire en sorte qu'il y ait eu peut-etre un certain conflit entre lapresse et les gouvernements pendant cette crise?
J.J. Bertrand: Non, parce qu'on a souvent note que meme quand l'opposition est tres active, meme quand elle est tres
;
bavarde, a. ce moment-la, les journaux le sont encorepeut-etre davantage.
Je ne veux pas discuter du role de la presse, des medias d'information.
II y a eu en certains cas, il y a aucun doute, des abus, il y a eu des*
exces. A ce moment-ci faisant le point, nous' avons traverse cette
periode, je crois, qu'a I'heure actuelle devant le parlement de Quebec,
1'opposition reprehdra son role et d'ailleurs, il y a eu 'plusieurs
declarations par des hommes politiques, mais a quoi ont-elles conduit?

�2..

R. Barnabe: Avant que votre parti prerme cette decision, certains sembres
du parti ont fait des declarations.,
J.J. Bertrand:

II n'y a pas eu beaucoup de declarations. Je' crois que
la plupart des declarations qui ont ete faites, 1'ont ete
simplement-.pour, marquer la sympathie que nous avions a. i'endroit et de
Madame Cross et en particulier de Madame Laporte, et de noter que c'etait
une situation dramatique et tragique.
P
'
R. Barnabe:

Est-ce que d'apres. vous, M. Bertrand, la crise que nous
avons connu est assez irnportante pour qu'on modifie les
priorites du gouvernement et qu'on modifie peut-etre meme nos doctrines
politiques?
J.J. Bertrand:

Ca depend ce que vous entendez par priorite. Modifier des.
priorites gouvernementales a I'heure actuelle, dans I'ordre
entre autres economiques par exemple, je crois qu'au contraire, je crois
que c'etait des priorites, qu'elles le demeurent, et tout ce que je me
demande c'est,ou'est l'action.
II y a I'heure actuelle peut-etre trop'de
discours' mais pas suffisamment d'action. Je suis, peut-etre a cause des*
annees passees en politique, je devious de plus en plus un partisan de
l'action et non pas des discours et des prepositions abstraites, ce qu'il
faut, ce.sont des gestes. Alors, que cette crise modifie les priorites
gouvernementales au Quebec, je did.non, au contraire ca. devrait accelerer
l'adoption de certaines politiques.
R. Barnabe: Certains ont dit, M. Bertrand, que votre silence, ajoute
peut-etre au fait que.le parti' liberal vienne chercher M.
Cournoyer parmi vos rangs, etait un iridice d'un rapprochement entre les
deux: partis. Un journaliste a meme parle de fusion entre 1'Union Nationale et le Parti Liberal, fusion eventuelle.
J.J. Bertrand: Non, si c'est la. 1'impress ion que c'a donnee, .ce n'est
pas ca. Qu'il y ait a un moment donne dans un etat de
crise le rapprochement des pensees politiques en vue de parer a. un malaise
profond,' a un malaise dramatique comme celui que nous avons vecu, oui,
dans ce sens la.. De la, a conduire a une union politique, il y a toute la
difference au monde.. Je peux soutenir ou appuyer un gouvernement dans
les. mesures qu'il. prend pour preserver 1'autorite et 1'integrittU de I'Etat
'admis, mais h ce moment la je jugerai le gouvernement a. ses actes.
R. Barnabe: C'est une question qui est peut-etre un peu difficile mais,
est-ce que d'apres vous, si vous aviez connu cette crise la . lorsque vous etiez au pouvoir, est-ce que vous vous auriez comporte de
la meme facon que le gouvernement liberal?
'. .
J.J. Bertrand:

C'est hypothetique, disons qu'a ce moment la.j'aurais ete
place devant des 'problemes dramatiques comme ceux auxquels
on a eu a faire face et j'aurais essaye de concilier des principes dans
lesquels je crois profondement, celui de la liberte et de 1'autorite, ca,
c'est abstrait.
, •
•
R. Barnabe: Est-ce que vous croyez que certaines decisions du gouvernement
provincial n'auraient pas du etre prises,' est-ce que vous etes
entierement satisfait d e s . . . .
J.J. Bertrand: Je crois, je crois et la narration des,faits en Chambre la
semaine prochaine par le preirder venu,. je 1'espere, et je
1'invite encore a le faire, au nom de mon parti, au nom, je pense, de la
population. Je crois qu'il y a eu une periode d'hesitation, quia, ce moment
la aux yeux de 1*opinion publique quebecoise donnait l'impression que nous
n(avions pas de gouvernement a Quebec. •

�page 3..

R. Barnabe:

Est-ce que vous voulez ,dire par.la que le pouvoir etait
centralise entierement d'Ottawa?

J.J. Bertrand:

Le pouvoir a ce moment la, le pouvoir ne-semblait pas a.
Quebec. C'est une impression que plusieurs personnes
m'ont donnee, et a ce moment la je vous dis que quand merie nous avons
garde le silence parce qu'il y avait une situation qui etait grave auquel
il fallait faire face, et quand un incendie eclate,} a. ce moment la il
s'agit d'eteindre 1'incendie. '
'
A'.''
R. Barnabe: Est-ce que vous&gt; admettez quand meme que pendant votre
silence, d'autres l'.ont dit, d'autres ont dit par exemple,
certains journalistes, certains editorialistes ont dit, on a l'impression que Quebec ne fait rien. Alors si vous l'aviez dit, peut-etre
que les conflits qu'on conna.it entre les gouvernements et certains
journalistes, ne seraient pas pioduits? .
O
J.J. Bertrand:

Meme si je ne l'ai pas dit publiquement, j'ai pu le dire
autrement.'
•.

R. Barnabe: Est-ce que vous avez eu des consultations secretes?
J.J.Bertrand: J'ai eu avec M. Bourassa d'abord dimanche,, je lui ai
parle le soir de. la'reunion des chefs de parti, a, laquelle.
je n'etais pas personnellement present parce que je rentrais de voyage,
mais I'honorable Remi Paul, leader paixlementaire etait present. J'ai eu
par la suite une conversation avec M. Bourassa, je lui ai offert ma
cooperation entiere, dans la mesure ou je pourrais aider et par apres,
avec le leader parlementaire du parti Pequiste, le docteur Laurin, et M.
Samson, j'ai eu une rencontre avec 14. Bourassa a, la. demande de M.
Bourassa quand celui (
) nous ..indiquer,, ie jour ou il a fait sa
declaration pour 1'appel de l'armee, la loi des mesures de guerre, quand
il. nous a mis au courant des gestes qu'il entendait poser.
P.. Barnabe: A quel moment les rumeurs du gouvernement parallele vous
sont-elles parvenues?
J.J. Bertrand:

Je les ai lues dans les journaux. Je n'en ai jamais
entendu parler autrement et je n'y ai jamais ete mele
nidirectement, ni indirectement.
- .
R. Barnabe: •&lt; M. Bertrand, certains ont dit que si votre gouvernement,
lorsque vous etiez au pouvoir, si vous aivez fait certaines
reformes, on aur'ait, peut-etre pas connu la situation.
J.J. Bertrand: De quelles reformes voulons-nous parler?
R. ,Barnabe: On a parle, par exemple, d'une reforme p3.us rapide de la carte
electorale, de la loi electorale.
J.J... Bertrand,: Je doute fort, parce que la philosophie absolument revolutionnaire que je considere condamnable a tous les points
de vue car elle est marquee au coin de la violence, de.la violence la plus
objecte comme cela a ete demontre, mais je ne crois pas, personnellement,
profondement, comme citoyen, comme homme, je ne crois pas dans ces methodes,
Que l'on vienne me dire que la societe parfois utilise des moyens violents
c'est peut-etre vrai, mais je ne crois pas dans cette violence objecte que
l'on a utilisee &amp;•l'nndroit de-Pierre laporte et que l'on utilise a
I'endroit de monsieur Cross. '
..
P.. Barnabe: Mais, M. Bertrand, c'est qu'on a dit que si ces gens la
avaient pu s'exprimer dans le systemel, ils en seraient
peut-etre' pas venus a cette conclusion la?

003740

�Page 4.

J.J. Bertrand:

Je me demande s'ils n'ont pas pu s'exprimer. S'il
y a un endroit ou la liberte de parole est accoi-d.ee,
c'est"au Quebec entre autres. Depuis combien d'annees toutes les
idees s'expriment sur la place publique, les idees rcvolutionnaires, •'
et on en voit a ce moment ici malheureusement, certains' resultats.
Qu'il y ait des changements a provoquer dans notre societe, j'y
crois. Non seulement j'y crois, je veux et j'y ai'travaille, mais
tout cela c'est parfois long. II y en a qui manifestent de 1'impatience, qui va jusqu'a, la violence et jusqu'aux actes que l'on
reproche a, I'heure actu.elle.
P.. Barnabe:

Merci beaucoup M. Bertrand

J.J. Bertrand:

Merci M. Barriabe

003741

�November S} 19?Q

cb-&amp;-7F*:~&lt;{&lt;
CBC Weekend - Interview

George Bain (Globe &amp; -Mail)
David Lewis (NDP)
Larry Zo.lf (CBC Interviewer)

to find an explanation-;1 as to why the NDP
having said that the government in the first instance did
not prove that there was an emergency that warranted this
limitation of civil liberties, should now give approval in principle to
another measure which is going to do the same thing, with some modification, in which perhaps the person may not be held for twenty-one days
but for seven days, but this is only -quibbling about details and if in
the first instance the use of extraordinary police arrest and detention
measures was unwarranted, then how do you come to approve in principle
slightly less of the same sort of measure.
George Bain:

David Lewis : I think,. George, if I may say so you're putting it -wrongly.
We oppose the imposition of the War Measures Act which
gives the government immense powers as you know and which can
only be justified if there is evidence of an apprehended insurrection and
we said there just hasn't been that kind of evidence at all.• But at the
same time as we oppose that? we made certain statements;* llr. Douglas and I
in particular, which would have made it utterly inconsistent for us not
to support the bill on second reading. We saidj first, that we agreed that
the FLQ was a very dangerous evil in Quebec and ought to be stamped out.
Pie said, secondly, that we would support the government in any measure it
took, any appropriate democratic measure that it took, to break up the
terorist organization, which was a very real threat to the peace of mind
and life in Montreal and Quebec, and we said thirdly, and this is very
iraportant, that if he needed expanded powers, (and'perhaps he did from the
point of view of expanded powers for search and arrest^ then he ought to
have come to Parliament with legislation. The situation in our view did
not need the War Measures Act which gives the government of Canada
unlimited power to pass not only one regulation but any number of laws
that it wanted to pass.
Zolf: Oh yes but if the circumstances required

George Bain: But the government did not pass unlimited regulations.
It had in fact enacted regulations which were quite-close
in their general intent - C '. with what is now going to be
encompassed with modifications.
•

David Lewis: Tes -there are important modifications

George Bain:

There are important modifications, yes, but they are
important in the sense that they are more effective .
According to the line that you are arguing then what
is contained in the new bill, therefore, you should have been for the
War Measures Act instead of

David Lewis: George, you are going around in circles. .1 just can't
agree. Let me start over again and see if I can't
persuade you at least to see what I am. trying to say,
whether you agree with.it or not. We opposed two things on October 9
when we voted against it. We opposed.primarily the invokation of the
War Measures Act-which is a declaration of war which gives the government
unlimited power?and that aoplies to all of Canada and was' reflected in the
Order in Council in British Columbia, the statement made by various people,
that
alright that is what we opposed. It isn't relevant,
that is what we opposed. We opposed the regulation because it was worded
in such a way as to make it applicable to all of Canada and it isn't tied
003742
in enough with the FLQ and it had other objectionable features. Wnile I
want to make clear we are going to fight like biases to change many parts

�2 -

of the present Bill, the fact is that the present Bill is definitely limited
to the FLQ,' a ]Uttl€'unclear language in Section 3, hut it is definitely tied
to the FLQ. But it brings in Sectioji 2 of the Bill of Rights which means
that people are definitely given by the law the right to council, the right
to protection against certain abuses and so on, that the period, that a man or
. woman may be detained is reduced very 'substantially and is very important
" from 7 days to 3 and from 21 to 7.
•'

.Mow that you have got something in front of you which I have
felt some of the War Measures you are going to vote for, or
that you are going to approve in principle

David Lewis: You are wrong in calling it a sort of War Measures. It is not,
you can call it that if you like. It is a sort of broad way
of putting it-but it isn't true. Because it. has got nothingto do with the War Measures Act. It doesn't give the government any powers.
It gives the Attorney General and the police powers as set out in the Bill
and no more.- Whereas the ISar Measures Act gives the government unlimited
powers.
.
•

George Bain: It seems to me and has done from the beginning^that the moral
position of the New Democrats was much clearer when they were
taking the position that the government had not proved that
there was an emergency here which warranted the restriction and the civil
liberties of Canadians,.-:' U •' . C How because of outside pressures or influences
&gt;including the Ontario Labor Federation which has shown no willingness to
accept
that you have backed away from your* original position and
have taken one vrhich is utterly inconsistent with what you took xn the
beginning.
David Lewis: Tou said that. I was going to tell you whatever you may think
but-your explanation S_..Your position is wrong and I hope you
believe me. It's got nothing to do with any outside pressure
and it's got nothing to do with the Ontario Federation of Labor resolution.
In fact the people who were drafting the resolution consulted Mr. Douglas
and myself on our attitude rather than their attitude influenced us. It may
well be that our ±x attitude influenced them.
It had nothing to do with
the letters that.we have received criticizing our previous stand, it had to
do with being responsible and consistent as we so do. I remember saying;;
perhaps I don?t admit it, but perhaps you needed the surprise of bringing the
'Gar Measures on in the middle of the night. OK the surprise Is over. Next
Monday come down with the bill and get rid of the.War Measures Act. Didn't
I say that.
. '
George Bain: Yes you did.

.

•

.

David Lewis: Sure I did and therefore we have been, and I have been,
totally consistent and that- doesn't necessarily make one
liked. Consistency may well be an out but I think we were
right. I think we were right then and 1 think we are right now. I think
it would.have been totally irresponsible not to recognize that the FLQ
does have to be destroyed. This is not going to ansxver the ques'tion if we
don't take some pretty serious social andUeconomic steps to improve the'
situation in Quebec'-:, get rid of all the ills which are the sore from which
this kind of' thing grows, then we will have some -•"''' ~~ type of ter~ . 'ism
in six months or a year from now.
George Bain: Final question, are you satisfied w:th all of
David Lewis: Not really. No.
Golf;

Mr. Lewis sounds very much like Trudeau.

David Lewis-: Ouch!

003743

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'Emotiona

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Government accused of polarizing opinion
By The Canadian Press

13.-

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?•

The government has been accused
of leading the Canadian people on an
emotional binge after invoking the
War Measures Act.
David MacDonald (PC—Egmont)
said the government has "fanned the
flame of emotion'^md polarized public opinion since the war Measures
Act was invoked Oct. 16. ^
^
!
Arnold Peters (NDP — TiiMska' ming) said Canadians had gone on ^
"psychedelic trip" as a result of the
act's invocation.
The Public Order (Temporary
Measures) Act, on which debate continues in the Commons today, continues but limits government powers
proclaimed under the War Measures
Act that would be revoked when the
new legislation is enacted.
The bill, being studied clause by
clause in committee-of-the-whole, outlaws the Front de Liberation du Quebec and makes membership in the
organization punishable by a jail term
of up to five years.
The Commons Monday approved an
amendment by John Burton (NDP—
Regina East) that would ensure that
troops would he given police powers
only when assigned to specific duty
by order-in-eouncil. The motion carried 31 to 28, with only the Liberals
opposed.

A surprise vote on the amendment
was that of Pierre de, Bane (L—Matane) who left party ranks and voted
with the opposition.' Some 200 members were absent when the vote was
called.
Mr. MacDonald, the lone MP to vote
against the second reading of the
public order bill, said that one of the
"greatest disservices of the government" has been that it has built up
-.emotions rather than damping them
since4he early days of the kidnapping
crisis. ^ " ^ ^ ^
The government^had not tried to
explain the situation through "a reasonable process of facts." ^"-"-^
Referring to remarks by PrBhe..
Minister Trudeau on television last
week about "wishy-washy thinking,"
Mr. MacDonald said:
"It was the height of dishonesty
for him to suggest on the public media
of this country that this kind of problem can easily be resolved by resorting to strong opinions, to disagreements or to simple answers."
Mr. Peters said that there is no
doubt 97 per cent of all Canadians
supported the government action in
invoking the War Measures Act. "We
might as well have been taking LSD."
There might be a need for curbing
the news media so that news is based
on facts, he said.

He also said that police forces failed badly in the kidnapping crisis. The
Royal Canadian Mounted Police was
more accustomed to dealing with
drug problems than with the FLQ.
"Dogs are trained to sniff out marijuana but they are not trained to sniff
out explosives."
Former prime minister John Diefenbaker said that illegal censorship
is being imposed throughout Canada.
He said that censorship is not permitted under the War Measures Act
but there is censorship. and "therefore it is censorship that is being
illegally applied."
Various radio stations had been
jnade aware that certain types of information would not be in the public
interest^to^broadcast. Certain student
newspapersftKSome universities had
been "given to understand" that they
were subject to censorship.
This was a "subtle kind" oF'censorship.
Referring to a remark by Justice
Minister Turner that under the regulations there would be an offence only
if journalists were used as a "propaganda vehicle" for the FLQ,' Mr.
Diefenbaker said:
"I should like to know who determines whether they are being used
as propaganda agencies."
The former prime minister also said

l^"

L

-Oj

J*...

that if the evidence of Bernard Lprtie,
self-confessed member of the FLQ, to
a coroner's inquest in Montreal Saturd a y ^ to be believed, the kidnapping
of Quebec Labor Minister Pierre Laporte was the "most infantile example
of amateurism that could have been
put together."
Max Saltsman (NDP—Waterloo)
said that while he supported the War
Measures Act regulations he opposes
the public order bill on psychological
grounds.
People were aware of the dangers
of the War Measures Act. But there
was a tendency to accept the public
order bill as a way out of tlie problem.
But the psychological victory that
had been won by the government
action in invoking the War Measures
Act 'could be lost in continuing the
powers in a more limited form under
new legislation. There was no justification for continuing • "emergency
legislation."
.Oavid Orlikow—Winnipeg North)
saicP^there was unanimous support
from the^rgss when the government
invoked the "War^Measures Act, but
how there was grStyiqg criticism of
the government.
" \ ^ ^
Police had not been as successful
at infiltrating the FLQ as American'
police in getting into terrorist organizations in that country.
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Ey DAVE MclHTOSii '• "•
GTTAGA Cp - I s t h e r e c e n s o r s h i p i n Canada under t h e ..current War
Measures Act r e g u l a t i o n s ?
i s s i n e f f e c t , the s h o r t answer of J u s t i c e
« ' l o . but
l i s t e r John Turner, t a l k i n g of t h e emergency s t e p s t h a t , outlawed
•the t e r r o r i s t F r o n t de L i b e r a t i o n du Quebec,
Mr. Turner t o l d t h e Commons t h i s weeks
««I b e l i e v e i t i s incumbent upon s sometimes i n d i f f i c u l t
c i r c u m s t a n c e , a newspaper man who may come i n t o p o s s e s s i o n ' of an
MA communique t o ponder what he s h o u l d do w i t h i t .
««ZIe-is f r e e to p u b l i s h i t . . , . But he has an o b l i g a t i o n ,
p r o b a b l y to g i v e i t t o t h e p o l i c e f i r s t i n o r d e r n o t t o put himself
ia a p o s i t i o n where he i s o b s t r u c t i n g j u s t i c e under the terms of t h e
p r e s e n t p r o v i s i o n s of t h e Criminal Code* . . U
««I t h i n k what t h e a t t o r n e y " g e n e r a l of Quebec i s t r y i n g to do i s to
get a b i t of l e a d time on t h e s e communiques so t h a t immediate
u b l i c a t i o n w i l l n o t Impede o r o b s t r u c t the l e l l t i m a t e i n v e s t i g a t i o n
of s o u r c e s of t h e FLQ, « 0 "„
*«In t h e ©vent t h a t a p u b l i s h e r q u e s t i o n s t h e HCMP as t o t h e
l e g a l i t y of p r i n t i n g m a t t e r i n v o l v i n g t h e War Measures Act, t h e
pi"blishar»s a t t e n t i o n i s drawn t o s e c t i o n f o u r , along w i t h t h e
s u g g e s t i o n t h a t he d i s c u s s t h e q u e s t i o n w i t h h i s s o l i c i t o r s . 9 9
xne La p r e s s e branch of "a Montreal j o u r n a l i s t s » union has s a i d i t
' ^ J 1 ^ o l l f c t s a m p l e s of what i t c o n s i d e r s s u p p r e s s i o n of i n f o r m a t i o n .
The Canadian Wire S e r v i c e Guild has s a i d i t would do the same t h i n g
concerning t h e CBC. "
.
'
Managing E d i t o r Koger Mathieu s a i d Thursday i n a f r o n t p a g e s t a t e m e n t
in La p r e s s e , N o r t h America93 l a r g e s t P r e n c l T l a n g u a g e d a l l y
that
i t s p u b l i s h e d news of events i n t h e t e r r o r i s t kidnapping cases has
followed s t r i c t l y i t s lawyer?® i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e War Measures
Act r e g u l a t i o n s .
• &lt;•
"
He added t h a t t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n may have been t o o n a r r o w .
Mr. Turner s a i d i n t h e Commons Tuesday t h a t Quebec newspapers
sought t h e a d v i c e of Quebec J u s t i c e M i n i s t e r Jerome Choquette a f t e r •
r e c e i v i n g s e v e r a l p h o t t g r a p h s of James Cross 9 ' kidnapped B r i t i s h
t r a d e envoy.
*.
He s a i d Mr.Choauette had t o l d the papers to ««publish t h e
$iotographsp$ a f t e r one had been p u b l i s h e d in t h e U . S .
when t h e government proclaimed t h e War Measures Act Oct. 16 i t
did^not e n a c t any c e n s o r s h i p r e g u l a t i o n as i t could have d o n e ,
blniormants s a i d c e n s o r s h i p was n e v e r s e r i o u s l y c o n s i d e r e d as s u c h bv "
the government. .
^

V

V

But, they'said, a means had to be found to prevent the handling
end mimeographing of $l&amp; communications by radio stations before they
could even be checked by police for fingerprints.
There was also the problem of widespread publicity for PLQ views.
The means used was drawing attentitn to the obstruction of justice
clause of the Criminal Code.
"'
means has been effective,, government officials said.
Robert Stanbury, minister without portfolio in charge of Information
|Canada? said Wednesday in Toronto that the news media could speed
Ii?-"* P l e a s e of Mr. Cross "by refusing to publish PLQ communiques.
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003745

�A-ji-Tre-*
IRISH TELEVISION "SPECIAL REPORT CN QUEBEC"
November 1 3 , 1970
de G a u l l e :

"Vive l e Quebec*
Vive le Quebec librel
Vive le Canada frauqaisl
Vive la France*w

Barrator*

'

I n
/
(fhlo/rCQ r£bC j

(rCoiftf/S

The man who many people say was France. The man who was
the pride of France. The man who was the greatness of Frances Oe*
neral de Gaulle understood, perhaps better than any English speaker
ever could understand, the depth of historical passion and fierce
pride that went into that phrase "Quebec libre". De Gaulle is now
dead but the historical sense and the pride that he stood for, lives
and is the centre of life in Quebec today*- Che of the ways in which
it shows itself Is in a political party} a party just over 2 years
old| but a party which in the last provincial election, by offering
the electors a policy of eoao^plete independence for Quebec, managed
to win 24 per cent of the electorate - the Parti Qu€b6cols.
Last Sunday, 700 people packed a hall in the Gity of Quebec,
the capital of the Province of Quebec. They came in the belief that
the Province of Quebec should be an ^dependent sovereign state - a
belief justified, as they would see it, by 300 years of history.
In 1759 &gt; after 2 months of bombardment, the City of Quebec
fell. Ifce British General, Barnes Wolff', defeated the French General,
Montcalm, Che hundred and fifty years of French rule were over, the
300 years of Anglo-Saxon rule had begun. To the French they were
betrayed by the mother country, left an isolated minority surrounded
by their conquerors.fefhenFrance officially ceded Canada to the British at the end of the war, Voltaire referred to it merely as the
loss of a tern acres of snow. TO the British, Canada was a spoil of
war to be exploited and developed and hardly surprisingly, it was to
be developed mainly to the advantage of the English speakers. They
were, after all, the conquerors.
Today in Montreal English speakers share the fruits of
that conquest, as in the Province of Quebec 80 per cent of Montrealers are French speakers, let industry and the financial centres
are controlled by the Anglo Saxons. Like Quebec, Montreal was founded by a Frenchman. To the nationalist French Canadian, Paul Chomedey
de Maisonneuve looks down on a conquered city. There is little evidence that the conquerors deliberately attempted to subjugate the
French, On the contrary, most historians seem to suggest that the
special position of the French Canadian, his language and his religion, was respected. But respect or no, he was surrounded and vastly
outnumbered.

• ••*
003746

�• •&lt;•

The Goverasaent in the Province of Quebec is almost entirely
made up of French Canadians. Parliament speaks in French| laws are
made in Frenchj the civil code is Napoleonic, but the world surrounding them is English. Jerome Choquette, Minister for Justice In the
Provincial Government, is the man most intimately concerned with the
current crisis.
Choquette:
"When we calculate the population of the United States, which
is approximately 250 million, plus the English speaking of Canada,
which is about 15 million, it creates an atmosphere through the development of comswnications where the French element feels that it is
losing ground either culturally and in other respects. Also, one must
admit that the socio-ecenomic status of the English speaking minority
in Quebec, the 20 per cent, is higher than that of the French speaking.
It has been calculated that the income of the English speaking is higher
and therefore this has created a lot of conditions whereby there is a
reaction by the French speaking in Quebec to have an independent state
•v
where the French language wouJbd be the only language that would prevail
and would thereby would help them to reducetileimpact of the circumstances which I have mentioned and which would better their socio-economic status in an independent state.11
Narrator:

: Certainly, in the short run at least, the language does not
appear to be threatened.

Music Bridge:
Narrator:

But although their language and culture is surprisingly strong,
surprising in that they are surrounded by an &amp;iglish speaking world, it
is unarguable that the French were, and still are, financially inferior,
Paul-Smile ©alps' is Vice-Chairman of the Confederation of National Trade
Unions in Quebec,
B

Balpd:

I think studies have proved that the French Canadians are
behind the great majority of Canadians, which is composed of Anglo-Saxons. It seems that our opportunities for better jobs, more steadier
employment, is vexy weak in comparison vdth the Anglo-Saxons. It is
particularly marked in Quebec. Montreal is a typical example: you can
go around and wherever you see good houses or surroundings with big
properties, most of the time they do belong to Anglo-Saxons. Maybe
among them you could find a few French Canadians, but they are not the
majority. So that could induce that we are much behind the Anglo-Saxons.*'

Narrator:

Westmount - the expensive residential area of Montreal: a
house can cost as much as a quarter of a million dollars. Here, overlooking the second biggest French speaking city in ihe world, the population ratio is reversed. Intfsstmount80 per cent speak English,
20 per cent speak French,

Music Bridge:

...3
003747

�•*

Frank Hanley (?), a local Montreal politician, has, for 30
years, represented French Canadians in less luxurious surroundings.
••How bad are these houses?"
Hanley:

"Well, this is an example of approximately 40,000 other
uninhabitable flats within the city, ©lis would be over 100 years
old and without baths mind you. And here, in this dayand age, having people living in a flat without a bath I think that is more
than uasanitay, I think it is criminal,"

Narrator:

Like any major city, Montreal has Its housing problem, and
like any major city, the rights and wrongs of thatproblem are part
of the complicated debate, i&amp;iat is certain Is that mostly French
Canadians live in those /»O,OO0 slums and 9 per cent of them are unemployed. To suggest that all French Canadians live in squalor and all
English Canadians in luxury, would be absurd. By international stan- ,dards, very few Canadians are very poor but to the natlonalistHtainded
French Canadian, relative poverty, relative to the Anglo-Saxons is an
insult to this country. Someone has to be blamed. Surprisingly, very
few of them blame the English,

Music Bridge:
Narrator:

They blame the Church*
Until recently, French Canada has been intensely Catholic,
The Catholic Church was part of their Frenchness, By some standards,
the Catholic Church in Canada is hardly a reactionary* Itaymen control
parish finances and decide on financial grounds whether or not new
churches should be built, Xbu have a Saturday mass instead of a Sunday
mass and the confessional box is rapidly being replaced by a public
token confession of just one sin. But in the past it was part of the
old French establishment and controlled education*

Narrator: Professor Frank Scott of McGill University in Montreal, is a reeognissed
expert on French-Canadian social history*
Seott:

* % e French try to held to an older concept of society. IShen
the Catholic Church is very strong it was a very fine concept in the
sense that it was tranquil and it based itself on the family and on the
land and so forth and of course that just got broken down by the modern
technology and by industry. And when it suddenly had to go, well, then
they found they were behind as it were in the industrial race. So there is a disparity of ineome for the French Canadians by comparison with
the BagLish Canadians in Quebec,**

Q,

"Would it be possible to point to the federal government, say,
over the last hundred years and say most of the blame is there?0

�Scott:

"I would say not at'all, no, I think most of the blame
is due to the change in the nature of our society which the federal
governement has nothing to do with. I mean, the industrialism coming into an agricultural community and the English speaking people
being first to take advantage of it because it mostly came out of
the United States or even came out of England, So that there was
a gap in the pace of development and it would have been difficult
for the federal governement to have closed that gap because a U
the authorities in Quebec were afraid of industrialism* They told
the workers to stay out because they thought their faith would be
destroyed which is more or less what has happened in a number of
instances.11

Q,

"And these were French speaking Canadians telling their
own,.,,.

Seott:

n

Gh yes, very much so, you could easily document that...,.

It was a struggle to maintain a way of life that could no
longer be maintained and keeping that struggle going till when they
want to enter the industrial age they have a lot of time to make up
to the gap*"
Narrator:

Industrial cargo on its way down the St, Lawrence Seaway
to the great inland port of Montreal! very little of it to make money for French Canadians; very little of it to make money for French
Canadians who are still on the land.
The average French Canadian farm worker in the latest census was earning $2000 a year whereas someone in transportation was
getting $4000 and an ordinary labourer, $3025*

Scott t

"French for many years were not oriented towards business,
towards science. They were naturally oriented, through our system
of education, to liberal professions in calling. Now whether this
was just an inclination on our part, or whether it resulted from
the fact that there was an English conquest here and therefore that
the English, when they did conquer Quebec in 1760, naturally took
over many of the economic activities* So, what has happened is that
for many years, for maybe 2 centuries, one of the dominant influences over French Canada, was the Catholic Church. Inis factor Is
very important in understanding the history. Now recently, French
Canada, there is no doubt, has to a large extent, not 1 would say,
abandoned the Church, but today the Church is much less important
and since I960, we have been going through let's say a kind of revolution, a peaceful revolution mind you, to increase our standards
in education, to direct the young French Canadians to scientific
and commercial enterprises, and this has taken place very, very
suddenly and I think that its probably the factor of sudden change
in the evolution of French Canada, is probably one of the most fundamental eaqolanatlons for the crisis that we are living today*"

• .,5
003749

�University de Montreal, It is part of the new social
revolution. But the fact that it is so new is also part of the resentment. The University de Montreal is French but It has only been there
for just over 20 years. Its English speaking equivalent, McGill, has
existed for 160 years. The McGill graduate goes to a job in an environment probably substantially created by English speaking graduates
over the last 160 years. The Montreal (U) graduate has to start from
the beginning. When a proud people like the French are suddenly released from the past into the modern world, indignation and resentment
can be released as well. An astute politician who can articulate a
peoples1 grievances is on strong ground. Such a man is Ren€ Levesque,
A fonaer war correspondent and current affairs journalist in
Canadian television, he is a performer par excellence. Two years ago
levesque left ihe government where he had held Cabinet rank and became
leader of the Parti Quebecois,
Film clip:

"Speech in French by LeVesque"

Q»

"Do you not believe that there is an attest by the federal
government to develop a bicultural/oiMngual country?"

A*

?es, there is m attest by the federal government to at
least! give Itself and give ihe eountiy a sort of bicultural faQSde*
Bat that is really a fagade. It is a fraud to be very brutal about
it because if you know anything about Canada it is a continental expanse, Tfeere are about 3000 miles from Montreal lets say, or Quebec
to Vancouver, on the Pacific, and any place you go outside Quebec,
French will always be nothing but nothing; I mean not even nothing
but. There are minorities of ours outside the country but they are
treated just like my other group of immigrants, They have to, which
is noimal, they have to speak English to get ahead in any way or even
to earn a nonaal living and 2000 miles from Quebec or even 600, you
will never have anything but plaqu6 French. But the only place in
the world we can be at home, just a bit like, I guess, an Irishman
can be at home in Ireland, he is an exile and become scafething else
when he goes outside, the only home m can have is Quebec,"

Q.

"Would an independent Quebec not still be dominated by American money, American industry?"

A*

"Up to a point, yes, Canada as it is now, is recognised as
the most over-colonised countiy in the western world to American investment so the one answer I can give ysu very briefly is this: Could
we do worse?"

Q,

"Some people mi$it find it difficult to understand why you
want separatism when the provincial parliament in Quebec is governed
by French Canadians and Pierre Trudeau is a French Canadian,"

n

;

• «A»6

003750

�f'Yes, Trudeau and, guys like Jean Marchand, who is sort
of riglit-hand man, a sort of political boss for Quebec and the Tru*
deau Government, and Drapean, the famous or infamous, depending on
how you look at it. Mayor of Montreal, They are all French Canadians, so-called. 3h the case of Trudeau It is a bit different because
he is Elliott-Trudeau and in fact was brought up more, I think, basically English than French, because his mother was English j his father
died when he was young but that is beside the point. What happens
to those guys Is that they come to power in a set up where we are
more or less the natives, the sort of native minority. We don't have
a colour line so you don't see it. Tou know, if we were black, It
would be more visible,"
"We understand that there is a complete distinction between
the Parti Qu£b€cois and the FLQ. To what extent do you sympathize
with their aim which for example the release of prisoners?"
"Well yes, but that had nothing to do with sympathy for the
F£^, It was the fact that there were two men there, Cross aid Laporte,
One of them Is dead, the other very possibly so, Mr. Cross, you don't
know. We thought, I think you have had about 12 or 15 different eases
over the last 3 years, whether South American or, in a different way,
the British Government about Miss Lalil Sialid or the Swiss or the
Germans about other people,, you know. And in every case where there
was negotiation, at least the hostages were saved. In cases where
there was no negotiation, where people arrogantly, and I think rather
impudently, like Trudeau and his bunch, decided not to negotiate, you
ended up with corpses. So basically, we said, since they have got
them, and there is a sort of pattern there, we have seen it elsewhere.
If you are interested in saving human life for God* s sake deal. It
does not mean you agree with ihe guys that went away with Laporte and
Cross; it means save those lives* l!he only excuse a guy like Trudeau
had was that there was incipient revolution in Quebec, For Christ's
sake, for all we know, there is not even 50 FLQ,"
"Do you not sympathize with some of FLQ aims?"
"We do not sympathise with their aims if by aims you mean
political aims because they have none. They're basically a group of
desperados that are more or less part of the social sickness that you
find everywhere. In the States you have the Weathemen or the Black
Panthers* They come out, you know they're the crop you get from social
unfairness, in many cases from political unfainess too, So, if by
their alms you mean Quebec independent, yes, we have the same aims
except we want to do it democratically. If you mean by their aim that
they also underline, for instance some of the unfairness that we have
to live with, certainly everybody should agree that this should be
corrected* But if by aims you mean revolution or anarchy or capturing
people and then killing them, no, we don*t agree*

• •#7

�The Vice Chairman cf CNTU had told us that he personally
would support separatism that if it could be proven to him that an
independent Quebec would be viable. Now, do you think you can prove
that*
Well, in the same way, we all more or less have been brought
up under a sort of British system where precedent is very important.
How the hell can you prove something logically which hasn't existed
yet. So you go by precedent. Ireland, in the 20th centusy, how many
countries have become independent, small countries? Small or big for
that matter. How many of them become independent? Maybe, I don't know,
75? Have you heard of any of them yet going to pieces economically?
I mean a lot of them are still primitive, African or Asian countries,
a lot of them still have a hell a lot of trouble but I know of very
few that haven*t made some progress. Not one of them has sunk under*
Now, Quebec is 6 million people. Its sitting at the crossroads of the
so called Atlantic world. It has a hell of a good natural resource
base, 1 think a lot of people know, forest, mining, things like that*
It has new ioa modern society probably more college and university gra- '
duates than practically all western countries, you know we have been
going with the vengeance set, dealing with our backwardness in that
field. We probably have more professional people, potential or otherwise than most Western countries comparably. Now, if you have a well»
organized society, which has its partial home rule tradition for long
enough, over 100 years, we know how to deal with our own public affairs,
and if you have a good resource base and if you have for 6 million peo*
pie, you can compare with, you know, your figures, a base, just a tax
base of 7 billion, 7 thousand million dollars a year for six million ,
people. That's just the tax base. If you have that, who the hell,
except the most incredibly dishonest person or the nervous wrecks that
you have in every society especially among the higher ups that don't
want people to emancipate, who the hell can say that Quebec is not viable, for God's sake,
Xn summary then, Mr, Levesque, would you say that Quebec has
been betrayed more by French Canadians than by Anglo-Saxons?
Well, betrayed is a very hard word, let's say that we've been
given the business in a way especially politically by our own higher
ups. We have a saying in Quebec, a rather bitter saying about Negro king.
In other words you can't blame the English group for eliciting us, af*
ter all, they've got that native groups called French Canadian and anything they can use to manipulate it, why not. They use mostly our own
public men, guys like Trudeau or Duplessis beforehand. The more the
time goes by, the more that Trudeau who used to fight Duplessis looks
like Duplessis, In other words the Negro king, the one native or the
few natives that come up every generation and more or less sell out*
Selling out doesn't just mean money, you know; it can mean selling out
intellectually, in a sense that you have a certain contempt for your
own people. They look inferior and you stick to the dominant bunch*

, ,*8

�\

I think| look we thought this we found this, you had the same d a m
thing in your own Irish history,"
Narrator:

There are not so many soldiers in Montreal now. Slowly,
they're withdrawing. Only public buildings, embassies and houses of
prominent men are still guarded* The Front de liberation of Quebec
like the Parti,Qu&lt;§b&lt;kois wants separation. But unlike the Parti
Qu^bgcoisi it wants a M&amp;ra&amp;et French Canada and unlike the Parti
Qu^blcois, it believes that violence is justifiable. He was iSaying
football with his son when the FLQ picked him up, Pierre Laporte's
grave is simple; he's buried with his father. Pierre Laporte will
not be forgotten* Not only because of the monument to his name,
schools and the bridge over the St. Lawrence seaway at the entrance
to Quebec already named after him, but because of the viciousness
of his murder. Violence and the FL'4 are not new to Canada, but mur*
der of a cabinet minister is,
"I would not venture to say that there is any government
outside influence, I would not say that any foreign government is involved but 1 certainly feel that the terrorists here are in contact
with &lt;?ther terrorist groups in the world«"
I can recall that a few months back a representative of all
Fatah were in Montreal and met with some of our menibers, 1 can also
recall that Mr. Cohen Bendit, very well known for the events in France,
was also in Montreal and met with seme of our representatives or members.
There is no doubt that the general philosophy behind the FLQ
terrorists is a world wide philosophy. It stems out of Maoism and out
of Cuba, out of Che Guevara, and a lot of these French Canadians have
been abroad. We've also had coming into Quebec some of the terroxits
from Algeria and so on, so there was a nucleus here"

Narrator:

A vast majorityof French Canadians abhor violence. We did
speak to one who was sympathetic to the FIQ, His justification for
crimes such as Laporte *s murder was the age old justification for using force. Change could not come any other way. He quoted the French
revolution. He argued that Britain can supply arms to kill 1 and a
half million Biafrans and surely we can kill one or two to gain our
freedom. He believed violence was the only way to bring the plight of
the French Canadian to the attention of the world. The vast majority
of French Canadians would hot agree with him. In Quebec %% still vote
for non-separatist parties. The federal system gives them, they believe^ the best chance for the language and the culture to survive, *•
Minister, do you believe in the long ran French Culture
will survive in North America?

• «*9

003753

�Choquette:

I certainly do, and for me the question, or at least one of
main questions, is under what system of government can it survive the
better. Because I agree that in the federal system of government such
as we have in Canada today, that one can find fault with system and
with the situation but would these faults be remedied by a separate
state from the remainder of Canada* Because by establishing a separate state from the rest of Canada, would we not be not curing those
faults anddifeets but increasing the difficulties in our economic situation today, which certainly would not be in the interest of the
progress of French Canada*
Ch, undoubtedly thews's going to be a lot of resentment both
sides. It would be impossible to go through this without some continuing soreness. But I'm hopeful that we will get over it, just because
this kind of - let's call it a shot-gun wedding between the English and
the French in Canada - it's kind of an inedibility now, you can*t do
very mueh about it. Even If Quebec became independent, it would still
have a million English speaking people inside it. They would have a
problem there and there would be a million French Canadians in other
parts of Canada, They'd have a problem. I don't think Quebec independence solves the cultural relations problem. We are here in this
part of the World together, for good} we better make the best of it.

^

Narrator:

As part of Canada, a new and exciting country potentially
the richest in the world, Quebec's much quoted motto may sound to
some a little sad, It is "Je me souviens", "I remember".

003754

�i2e-x&gt;-TfK~ &lt;f
m

HR.
November 14, 1970

SOURCE

CLASSIFICATION
UNCLASSIFIED

CJOH

.1830

Former Prime Minister Lester Pearson has called the Cross - Laporte
kidnappings a new dimension in violence on the part of the FKJ,
Pearson made the comment during the taping of the CTV program N
"Question Period" which will be broadcase tomorrow (November 15).
Asked why the government had failed to outlaw the FIQ during the mid
1960's when the terrorists engaged in mailbox bombings and killings,
(he replied)
A.
There have been many bombs and many killings, I don't know what
you mean by many . There has been violence, violence of course in
other parts of Canada, but there wasn't, at least to the knowledge of
the government or to my knowledge, a conspiracy of organized violence
which we have in the kidnapping of a diplomat and the kidnapping and
murder of a cabinet minister. I think that is a little different,
I think, a different dimension of violence.
Q. You don't feel then charges of subversion might have been, laid
against some of the members of the EIQ, there wouldn't have been any
necessity for any War Measures Act or outlawing of the FLQ for those
charges.
A.
Well the provincial authorities who were in charge of the
administration of the law might have felt that but they didn't. And
I don't admit the situation was bad enough or quite the same as a
few weeks ago.
Q.
The royal commission on security was saying (as early) as mid
1968 that efforts ought to be made to infiltrate the FIQ and other
subversive organizations by the security organization. I take it
from that, that no more efforts have been made to infiltrate.
A.
Well, I can't answer that question, the police made efforts of
this kind sometimes
I'm not in a position to comment on
the efforts they may or may not have made,to infiltrate what they
considered to be subversive organizations.

" *

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003755

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CFRA News

0200 h r s .

In Toronto Opposition Leader Stanfield has called for an
independent Commission of Enquiry to investigate events, in Quebec
leading up to the invocation of the War Measures Act.
"The call, almost a plea, came in a major statement
by the Opposition Leader to the lawyers club at Osgoode
Hall. In a smoke-filled convocation hall he said
'Canadians can and should be fully informed'. In his
words we owe it to ourselves as Canadians to get the facts
on the extent of terrorism and the effectiveness of measures -taken against it ~ facts of the reasons made by Government
and the treatment of those detained. He said Canada had
practically a government by rumour for several days and for
that he blames the government. 'He contended either the police
work was powerfully inadequate or the power and influence •
of the FLQ was exaggerated".

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TU.GI&amp;OEIVIEREB, Que„ Gp -Rene Leves&lt;iue, l e a d e r of t h e p a r t i
O.i.USBECOIS^ SAID Wednesday n i g h t t h a t ««if t h e P a r t i Quebecois d i d n o t
e x i s t , t h e r e would "De 6Q times more member of t h e F r o n t de L i b e r a t i o n
du Quebec„&lt;&gt;s
Glra Levesaue, h e r e t o p r e p a r e f o r the p a r t y 9 S r e g i o n a l c o n v e n t i o n
Gov, 27~29, s a i d d u r i n g a news c o n f e r e n c e t h e P a r t i Quebecois d i d n o t
fell eve i n v i o l e n c e as a means to speed u p Quebec?s independence,,
fc&gt;By wishing t o g i v e viuebecerst h e i r freedom by d e m o c r a t i c means
•ihe p a r t i muebecois was act.1 ng as a c o n d u c t o r f o r t h o s e who
no l o n g e r saw v i o l e n c e as t h e only c o u r s e offi a c t i o n , he s a i d *
sin t h e c u r r e n t c r i s i s t h e P a r t i Quebecois
«continues "to f i g h t
'both Ottawa and Quebec governments e 9 ?
IPX, Levesciue d e s c r i b e d as «*inhuman. d i s h o n e s t and a n t i d e m o c r a t i c
the Trudeau, Marchand,
Marchand, Drapeau and Bourassa governments 6 s?
lie s a i d he s u p p o r t e d P r e m i e r 'fiobert E o u r a s s a ? s $i&amp;2*"million
road c o n s t r u c t i o n program t o f i g h t w i n t e r unemployment i n Quebec
announced e a r l i e r Wednesday, b u t t h i s measure was n o t s u f f i c i e n t ,
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yOouu. fif-

Le d&amp;veloppemeht economsque ne suffit pas

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par CLAUDE CASTONGUAY,
ministr© de la sant£ et du bien-etre social
Le ministre Ctstonguay est intcrvenu rnardi soir dans !e
drtat d'arge&amp;cc a I'Aslentbide nationale sur la crise que
traverse Ee QutSfcee depsfa la mort du ministre du travail
Pierre L&amp;jWrte. Voici Ee texte de cette intervention, d'a"pres ia version &amp;abi£e par !es services de l'AssemSsi&amp;.
Leo scBs-tttres sont du Devoir. '

Premierement, rnalgre' 1c fait que les Etats-Unis ont.
atteint le plus ftaut niveau de viefeonomique.au monde.
nous y retrouvons des secteurs de pauvrete qui nous app-.
raitraient inacceptab'es, mfcne ici au Canada et dans bsen
des pays qui sont loin d'avoir ce niveau da vis. Nous retrouvons egalement, dans bien des rdgfons de I'AmeXique
du Nord, une partie de la population qui a pardu eonfiasre
de pouvoir fonctionner, de pouvoir participer vraimer.t a la
vie de la societe, de s"y integrer, de se ddvcloppen Nous
retrouvons egalement une partie dc- la popaietion qui vit
dans I'tasecurite constants! face aus' progress technoloji-

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il semble bien que nous devions vivre. Ce n'est cone pss un.
phenomene unique au Quebec et encore moins a i'Ame*rique
du Nord.
En ce qui a trait h PAmexique au Nord, toutefoss, parce
que, certaines des causes que nous retrouvons, de fa^cn
generate, a ce ciirnat de tension, d'issecurits et ie violence,
nous les retrouvons de facon plus psiticuii&amp;re au Quebec,
il m 'apparalt n&amp;essaire d'en mentionner quelques-unes.

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ont cccssicnne ou creeC dan3faiand a regions et particujieremsnt daas les grandas vilka, uae deterioration du milieu
social, du milieu physique qui est une autre de3 causes de
ces tensions, de cette inadaptetion de cette population qui
vit de plus en plus en mar^e du reste de la soct&lt;£6.
Et meme dans les milieux ruraux qui ont &amp;e degarnis,
bien souvent, de leurs meillcurs fi&amp;nents, sans qu'aucuna
facon de suppleer a cette perte de ces roiliesj soit esvisagie, nous retrouvons aussi des milieux qui aujourd'hui ont
perdu pratiquement tout dyttansBme.
II y a Egalement - et aous retrouvons 'ct* phdaomise
deouis plusieuis annScs aux Etats-Unis - cette Klorffication de la violence, que ce soit au moyen dc to television,
que ce sort au moyen sis; jouets qui sent vendes pour les enfants, que ce soit par !a vente liore deorn.Tj.z~.,cas ce suit'
par toutes sories de mcyecs. Cette glorification de la violence - ou la violence prstiqueme&amp;i drigfes c&amp;aiEae une valeur - est une autre des carets de la terctcm c^ue sous connaifSGnschralscontincatBord-asifncain. . .. /

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.'• Je voudrais. au debut deuces quelques remarques.
rendre un bref hommage a la memoire de Pierre Utporte
que j'ai connu bien brievement, mais qui m'a permis. au.
cours de ces quelques mois. de mesurer ia perte &amp;torme
que nous. Quebecois, avons subie a la suite de son assassinat..

Decisions n^cessaires'
11 est important que nous analysions les causes imraediates ou les plus recentes de la crise que nous avons
veXue. des decisions qui ont ete prises par le gouvernement et des moyens qui ont ete mis en cause pour prevenir
sa deterioration.
n est evident que cette analyse etait importante et
que le present debat a permis une discussion de tous les
aspects de cette question. On ne peut oublier - ce sont les
quelques points que -je voudrais soulijner sur cet aspect
de la crise - que I'Etat a dii et doit, a court terme. utilise:des rnoyens inadaptes. des moyens qui ont ete forges par
une societe demoeratique, qui trop longtemps a cru que
nous etions a 1'abri de ce genre d'evenements.
n est une chose d'assuree, c'est que. malgre le fait
que les moyens que nous avions etaient plus ou moins
adaptes a ce genre &lt;ie crise, il est evident que quant au
fond, les decisions qui ont ete prises etaient justes et va-Tables.
Malgre tout le respect que nous pouvons avoir pour
la vie humaine. malgre le fait que l'un de nos collegues
etait en cause, nous ne pouvions oublier qu'il faiiait assurer egalement le bon fonctionnement de la societe. et surtout, prevenir la deterioration de la crise. C'est evident,
egalement. a la suite des renseignements qui sont maintenant disponibles, que l'enlevement de M. Cross a constitute un encouragement, un stimulant, a l'enlevement de
Pierre Laporte et, par la suite, a son assassinat.
C'est dans ce sens que je dis que les decisions qui
ont ete prises pour prevenir la deterioration de la crise
etaient necessaires et le gouvernement, en les prenant.
etait tout a fait justifie de \es prendre.

Causes plus profondes
n importe aussi - c'est sur cet aspect de la crise
que je voudrais plutot faire mes commentaires - que nous
nous eloignions quelque peu des causes les plus immediates de cette crise, que nous n'apportions pas une importance exageree a quelques-unes de causes exterieures. comme
la violence verbale qui. certes. est a deplorer. mais est
beaucoup plus une manifestation, a mon avis, de tension
qu'une causse en elle-meme. D est evident egalement que
les decisions et les gestes poses, en ce qui a trait a la sauvegarde de la liberte. ou des libertes individuelles. doivent
etre analyses. II y a la des elements tres importants de la
question. Mais il faut aussi aller aux causes plus profondes dc cette crise.
C'est une crise qui, en fait, remonte a un bon nombre
ri'annees. Les premieres manifestations les pius violcntes,
de fait, remontent a 1963: premiere bombe. Ce n'est pas
une crise qui est nee de circonstances plutot exterieures
ou immediates comme celles que j'ai mentionnees plus tot.
La tension et la violence sont evidemment, dans le
continent nord-americain, des phenomenes extremement repandus. C'est egalement, meme aujourd'hui, -• que ce soit
dans nos democraties occidentales, que ce soit dans les
democraties populaires de 1'Est, que ce soit dans les regimes dictatoriaux de droite, - un phenomene avec lequel

L^csno^qyo n'eiw p-3 tout'
Aussi, rn&amp;na si, cemme je ie aceotiodjuij/, i^tis avons
atteint isi niveau de prodwlson jamais e^ale au monde production, en fait, suffisante pour nourrif et satisfaire atsx
besoins de toute la population - nous retrouvons malgre
tout, comme consequence de cette valeur desordonneu qui
est attachee au developpement economique en soi, au progres technologique avant tout, sans egard h toutes les consequences qui en decouient au plan social, une societe" qui
est'malade.
Aussi, depuis un certain nombre d'annees, now voyons
la jeunesse, en particulier aux Etats-Unis et. au Canada, refuser de plus en plus ce type de societe qui lui est oi'fene.
Nous voyons egalement ces jeunes rechercher d&gt;e nouvclics
valeurs. Nous voyons egalement ces jeunes, ne pouvant
satisfaire a des aspirations differentes de celles qui leur
sont offertes par cette societe, trop souvent se retcumer
vers la droeue ou encore manifeter oar des sten^ OV\Prieurs leur refus de participer dans ce genre de societe:,.
ie phenomene "hippie" qui, a mon avis, n'est pas neeessairement mauvais, est un autre de ces signes.
Done, de facon tres repandue aux Etats-Unis, au Canada et dans d'autres pays, mats, particulierement pour le
moment en Amerique du Nord, nous vivons dans un etat de
crise. Notre societe est dans une periode de transition qui
est caracterisee par un. refus de participation d'une partie
de la population, par une alienation d'une autre partie et
aussi par un sentiment de plus en plus repandu de negativisme de la part de ces personnes qui rejettent le genre de
societe qui leur est offert et qui, da»"»s des minorites, se dirigent comme moyen. de corriger la situation, vers la violence et!'anarchic

Corstrseoups au Quebec
Au Quebec, tous les problfemes que j'ai rnentionnes ou
toutes ces causes de la tension, de la crise que nou? traversons, nous les avons vecus, nous les avons au sein de notre societe et nous en subissons les contrecoups avec probablement plus de force que dans la plupart des autres parties du continent nord-americain a cause,_&gt;possiblement et
probablement, de la rapidite avec laquelle nous sommes sortis dun genre de societe pour, non pas entrer dans une societe assez etablie, mais entrer dans une nouvelle societe
qui est en voie de se developper. Nous avons pratiquement
manque une partie du processus que les autres societes ont
pu traverser avant d'entrer dans cette phase de transition.
Nous avons done, au cours des demieres annees, constate un rejet tres rapide de bien des vaieurs traditionnelles,
que ce soit au plan de la religion, au plan de valeurs qu'on
nous avait presentees, qu'on nous avait fait accepter comme etant permanentes et pratiquement absolues, comme notre vocation pour 1'agriculture. Nous sommes sortis tres
rapidement d'un monde extremement ferme pour entrer
dans un monde oil les communications ne connaissent, au
plan technique, pratiquement plus de limite, ce qui fait que
dans un laps de temps extremement court, notre societe
s 'est ouverte sur le monde exterieur.
Nous sommes egalement sortis d'une societe ou la democratic etait extremement limitee pour entrer dans une
societe ou il n'exist.e aucune entrave a la liberte de parole
et oil nous experimentons. depuis quelques annees. de nouvelles formes de democratic
En plus de cette adaptation extremement rapide que
nous avons du subir. nous avons, evidemment. vecu en re-

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lation avec les autres provinces du Canada et avec les parties des Etats-Unis qui nous sont voisines dans un etat de
pauvreie relative ou nous sommes obliges de subir des
eearts par rapport au niveau de vie economique de ces'provinces ou de ces Etats, ce qui accentue, en definitive, les
tensions au sein de notre societe.
EgaiernenG.a cause de notre petit nombre et du fait que
nous apparteaons a une culture qui nous est particuliere,
qui nous est prcpre au Quebec, a cause du caractere mena?ant de ia culture nord-am&amp;icaine qui, pour beaucoup,
•'semble un phenomena presque irreversible tant par les
moyens de communications que par les moyens de fabrication, et par la publicite, nous sentons notre culture menaces.
Ea definitive, beaucoup en arrivent a conclure que notre
propra identite et notre culture sorst en danger.. Nous avons
besoin de difinir de nouvelles valeurs qui nous soient propres et qui repondent vraifnent a nos aspirations, alors que
nous sentots d'autres valeurs nous etre pratiquement imposes.
•
- ' , " . •

L'gchec de fa revision constitutSonneSI!®
' Aussi, pour un grand nombre, certains signes concrets,
certains gestes ou certains progrfes soat necessaires pour
r qu'ils puisien'c crcire vraimsnt que nous pouvons garder en
,• main le controle de notre propre destinee, le maintien et le
, developpement de notre culture. Dang un des domaines ou
' certains de ces gestes ou certaines de ces marques pour*"
relent etre poses, e'est-^-dire dans le domaine de la revision constitutionnelle, il me semble evident qu'un nombre
trbs grand de Quebecois en sont venus a la conclusion qua
ce .processus est pratiquement voue a un echec ou qu'il don-.
nera des resultats alors qu'il sera pratiquement trop tard,
s'il n'est pas acceiere.
. Nous pouvons sous demander egalement si ces valeurs,
qui appartlennent propfement au continent nord-americain,.
qui sont purement materiaiictes et qui forest en sorte que .
nous serosa pratiquement voues a nous sentir inf^rieurs a
cause de notre niveau de vierelativementplus bas que celui
de F Ontario, ont une vaieur d'absolu et si- nous ne devrions
pas rechcrchar un type de society qui soit plus pres de nos
'ssphr.tkins et moiss axe sur cette simple recherche du de• vefeppemsnt dcoscvniqtie..

PetkQ de confiance

V

C'est pourquoi il y a une perte de confiance chez un
bon nombre de nos Qu£b6cois, quant a ia possibility de nous
d^veiopper dans le systeme economique, social et politique dans iequel nous vivons presentement, impossibility de
permcttre au plan politique une plus grande place a une
vraie democratic qui nous permettrait de rechercher ces
objectifs qui nous sont propres d'une facon plus concertee
que ce n'est possible de le faire presentement.
Ce sont tous des elements, a mon avis, qui sont particuliers au Quebec et qui ajoutent a la tension, au climat
d'instabilite et de violence qui est prcipre au continent nordamericain et qui font que, depuis un certain nombre d'annees, nous vivons, au Quebec, une situation qui est allee en
se deteriorant et qui a definitivement atteint. au moment de
I'assassinat de Pierre Laporte. l'etat d'une crise. Ce sont
tous ces elements qui ont gonfle le nombre des mecontents
chez nous, qui sont la cause du negativisme, auquel j'ai fait
allusion plus tot. dans pratiquement toutes les classes de
notre societe; negativisme, ou mecontentement. non pas
•seulement chez les' personnes de"favorisees. mais chez
beaucoup de personnes qui. en apparence, auraient toutes
les raisons au monde d'accepter cette societe dans laquelle nous vivons.
Le nombre de ceux qui. pensant trouver dans le rejet
de notre systeme constitutionnel actuel. la solution a un
grand nombre de nos problemes. egalement, ce sont tous
ces elements qui ont fait en sorte qu'une partie de nos
Quebecois ont opte pour la violence et finalernent. pour la
voie de la destruction de la societe dans laquelle nous vivons. H nous faut done nous rappeler, a mon avis, avant

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qu'il ne soit trop tard, les causes profondes du malaise
que nous vivons et eviter ainsi, au lieu d'en discuter uniquernent les causes immediates, de nous diviser davantsge, de
radicaliser les positions entre deux groupements dans notre society en maintenant justement la discussion sur des
causes beaucoup trop superficielies... B nous faut done nous
rappeler que meme si le respect des libertes individuelles est extremement important, que les vraies reponses a
nos problemes ne- seront pas trou^ees par des discussions
qui s'eterniseront sur cet aspect de la crise que nous ve-.
nons de vivre. S faut done plutot'nous rappeler que c'est
par des adaptations profondes dc notre societe, par la definition de nouvelles valeurs, par la definition de nouvesux
objectifs que nous ressortirons dventuellernent de cet etat
de crise et que nous aurons su profiler des lecdns qu'elle
nous impose.

Citoyens a part enti&amp;ro
Encore une fois, je ie repete, la simple developpement
economique ne me parait pas suffisant pour repondre a ce
genre de problemes. Meme si nous attaigraons, dans un delai assez bref, le-mcme niveau de vie economique que
FGntarioGpar exemple, je ne crois pas que nous aurions
tellement modifie les causes qui! 3ont a la base des tensions
que nous connaissons. ii va falloir plutot que chacun des
citoyens ici au Quebec soit convaincu qu'il est possible que
ncu3 progressions dans le sens d'tm developpement qui
permettra a chacun, au plan soda! et au plan culture!, da •
s'affirrner et de se sentir pleinement un citoyen a part entire, meme s'il n'est pas de la meme culture que celle de
la masse dans ce continent sur Iequel nous vivons.
• D va falloir egalement qua chacun soit convaincu que
nous travailkms a accorder a chacun une veritable es^lite
des chances dans notre society et que des progres concrets
soient effectues clans ce sens. Pour en arriver justement &amp;
ce genre d'£gali£6 des chances, il va nous falloir encore JT •'
ser bien des gestes, sur bien des plans, car psu imporie i.u
secteurs que sous examinorj, que ce soit su plan des rcvenus, que ce soit au plan de l'Education ovec i'Ellocatira des
ressources qui y est faite. que ce soit au plsvn d a loXirs,
que ce-soit su pb.n du'travail, que co zdA. Ej^bmesi .-.u'
pbn de la valear bien pirU'cujlira ($:? K3U3 attachorj ..u
tavsil ou que ce coit si? pj-.n da i'hsbHiX-c-s, il dc-msure.
sein da notre society.

eccrts, djs ini'salitcs qui i .it

inacceptabies pour une grande partie de notre population,
une partie trop grande pour qu'ils soient ignores.

Passer a Taction
De plus et surtout, il va falloir que les Quebecois se
sentent impliques dans ce processus. Que l'on cesse uniquement d'analyser les phenomenes, mais que les Quebecois passent a Taction et contribuent dans ce processus
d'ameiioration de notre societe. Trop de nos Quebecois
se contentent de critiquer une fois les evenements Voduits,
ds jrorjer d-zs jareree.-;!;; mais lorsque le monscrkt vX: .; di
.passer h Vctiictf. lonaus te monie&lt;^t est Venn px*r r - . &amp;
eontribuer, de faire &amp;.?, sacrifices, d'apporter dts c^'_ j&gt;
ments dans leur mode de vie: trop souveat ils 1*2 scat pas
la.
'
• he defi est immense*, nrds c'est un d5fi qui, a rcon
avis,, nous est dicte" plas que fcmw par h qrise quo t^ua
traversons. Ce n'est pas en ignorant ca defi que sous aliens le resoudre ou mime retarder ies ^chdancej. L'action policiere, merne si eile est necesraire, meme si elle
est efficace, n'apportej-a pas de solutions-en proicaJcar
aax causes de la crise actuelle.. 3 serait irrea&amp;rts d- crcire que i'etist de ter^ion et de malaise va C33ser rapidement
dans notre societe. D r.ous faut plutot accepter que Rous devons vivre encore un certain nombre d'aimees cans aa tel
etat malgre tous les efforts que nous avons a faire.

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'. M. Rene Levesque; ...

"St qu'ils fassent attention les Coiteux, les Lacroix, Les Trudeau,
Marchand, tous ceux qui directement ou indirectement, hypo crit anient
jou brutalement, comme des hommes primitifs cautionnent cette espece
J^'invraisemblable calpronifsPQ FLQ FLQ PQ; qu'ils' fassent attention
a leur loi abusive ou ils risquent de creer encore une fois des
martyrs, d'une justice devoyee: leur loi retroactive avec &amp;SE presumptions
de culpabilite. lis ne sont pas capable de se' souvenir qu'une partie
de ceux qujorit bascule daris le FLQ orf»d'abord ete dans les groupes qui
s'appelaient des choses comme le mouvement Valliere-Gagnon. Pourquoi?
Parce.que pendant des mois et des mois, et des mois, et des mois il y
avait des gas qui etaient en tole. Je ne sais pas s'il£etaient coupableS
ou pas coupablefc mais toute societe civilisesa le devoir de juger 4es
gens, de pas les laisser pourrir en.prison sans jugement pendant que
les autorites attendent et tripotepla justice."

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BSCLASSIJUSB
Bovmber 25, 1970.

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DOKJl^UfS FCB SSEA'S VISIT TO LCB©GS

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Attached art copies of the following:
(a) Quebec Press Helcase » Safe Contact Offer - October 19, 1970.
(te) Quebec Press iBelease - Safe Conduct QtMr - October 26, 1970,
1

«ee-

*

(o) Howards Press Statement - M&amp;vmtow 2 , 1970.
(d) "Notes for Bsaarks by the Prime Sinister at tlie l i b e r a l Party
Conference - Noveaber 20, 1970.
(e) Statement i a the Bouse by the Pris© Minister - Safe Conduct Mcwosteer 24, 1970.
(f) transcript of CBC interview «lth Parliamentary Secretary t o
SSSA - Soveaber J24, 1970.
(g) Sfcatemeat i a the ifease by the Prime Minister - Police Cooperation - HoTeaber 24, 1970.
(h) Statement i n the House by Mr. Ouellet - U 'Riant "interest 0 in
Cross kidnapping - Kovmber 24, 1970.
2.

As agreed, ym aay leave these copies with Canada louse,

AJD. Howe,
Operations Centre.

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.„.. contre la loi sur les mesures de guerre au Centre PaulSauve. 3,000 personnes ont assiste a cette assemblee ou M.
Ren£ Levesque, Chef du Parti quebecois, s'en est pris violemraent a la decision du Gouvernement federal de mettre en vigueur le desormais celebre projet de loi. "La succursale exa-"'
gsre toujours les defauts et les vices de la maison-aiere. La
succursale, c'est Quebec. .... se degrade et s'avilit toujours
plus vite que la metropole. Et je suis sur que meme dans le
temps de Is empire remain, meme dans les pires exc£s, on avait
plus de dignite a Rome que dans la petite colonie a 1'autre bout
de 1*empire. C'est un peu ce que nous vivons nous autres aussi
a notre niveau dans nos limites. En ce qui concerne la liberte
des citoyens, c'est la meme chose. Une loi de iyi4 a Ottawa ©t
puis on s'en lave les mains, on la passe aux sous-ordres quebecois pour I'application et les exc&amp;s. C'est eux qui l'appllquent." M. Levesque, chaudement applaudi au moment de son '
entree en scene et de son allocution avait ouvertement critique
1'attitude du Premier Ministre Bourassa durant la crise que nous
venons do traverser. n\Jne chose qu'il faut ajouter, c'est que
le reconciliateur national du lendemain de la mort de Pierre
Laporte, vis-a-vis des choses comme Bienvenue, Coiteux et Lacroix,
ou bien il etait d'accord et alors c'est un hypocrite ou bien. il
etait pas d'accord et alors c'est pas un chef, c'est une lavette
a 1'interieur de son propre Paiiix. Le tout compris, c'est ce
fait; ce fait brutal qu'on soit si vite retombe si bas dans Quebec et plus vite qu'a Ottawa et plus loin, dans plus creux qu'ii
Ottawa, qui rentre inquiet et jusqu'&amp; un certain point angoisse
pour 1'avenir et qui fait qu'on a pu avoir honte, pendant quelques semaines du mois d'octobre. Maintenant, ou est-ce qu'on va
avec tout 5a?"

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Publication

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u^^v/nuuiA/iiikg^ u u i u i l b ICI UlldC
VANCOUVER (PC) - Le chef
du parti conservateur a affirme hier que
le gouvernement liberal avait esquive
ses responsabilites dans le boulevereement qui a suivi les recents attentats
terroristes au Quebec.
Dans un discours devant les sections
locales .eunies du Canadian Club et du
Hub Kiwanis. M. Robert Stanfield a fait
\jloir que le gouvernement devait ren-

seigner le peuple canadien sur ce qui
s'etait passe au Quebec quand il a decide
de decreter la loi sur les mesures de
guerre.
Le chef conservateur a reproche severement au gouvernement Ttudeau d'avoir refuse de donner a la population
les renseignements qui lui auraient permis de juger de facon concrete les decisions du gouvernement. II a ajoute que

Le PQ gagne du terrain
/

/

depuis octobre (C. Ryan)
CHICOUTIMI (PC) - Le federalisme-*
canadien continue de perdre de la Vitesse, avec les recents evenements d'octobre, tandis que le Parti quebecois
gagne du terrain, s'affirmant de plus
en plus comme la veritable opposition
officielle a l'Assemblee nationale, a declare M. Claude Ryan, directeur du De-

&lt;r sp'

\

/ M . Ryan, qui parlait mercredi devant \
queique 1.000 personnes, des etudiants j
• en majority, au centre social de I'Uni- |
1'* versite du Quebec a Chicoutimi. a dit
^i51 que si les anglophones canadiens n'ac- *
ceptent pas l'idee qu'il y ait deux natio- :
nalites differrntes au pays, ie journal I
A qu'il dirige adoptera "surement avant ;
* les elections de 1974'' 1'attitude qui de- X
" " ^ couie logiquement des principex qu'il ..
\defend.
M. Claude Ryan a dit par ailleurs
P
que les six adversaires de M. Jean
Drapeau. lors des reeentes elections
municipals de Montreal "etaient tous
des nouilles n'ayant aucune connaissan-

\
^

ce suffisante de la chose publique pour
dinger une ville semblable."
M. Ryan a egalement parle de quelques autres pofiticiens, reprochant notamment au premier ministre Bourassa
d'avoir fait une tres mauvaise analyse
de la situation.
D s'est dit d'avis que 1'influence de
M. Trudeau est en diminution tandis
qui! etait "ridicule de dire que le Quebec avait marque le pas par sa conduite durant la crise d octobre" comme
1'avaient fait les ministres quebecois
Jerome Choquette et William Tetley.
Du chef de rUnion nationale, M. JeanJacques Bertrand. le conferencier a
dit qu'il avait adopte durant la crise
d'octobre 1'attitude d'un homme au
seuildu depart.
Le directeur du Devoir a ajoute que
1'attitude de Rene Levesque. et compagnie avait ete plutot solide. et que la
prise du pouvoir devlendra une question de temps pour ie Parti quebecois
lorsqti'il sera devenu 1'opposition officielle a Quebec.

le meme etat d'esprit se manifestait
dans un projet de loi actuellement a Y6tude par le Parlement et r£duisant 1'autorite de l'auditeur-g6»£ral.
M. Stanfield a egalement reproche au
gouvernement liberal d'avoir encourage un haut niveau de chomape et ('inquietude economique. D a incite le gouvernement a diminuer les taxes en vue de redonner sa vitalite a l'economie.
Au sujet de la situation quebecoise.
M. Stanfield a note que de plus en plus
de Canadiens se posaient des questions
sur le terrorisme et la reaction gouvernementale devant ce danger.
Rappelant que plusieurs ministres
avaient fait des declarations contradictoires sur le sujet. M. Stanfield a de
nouveau demande' la creation d'une commission speciale d'enquete sur les eveements qui ont amene les enlevements
et la portee des gestes poses par toutes
les autorites ayant eu a intervenir. y
compris les corps de police et les chefs
politiques, avant et apres I'application de
la loi sur les mesures de guerrs.
"... Meme s'ils ont ete extremement
horribles, deux crimes individuels ne
suffisent pas a faire une resolution", a
dit M. Stanfield.
C'est avec deserichantement que les
conservateurs voteront en faveur de la loi
qui doit remplacer celle des mesures de
guerre, mais Us ne cesseront pas d'obliger le gouvernement a faire face a
ses responsabilites et de le rendre responsable de tous les abus qui pourront
se produire.
M. Stanfield a alors rappele cjue huit
personnes sur neuf ayant ete arretees en
vertu de la loi sur les mesures de guerre avaient ete remises en liberte sans
avoir ete accusees de quoi que ce soit.
II a egalement souligne linefficacite apparent^ des corps de police
M**

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Our mmmtwteWi ot rioveefeer 2$ to FCQ, CFKt -5CL.
tadaappings * Propoaed speech by our Consul
General ia Sea Francisco.

2C-22-TFK-4

Following «ro proposed changea to tho speech:
FCO

(a) on page 5, add the following underlined
one now aiiailarity la that a* now, like
In a aery different; iMfflfflfT.tM.a**ig***
close a parallel between Canada and the
want ta be eenaaared ta the advocates ef
la the OSJU

section: «Aad
you, (aJLthoueft
ar
* viotlaa
USA: wa do aot
law ead order

(b) on page 3, change the first seal sacs of paragraph 4 aa
follows: *.,AA sties Z think the augury waa feed for
giving Quebec and I^rcaeiwppeakiag ffsnaitens throughout
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Confederation". - the present sent s a n iaplies that
Quebec*e current place in Canada la unacceptable;
Co) on page 10, ia the first paragraph, I suggest that the
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to the third sentence: °bat these are aarely causes to
be exploitdd for the sake ef the real objective: violent
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direction of linguistic equality,
Justice, aad aa iaproved quality of life'}
id)

at the top of page 11, Hr. Ifatt night perhapa iasart a
auaaary of the reasons given by the Priaa Kialater for
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kidnappings, ths threat ta the safety of individuals by

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a group equipped with fheasaipls of sticks af dynamite,
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proviacial end aaalclnel police forces aad the request
item Kentreai and Quebec* .An appropriate Quotation of

the zTizn&amp; Minister would at the beat way of handling i t ;

(a) on page 14, paragraph 1. tot* Kutt might wish to add that
«M&gt;iYa indittaTfC that ^ * * auasart far ths coverojaeat*s
action (aad also a ©aasure of opposition), was the
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English Canadians. B£e~is an% need for hia to do so
W m v a r1
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(f)

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the figures at the top of page 15 should he checked with

T ^ g l 31visionj
(g) an sage 17, I would delete the two sentences on da Gaulle
but this is up to GEU to doolie.

c. &amp;•

1003766

�BULLETIN
1-12-70

CLASSIFICATION

SOURCE

HR.

DATE

UNCLASSIFIED

CP

21:22

t f l l l a Cf - feul Martin, government leader in the Senate, said
tnastfty night the *'protracted debate»# in the COBBOBS en the
government&gt;• public order b i l l shoved the government »e visdom in net
seeking parliamentary approval before proclaiming the tar Measures
Act Oct. 16.
"Had the government waited for such approval, i t would not have
bien able to deal as effectively as i t did tt with the threat posed
V the front da Liberation du Quebec, Senator Martin told the
Senate as he opened second'°reading debate on the b i l l te raplaoe
legaletions under the War Measures Aot, The debate continues today,
•senator Martin said the public order h i l l , given final approval by
the Commons earlier in the day, van designed to "meet the c r i s i s that
he with es far seme time to eome.»t
eas aimed at the flk and particularly i t s a c t i v i t i e s i s Quebec,
She public order b i l l eas baror* the Commons for e month before
xiaal approval.
She legislation, which eould expire next April go unless extended
hr approval of parliament or revoked earlier by the government,
saUsues to outlaw the fLQ and retains arrest without warrant or
mil
detention without charge aa provided by the war meaauree

i-

S

limlta to seven daya the time a pare on eah be held without
•SMBIII
tharge. compared with 21 days under the regulations new i s effect.
Senator Martin aaid the b i l l does not give as much power to police in
arrest or detention as do tbe regulations under the war Measures
Act. Bat the extraordinary powers It did confer are necessary.
"Let no one suggest, however, that thia parliament, this Senate, l e
set concerned with c i v i l liberties and freedoms,»» he said.
She overwhelming number of Canadians supported the government &gt;e
se tions to deal with the PLQ and terrorism in Uuebac,
Senator Jacques flyan fO-Quetec said he will Introduce an amendment
aimed at giving anyone found to have been an flA member the chance to
prove that he i s no longer associated with the organisation,
Shis waa Just one of numerous amendments he hoped would be
introduced, said the opposition leader in the upper chamber.

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M I N I I T t n t DES A F F A I R E ! EXTERIEURES

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log
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20-^PK^7
20-22-TPK-7-Cuba

OTTAWA, Saeeaber 3 , 1970

Lxc«llenoy,
I am ancloeing a copy of a correction I have
issued to the neve media this iwaraina^ regarding tha {wesease
af Cuban Consular officers at the house Isurbourlng the

Yours sincerely.

A. E. R I T C H I E

ttWIerilampetaTy

His Sxeellaney Or. Jose Fernandez da Coesio,
of Cuba,

1003768

�POP/M.P.Bild/nik

file (2)
log
extra

Pile: 20-22-TPK-7
cet 20-22-TFK-7-Cuba

Recording to certain news reports the Cuban Consul
la alleged to have accompanied a lawyer into the house where the
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Consul is in this house is unfounded. Ihe Cuban authorities are
in fact being very helpful in relation to the safe conduct
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�TRANSMITTAL SLIP

TO:.,

;par.tiuent. .af. External .Affairs.*

Security . . . U n c l a s s i f i e d

Ottawa.,. .Ctotar.io,. G.%^da

Date

Ileceraher. 3k&gt; .19.7.Q ,

Air or Surface . . . . A i r

FROM: .. .Canadian .Gonsulata JGecer.al,. New.Yank.

No. of e n c l o s u r e s . . . . .1

,
-„,.„,

p 0 2 - A?v&lt;x-

The documents described below are for your information.
Despatching Authority.. . . M U G . P.: .?F7. c .e
Copies

Description

Also referred to:

T r a n s c r i p t of B r o a d c a s t e n t i t l e d :
"Rene
Levesque i n t e r v i e w e d and answers l i s t e n e r s "

7

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Our t e l . n o . 238 of
December 8 , 1 9 7 0 .

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TO: PSI
FROM: ACRU

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JAN

klVW^pt.

10
Ext. 250/Eng. (Rev. 10/51)
(Admin. Services Div.)

6 1373

(Instruction on Reverse Side)

-003770 —

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INSTRUCTIONSO%

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1. This form may be used in sending material for infonnatiqrud;pu^Qses from theA„A^V,
Department to posts abroad and vice versa.
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2. This form should NOT be used to cover documents requiring actio?._ ^ ^ ^
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3. The name of the person responsible for authorizing the despatctiJwM&amp;SU*-X. yiv*.
material should be shown opposite the words "Despatching Authority":=This—
may be done by signature, name stamp or by any other suitable means.
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... ^facilitate checking on despatch and receipt of mail.
VX.,^ }

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003771

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.&amp; Accuracy

*

Clarity

TRANSCRIPT

Completeness

OF

BROADCAST

CONSULATE GENERAL OF CANADA
PREPARED

FOR

Fred Gale

PROGRAM

f

sr AT to tr ...

WMCA Radio (New York) (Straus Broadcasting Group)

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• DATE\
HOUR

Transcrd. , ,

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'Monday, December 7, 1970

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RENE LEVESQUE INTERVIEWED AND ANSWERS LISTENERS

(Fred Gale conducts daily interviews
and answers telephone callers' questions during this time period.
His guest today at 1.00 P.M. was
to be Rene Levesque.

Mr. Levesque

did not arrive,until about 1.10.
Having previously identified him,
Mr. Gale began the interview at
once.
During the latter part of Mr.
Levesque*s appearance on the
program, he spoke with listeners
too, as in the following transcript.
At about 2.10, when he left, Mr.
Gale resumed calls with listeners
on this and other subjects.)

003772

1./. 3^1* A

�2.

GALE:

Welcome to our program.

LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Thank you very much, Mr. Gale.

It's, nice to see you, because I know you have a very

busy scheduler—VouijejB speaking in New Haven, or Hartford, Connecticut?
LEVESQUE:

At Yale University in Connecticut, and I had a TV

show this morning, and then had to go back to New York, but it's no
picnic trying to find your way without cabs.
GALE:

Oh, that's right, no cabs.

What's been the reaction in

America, in the States here, to what's going on in Canada?

Do you

feel that people in the States have an understanding of what's going
on?
LEVESQUE:

Well, I think, you know, bad news is news, so for

once we made very bad news, so a lot of people got interested.

I

think, from the questions I got this morning, for instance, and last
night I got, meeting with students, that people have--some people,
anyway, have a pretty good awareness of the background.

i think

most Americans take Canada for granted, which is kind of normal.
GALE:

Yeah, I got that feeling speaking to you, and speaking

to some other people when I was up there a couple of weeks ago,
that many people up in Canada felt that we do take all Canadians
for granted.
LEVESQUE:

Well, it's kind of inevitable, I suppose.

You know,

it's such an old story, but the mouse next door to the elephant,
so the elephant doesn't notice except when the mouse squea;ks very
loud.

003773

�3.
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GALE:

I want to give you something.

In yesterday's New York

Times Magazine Secti*on-LEVESguF: ;\ 'read it.
GALE: i Oh, you read it?
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

This morning, yeah.

Alright.

There was a story about Mr. Trudeau, and in

here it talks about the Parti Quebecois.

They say, in effect,

there's a coalition of separatist interests rang ing from the far Left
sympathizers of the FLQ, to the far-Right corporatists, who received
2k percent of the vote.
LEVESQUE:

Yeah.

Would you accept that definition, in effect?
I mean, I can't very well either accept it

or refuse it because you don't have a confessional next door to a
voting booth saying, you know, what kind of motivation does the guy
have who's voting for us.

The party itself tries to stand, let's caj1

ttfleft of center, more or less close to what the Scandinavian, you
know, what Sweden or Denmark call social democracy.
GALE:

I see.

LEVESQUE:

Now, hangers-on can be any extreme.

What the hell

can you do about that?
GALE:

Not too much.

What about the party as far as strength--

voting strength?
LEVESQUE:

Well, we got 2k percent, just about, of the vote--

of the overall vote in Quebec, which means that we have to make that
kind of accounting that one-third of French Quebec -- because there
are about a million English-speaking Quebeckers who naturally would

003774

�k.

be against any change of the kind we're proposing -- which means the
first election we had this party on the lists, we got just about
one-thi rdvof °the French vote in Quebec.
GALE:

But you only got seven seats in the Parliament, which I

don't —
LEVESQUE:
electoral map.

We haven't had reapportionment yet.

It's a horrible

We got most of our--which is normal, I mean.

When

you're calling for change you get echoes and results, I think, more-faster in the big cities, so our vote is massively inside Montreal,
which is the metropolitan area,
torted.

and the write-irts there are dis-

In other words, it takes about ten people in Montreal to

elect a man, when it takes one in the rural areas.
GALE:

I see.

What about your connection with the FLQ?

There

have been some politicians, I understand, who have tried to either
insinuate or have come out directly and said that the Parti Quebecois
is a--and FRAP, which is another group--fronts for the FLQ.
LEVESQUE:

Well, you know, you have hacks in the States-

political hacks who will say anything.

The same applies at home,

except that people know better, so thank God for that.
GALE:

So, in other words, you don't bother taking too much

time to try and answer that.
LEVESQUE:

You feel--

Not very much.

Things are becoming much clearer.

In

fact, the FLQ -- in that sense, tragedy always has its good aspects -made things much clearer, because people know, from our attitudes
and from the work we've been doing, that if they want change there's

003775

�one good channel to/effect it with--is tax democratic party.
GALE:

M. Ixevesque, how do you explain the FLQ to people who

are not avf&amp;re of what it is?
LEVESQUE:

Well, in a sense, it's more social than political.

I think it's been said, you know, you feel like you're running out
of cliches, but it's true.

You have the same in the States, in a

sense, youuhave--it takes local coloring.

At home it's political.

You know, the main problem is political.
People like that, when they go out of balance and become — go
from confrontation to violence, feel they have to stick to one of the
popular causes, so they stick to a political cause in Quebec.

In the

States they may stick to Vietnam, or to the Negro problem, and become Weathermen, or what have you, but it's a social disease which
is — t h e breeding ground is somewhere in the gap that our so-called
advanced societies have left between the people that are contented
and the ones that are not.
GALE:

So the FLQ is not an organ izat ion —

LEVESQUE:
GALE:

No, n o —

--it's not an organized conspiracy, as such is it?

LEVESQUE:

Look, our government went completely nuts.

If you

read the New York Times thing, I think they're a little off balance
because they don't —didn't help the facts.

The facts —some of the

facts are this, which the New York Times ignores, but which we're
aware of.

To try and justify this over-reaction that practically

put all of Quebec under martial law, with hundreds of arrests, the

003776

�6.

government came up.with possibly 3,000 terrorists, possibly a conspiracy, possibly an insurrection, uprising, you know, a revolution —
every one of those reasons has more or less disappeared.
And now they found who it was.

It was, up to now, all told,

eight kidnapers and maybe a dozen or two dozen accessories before
or after the fact, someepunks, some probably a little more serious,
all told maybe two dozen.

Do you put the whole population under

martial law for that?
GALE:

I know you're very critical of the Trudeau—of Trudeau,

himself, and a lot of other people for the War Measures Act.

In

other words, the FLQ —say we had five people in this room and we
decided to take an action of some sort, kidnap someone, or whatever,
then we would become a cell.
of the FLQ?

We could just declare ourselves a cell

We wouldn't have to report to anyone?

Would we be

responsible to anyone?
LEVESQUE:

There's no overall command.

FLQ is three letters,

more or less smacking of Algerian memories, you know, le Front
Liberation

National

Front of Quebec.

in

Algeria

j; It stands for Liberation

It's been used by different groups, in fact, we

call them generations every second year, completely unconnected,
four or five times in the last seven years -- the first one was in
1963 -- and they're always fringe groups of people who more or

less,

you know, plunge into—from confrontation, usually, you know, demonstrations, things like thatr-into bombings.
And this is the first time--it's an unfortunate fad, apparently,

�7.

throughout the world — t h e first time they go for kidnaping.

But,

you know, there's been kidnapings in the last couple of years, so —
GALE:

But, in other words —yeah, I think people have a better

understanding for that now, that it really is not an organized thing
on a nationwide basis.
LEVESQUE:

No.

It has nothing comparable, for instance, to

what Castro stood for in Cuba, or what the I RA,,\ even, stood for in
Ireland years back.
GALE:

What about this War Measures Act, which is now called

something else, isn't it?

The Law and Order Act, something of that

sort?
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, they usedthe War Measures Act, which was some-

thing that dated back to the First World War, until they got this
new Act through Parliament, and this new Act is more or less the same
thing w'ithia little less insistence on delays.

In other words, they

can keep people incommunicado without telling them any reason for
their arrest for, I think, up to twenty-one days, and now of fourteen.

You know, they changed that for a few days.

On the other hand, there's one of the most poisonous things
ever done in legislation in that new Act, that people can be accused
of guilt by association, and even of guilt by past association.

In

other words, if you went to an FLQ, or something close to an FLQ
meeting, supposing there was such a thing, you could be accused of
that six months ago, or a year ago, before the Act was in.
GALE:

Even if you just went there'out of curiosity?

003778

�8.

LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Yeah.

And potentially the Act says that.

But, even worse than that, sir, the fact is that you

don't have to be accused of anything, you can just be picked up,
with no charges, nothing —
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, that's a first—in other words, without warrant

police can arrest you, detain you, without a lawyer, for quite some
time, can search your home without a warrant -- they've done thousands
of that in the last few weeks -- over three thousand searches without
warrant, close to five hundred arrests.

Apart from fifty people

they're still trying to hang something on, everybody has been left
out after days, and in some cases a couple of weeks, without even any
kind of serious interrogation.
In many ways, the police got back at people they didn't like,
you know, demonstrators, and things like that.
GALE:

I understand that they locked up some hippies and a few

other people that were —
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, but also newsmen, artists, labor leaders,

labor organizers, people with interest in politics.
GALE:

How did you manage to escape it?

LEVESQUE:

Well, I think most of our ranking members managed to

escape it, in spite of being very critical of the government? for one
good reason, we got close to a quarter of the vote in Quebec.

They

won't touch that for the moment.
GALE:

You mean--in other words, do you feel that if you were

not a ranking member, and a former Cabinet Minister, that you might

003779

�9.

have been subject to arrest, or interrogation?
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Quite possibly.

I just wanted to define those two things before we got

to the larger problem that created these frustrations, or the
separatist movement, the bi1 ingualism.-What are exactly--how would
you define the problems in Quebec so the people might understand
them on a simple level?
LEVESQUE:

Well, the problem is a sort of colonial problem that

people don't see, because we're inside a country instead of being
somewhere in Africa, and there are quite a lot of differences being
inSNorthS.America instead of being in Africa, ' We.'re partoof the
consumer society, even though we're not exactly on top of it, and
we're part of the industrial society, and we're part of a country
called Canada.
And yet it's a colonial setup in this sense.

But, just to give

you, maybe, two examples, and I think from that anyone with a head
on their shoulders can see the feeling, anyway.

First example, the

richest per capita bunch of people of the white race happen to be
the English people in Montreal.

In other words, that ghetto-like

group of English-speaking people are managers of all of Quebec, more
or less.
They have five million people who are more or less also looked
upon as cheap labor.

Those are the French people, my people.

That

close to one million English group is the richest per capita—r icher
than any comparable group of Americans7-in, so far as we know, the

�10.

Western world.
GALE:

In other words, they control the economy.

LEVESQUE:

Yeah, that's basically a colonial set-up, whichever

way you look at it.

Another fact is that G.M.--you know, General

Motors finally settled their strike, I think, on the American side
a couple of--a few weeks ago, that was lasting since September.

Then

it lasted a few days longer -- I don't think it's quite settled -on the Canadian side, the Canadian subsidiaries, on account of — t h e
question of parity, you know.
We have exactly the same wages in Canada as in the States.

And

then, there's one—at the end of the line, one major G.M. plant that
has another problem, in Montreal, next door to Montreal, the Pontiac
plant of G.M.

Ninety-five percent of the people working there are

French, but they're being run, regulated, handed orders that sometimes they understand more or less, in English, not because G.M.,
you know, particularly wants it that way, but it comes into a country
called Canada and why the hell should it make a great effort of
learning the other language, which is more of a problem, because,
after all, it's English also, Canada, isn't it?
So, you know, they come right smack into a 95-percent working
force, which they wouldn't do in France, or Italy, or Germany, because there it's clear.

But there, what the hell, the natives c a n -

al 1 they have to do is learn.
GALE:

Five percent will run them in English.

So this causes animosity on the part of French-speaking

Quebeckers?

003781

�11.

LEVESQUE:

Well, this causes resentment for anyone who can un-

derstand other people's feelings.
GALE:

So, are you saying, then, M. Levesque, that the companies

should be nationalized, that they should be run by Quebeckers —
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

No, no, but if Quebeckers could—

--who should be French-speaking?

LEVESQUE:
is Quebec.

No, but if Quebeckers — t h e hell with that.

Quebec

They do the same thing as I hope G.M. -- I think it does --

and Ford, and others, do elsewhere when they invest—if they're in
a people's country they normally respect the people's language.
GALE:

I see, so another American company coming i n —

LEVESQUE:

A good honest buck of profit can speak any language.

In our case it should speak ours.

And we have to get out of this

semi-colon ial set-up where it never knows exactly — nobody knows where
he stands.
GALE:

Okay, when you talk about separatism, you're talking

about Quebec being a state unto itself, a country unto itself, apart
from Canada?
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Yeah, yeah.

Not being a province in any way, run by French-speaking

Quebeckers?
LEVESQUE:

Run by the people of Quebec who happen to be 80 per-

cent French, so—the minority keeping its right—we even fight inside
our own party, so they keep basic rights like schools, their share
of tax money, whatever they built from their own effort, and get the

003782

�12.

same chance for promotion as any minority in any civilized country.
But Quebec would be 80 percent French.
GALE:

What does Prime Minister Trudeau mean in this article

that I'm reading here, talking about monies that were given — t h e
federal government undertook to supply, over a period of five or more
years, 160 million dollars to Quebec?
was not used.

Forty million of it, he says,

And asked why, he said because they haven't got the

J
i

manpower, they don't have the administrators, they don't have the

!

economists, the sociologists, the entrepreneurs, to invest this money
usefully.

What does he mean by that?

LEVESQUE:
period.

Well, to be brutal about it, Pierre Trudeau is a liar,

Does he remind people in that New York Times article that

that plan he's talking about, which is one of those federal-state
plans that are always very complicated, was signed in 1968, just
barely two years ago, and it's a new thing?GALE:

Yes, it says in 1968 the federal government signed with

Quebec a cooperative agreement.
LEVESQUE:

Okay.

It was, in effect, an electoral ploy by

Trudeau's party, which was in party before that election.

i

They signed

it for his election, his nice personal gift to the GaspeO people —
the people involved.

Now, this is new in Quebec, new in Canada, in

fact, this kind of, you know, inter-government development program.
Everybody talks about regional development, that it's one hell of a
job.
So one basic reason is that the money cannot be spent as quickly —

003783

�13.

it's a five-year plan —cannot be spent as quickly in the first year,
or in the second year, as in the years after, you know, because you
have to organize teams and make the money be useful.
reason.

That's one

Another reason is that they're forever fighting between

themselves, Quebec and Ottawa, who's going to get the credit, and
who's going to—you know, who's going to be top dog in--with the

i

population because, after all, every citizen is both a federal and
a state voter.

Who's going to get the credit?

And they're foreverwiang33rg about it, which people see and become resentful about, and it's not a very good example he's giving.
In other words, if you want to have an authority deciding something,
have one authority; don't have two heads—you know, like two captains
on the same ship.
GALE:

I see.

Another quote here that surprised me after talking

to you a couple of weeks ago in Quebec,"he considered the prospects
of Quebec's separatism and shrugged." And he said, quote, "I don't
regard it in the realm of possibility," unquote.
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Well, look—

And I'm surprised at that, because there is a hugej-it

seems to me, anyway, separatist movement, and separatist feelings in
the province of Quebec.
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, but--1 suppose at the end of everything --

from the Roman Empire, and you could probably go back further, to
the end of any regime -- the guys, sincerely or otherwise, who are
defending it, will feel that, you know, it won't happen.

And it's

003784

�\k.

usually when it's closer, thate they

be feel-least, because they

get panicky, and they harden up, and Trudeau has always been a staunch
federalist, which is his God-given right, asilong as he uses moderately
honest means to keep the regime going.
GALE:

I see.

Let me take a little break here and then we'll

get back to our conversation with M. Levesque.
(Commercials.)
Our guest, Rene Levesque, is the President of Le Parti Quebecois
of Quebec, and we're just discussing recent events in Canada.

M.

Levesque, one of the things in this article that struck me, and I
know that you're quite an outspoken gentleman — y o u say,- just come
right out and call Trudeau a fascist.

It seems—isn't that a little

heavy, or am I misquoting you?
LEVESQUE:

No, they're not misquoting me; they forget one adjec-

tive that was added to that, "a potential fascist," in this sense.
What's the basis for fascism?

I know the word is kind of brutal, but,

on the other hand, they weren't exactly using, you know, kid gloves
either, that bunch.
A fascist is.someone, basically, that in one way or another—
Hitler used storm troopers, but today, with media, and with a lot
of money, and government powers, you can do it different.

People

who will try and throw any kind of opposition into a sort of noman's land—in other words, you know, get the so-called silent
majority,and whoever the herd can be, massively enough against any
kind of call for change that people feel practically outlaw,^asking
______

003785

�15.

for change,

in other words, trying to paint, for instance, us as

terrorists, and making everything wel1 mixed up, which is potentially
fascism because fascism means absolute power -- as close as possible
to that -- and no divergent voices, you know, do it one way or another.

And Trudeau went for that very heavily, and his entourage even

worse.
GALE:

Do you feel that it's going to have less than a positive

effect in the next elections?
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

You mean —

As far as Trudeau is concerned?

Is there going to be a

backlash-LEVESQUE:

I think Trudeau is on the way out, not only for that.

The economy in Canada has been mismanaged under Trudeau as never before.
GALE:

What's the unemployment rate now?

LEVESQUE:

In Quebec, it's up to nine percent, as of November,

and we're expecting eleven or twelve, incredible as it may sound.
GALE:

Twelve percent.

Doesn't the Prime Minister chalk a lot

of this up to the terrorists, though, and the terrorist activities?
LEVESQUE:

No, no, they're not that silly, because everybody

knows that's not true.

I don't think, for instance, your Weathermen

j
/

or other people throughout the world have changed much in the economic [
outlook.
GALE:

They're not that important a factor.
I see.

LEVESQUE:

No, the basic thing, apart from American spillover,

because you've got your own, you know, close to a recession, anyway,

003786

�16.

something like a slowing down; that affects Canada.

Apart from that,

mismanagement.
In other words, they kept this damn anti-inflation thing going
so long and, you know, with all this fine tuning that they talk about
in economic terms, they fine-tune to the point where it takes months
and sometimes years before you can come up again.

So they anti-

inflated like murder and now they're caught up in a sort of spiral of
unemployment.
ID. other^wordsO'theiyxslow-down ithe economy so much that now you
can't make it pick up again.
GALE:

I see.

Okay, we're going to take a little break here,

and then we'll come back.
guest, M. Rene Levesque.

This is WMCA, Fred Gale here, and our
It's news time.
(News.announcements.)

Thank you,Steve.

Pardon me.

We'll open up the telephones, if

you have any questions for M. Levesque.

Our phone number is Plaza

9-1000, PL 9-1000, and the area code is 212, if you are out of the
area,

212, the area code, Plaza 9-1000.
This is, to me, a very interesting article.

Sunday Times.

It was in the

I know you say that there were quite a few things

that were left out, as far as you're concerned.
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, well, I think—look, I met the guy who wrote

it, what's his name, Buckley, I think it is.
GALE:

I'd have to go back—

LEVESQUE:

I met him sometime, I think, not long after the

�17.

kidnapings, before the end of October, anyway.
early December.

So this comes out

The background on Trudeau, especially, because it's

basically a profile on Trudeau, I suppose is alright.

I know Trudeau

from way back and, you know, it sounds authentic.
But the facts and the interpretation, let's say they're at least
a 1 ittle b i t passe .
GALE:

Alright.

A couple of things-that, when I talked to you

before, I mentioned and I thought might be interesting to people is,
number,l,the feeling of Quebeckers generally toward England, toward
the Crown, toward the Queen.

What sort of allegiance or alliance is

there?-allegiance, I guess, is the word.
LEVESQUE:

Look, among French people in Quebec, we couldn't care

less about the Crown; we just ignore it.

I mean, to us it's, you

know, it's part of an old colonial set-up, and since the British like
to keep the trappings long after the real importance of .them has
gone, and it's part of the British tradition, nobody1is very rabid
about the monarchy 5 we just couldn't care less.
I mean, young English Canadians, more or less, feel the same.
If you still have the Queen, theoretically, you know, as the head
of state in Canada it's mostly on account of the dodbe£; that still
lie around all over the place.
GALE:

What about the educational system, sir?

Is French taught

as the first language in Quebec, or is English taught?
LEVESQUE:

No, it's—in other words, it's supposed to be an

equi 1 ibrium—we both have--in other words, there's the French system

003788

�18.

which teaches English as the second language, there's an English
system that's supposed to teach French as the second language.

I

say Supposed'because since -- I gave you the G.M. example -- since
they don't really need--they control the economic life, or most of
it, they have their own family compact among English-speaking
families, you know, the good families in business;, they don't really
need French, so they don't exert themselves at learning it.
GALE:

But aren't there some English-speaking families there

that —-isn't there a small movement that--1 guess you can call it a
radical movement that supports your idea of separatism for Quebec?
LEVESQUE:

No.

There are different little groups among younger

people, especially on college campuses and places like that, especially among the Jewish community, which is very important in Montreal,
over 100,000 people.
It's a funny thing.

At both extremes.

The Jews, you know,

they're pretty close to being weather vanes because they're so dan- •
gerously used to being the scapegoats in any kind of change.

So

the older Jewish group is usually rabidly against everything we
stand for and, you know, they just close their minds to it.

And the

younger Jewish generation, in other words, the growing one, seems
to be adapting to the idea of change.
So you have a generation gap there that's very interesting.
GALE:

Yeah, the whole thing is very interesting.

I don't see

how anybody can really survive totally in Quebec without speaking
French.

003789

�19.

LEVESQUE:

Well, you'd be surprised.

a sort of ghetto.

I said ghetto, and it is

Look, when you control business, most of the finan-

cial district, promotion is, you know, according to school tie or
to family contacts, and you're used to that for generations, and
inherited privilege, and inherited money helps, honestly, a lot of
people can go through their lives, and a lot do, without knowing a
bloody word of the language the natives speak around them.
GALE:

I see.

Well, I felt badly because I didn't speak French

when I was up there.
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Yeah, well, some people manage to control such feelings.

Well, luckily I had somebody with me who did, otherwise,

as I said, I don't see how anybody can get along.
LEVESQUE:

Look, sometimes they get very bitter when I say that,

our friends, you know, the English group in Quebec, but they are a
little bit like Rhodesians, you know.

There's no color line, you

don't see it, but it's the same thing, a few hundred thousand people
running a few million natives.
GALE:

But the thing that throws a lot of people off is that

Prime Minister Trudeau is French-speaking, and the head of the
country, not quite leader.
LEVESQUE:

Trudeau is not basically a French Canadian.

that's no criticism, it's just fact.
Trudeau.

Now,

Trudeau's name is Pierre Elliott

His mother was a Miss Elliott.

His father died when he was !

a baby, so he was brought up by a Scottish mother, and most of his
training goes back to London School of Economics and to British

I
'

003790

�20.

tradition, which Is—also is right.

But he's sort of a fraud as a

French Canadian.
GALE:

Was he not the editor of a French-speaking magazine at

one time?
LEVESQUE:

Yes, mostly because he had the money, but the real —

most of the writers were a team around him at that time, in the fifties.
GALE:

I was struck by the fact that the man who is more or less

his hand-picked successor at that particular magazine is now in jail,
charged with sedition, and a few other things.
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, well, Quebec is a rather—French Quebec is a

rather small, five or six million people, closely-knit society.

That's

why Trudeau had to be, and quite a few with him, really out of touch

f

to even play at imagining this idea of a revolution, or three thousand II
terrorists.

Everybody knew there had to be a dozen, three dozen,

something like that.
GALE:

'

You had to be really out of contact —

So, as I understand it then, M. Levesque, your party is

truly a people's party, is it not?
LEVESQUE:

Well, we are trying to make It that, and up to now

it has been that.
GALE:

Because one of the men that I met up there who was a --

what was he?
I forgot.

He worked with his hands, a mechanic or something.

You were speaking that night.

LEVESQUE:

In fact, the working-people ridings or wards in

Montreal were the ones where we elected all of our members in that
first election, so it's rather close to working —

003791

�21.

GALE:

If you had to predict a vote for your party in 19 —

what,

'7^, I guess it is, isn't it?
LEVESQUE:

No, there's no constitutional date for our elections.

It would be '7^ at the latest, but it probably will be faster than
that.
GALE:

That's right, the parliamentary system.

What — s o what

would you predict for a vote for your party, if you had to predict one?
LEVESQUE:

I'd say next time, and this could be the most poisonous

result, where we can't escape it--next time we could have a majority
of French Quebec.

In other words, fifty percent or more of the French

population, and yet, on account of the bloc' English-speaking vote,
not have a political, you know, government majority.
But then, you'd have that feeling throughout the French nation
in Quebec -- that's the way we see ourselves -- as their being blocked
by a sort of foreign body inside Quebec.
GALE:

That could be poisonous.

Well, many Canadians —

LEVESQUE:

1 think that's the minimum we could expect the next

t ime.
GALE:

Many Canadians—maybe 1 shouldn't use the word Canadians—

Quebeckers, I guess, that I talked to felt that Rene Levesque might
be the next Premier of Quebec.
LEVESQUE:

I don't know.

I'm not interested in that.

I'm forty-

eight, I had six years in our state government, about three-years'"of
building this party -- not three years, two and a half years -- and
I'm a newsman by trade, and I'd like to get back to my trade someday,

003792

�22.

but for the moment I 'm —
GALE:

That's right, you were a correspondent here in this

country for a while.
LEVESQUE:

Yeah, as a foreign correspondent I covered most of

the American activities from Korea to all your elections between 'k5
and '60, and conventions, and what have you.
GALE:

I see.

Let's take some telephone calls.

Plaza 9-1000,

the telephone number, and our guest, Rene Levesque, President of
Le Parti Quebecois of Quebec in Canada.
Hello, WMCA, you're on the air.
MAN:
GALE:
MAN:

Hello, I would like to direct my question to your guest.
Yes,sir, go ahead.
What is his opinion of the difference that would occur

in Canada with two separate states—at least Quebec being a separate
in relation
state, and all the rest of Canada/to each other, and in relation to
the United States?
LEVESQUE:

Well, the basic difference would be that Quebec

would have self-government.

In other words, to put it in a nut shell,

would have all its tax money, would have a new financial set-up that
would organize its banking system according to channeling its savings
at home, and have the government powers that go from not paying for
another government anymore.
Apart from that, we are proposing that Canada and Quebec keep
relationships.

Next door to Quebec, there's the big province of

Ontario, you know, which is a major state in Canada.

Now, Ontario

003793

�23.

has the sophisticated, let's call it that, industry, you know, anywhere from television, to electrical equipment, and automobiles, and
things 1i ke that.
One third and more of their market is in Quebec.

So in their

case it could be suicide; in our case it would hurt also, not to
have market arrangements.

Based on that, I think we could become

more or less like Norway or Sweden that did separate about fifty
years ago, and did it in a civilized way, and they're much better
neighbors now than they were as partners.
new.

We could become something
'

MAN:

Yes, the thing that bothers me though is the way this is

coming about 4- with "little unrest," in quotation marks—is that,
while they all need each other, all the states that might end up
separate, Ontario eventually, possibly, and Quebec, we hope, for
your sake»

is it at all possible—isn't it a little naive to think

that they would have diplomatic relations with each other and the
United States, and a working agreement in the near future?
LEVESQUE:

Well, look, it all depends on whether you gamble on

people being stupid, and cutting their own necks, or on people being
at least half civilized.

You know, a few years back even Singapore

managed to get peacefully cut off from the Malay Federation.

If

they can do it in Asia, and they have done it in Europe for ramshackles ,*political set-ups that don't satisfy people, why the hell
shouldn't we do it without twenty-five years of hostility?
MAN:

* Sic.

Well, we've seen bad things happening in relation to the

�2k.

Common Market in Europe; isn't it possible some sort of international
coup behind the scenes would develop in relation to the United States
which is —
LEVESQUE:

Oh, what do you mean?

Annexation, or something like

that?
MAN:
States?

Yes.

I don't mean—do you mean on the part of the United

No, I don't mean that.

I mean some pressure behind the

scenes might be discussed in relation between, say, Britain, Canada,
which would still be—Canada proper which would be the major body of
the whole area, at least if Quebec went first and Ontario didn't
follow too soon after.
LEVESQUE:

Well, look, I don't deal in mystery, and I'm no prophet.

All I know is there are — a s far as the United States is concerned,

,

there are about seven billion dollars of American money invested in

/

Quebec, and there's also, I think, something between one and two

j

billion dollars in Quebec bonds held on the American market.

So I

think there would be incentive, you know, if a democratic solution
came for peaceful settlement.
MAN:
GALE:

Thank you very much.
Okay, sir.

I wish you luck.

Thank you.

We'll be right back.

(Commercials.)
This is Fred Gale on WMCA, Dialogue Radio 57, Straus Communications in New Yorki our guest, Rene Levesque, President of Le Parti
Quebecois of Quebec.

Plaza 9-1000, the telephone number, if you

have any questions or comments for M. Levesque.

WMCA, hello?

003795

�25.

WOMAN:
GALE:
WOMAN:

Hello.
Yes, ma'am.
I would like to ask your guest this following question.

It seems to me that the people of Quebec have a self-imposed ghetto
that they have developed.

I cannot understand, having been there,

that people would sort-of cut their nose to spite their face.

Imagine,

having the opportunity to learn another language, whatever it would
bet

They live in the land, they are Canadians of French descent,

for that many years, and they make it a point of not—deliberately
not learning to speak English.
Now, if this gentleman says that all the English have the money,
they have actually cut themselves off from the bigger developments
by not being integrated in the country, and still maintaining their
own ethnic qualities, just as we have here in the United States.

We

have many states that have a peculiar ethnic quality about them,
the Pennsylvania Dutch, U Wisconsin, I think—
GALE:

Well, let M. Levesque reply to that, if you would, ma'am.

LEVESQUE:

My reply would be very simple, ma'am.

right off where you left off.

I'll start

You have Pennsylvania Dutch, and you

have Italians in New York, or Puerto Ricans —
WOMAN:

But they're Americans all.

LEVESQUE:

Yeah, they're all Americans for one basic reason, and

you can argue on that, but-.the: basfcsreason is there.

Everybody that

comes into the United States who.wants to integrate becomes Englishspeaking and tries to make it in the American melting pot.

That's

003796

�26.

one way of looking at things.
the start.

But in Canada it was different from
pot
We didn't accept the melting/ it wasn't imposed, maybe

it should've been 200 years ago, but it's too late now.
WOMAN:

Why —

LEVESQUE:

There are two groups — look, I'm sorry, but I'm talking

about facts, not about rewriting history.

There are two groups—a

few million people speak French, and they're mostly in Quebec.
comparison would be this.

The

Supposing from Texas to California you

had 30 percent of the United States, 70 million people from the last
census, who were Spanish speaking, had a Spanish tradition -- it
could've happened -- and —
WOMAN:

Well, we did have it.

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

No, it could've happened.

Well, we did have it.

LEVESQUE:

No, you didn't have one-third of your population-

look, let's not —
WOMAN:

Well, we have California, New Mexico, Texas, all Spanish-

speaking, who eventually became American citizens, and still are very
Span ish speaking.
LEVESQUE:

No, I'm sorry, they're not very Spanish-speaking, and

I was through the West.
WOMAN:

Well, we have Louisiana —

LEVESQUE:

Look, ma'am—no, Louisiana was given over by Napoleon,

and in the statutes it says they can still speak French-WOMAN:

Yes!

003797

�27.

LEVESQUE:
more.

--but they assimilated.

Now, they're not French any-

It's their God-given right to be something else.

In our case,

from the beginning there was a national group called French, and they
wanted to stay that way.
to remain that way.

Right or wrong, it's their God-given right

From there on you have quite a different set-up

from the American.
WOMAN:

Well, isn't it a little bit worse for them to have a

divided country so close to each other, with animosities and stuff,
that prevail in Europe?
LEVESQUE:

Look, ma'am, you're so right, in a sense, and so

comfortably sitting there telling us we should be different.

Look,

if people after 200 years, who should've maybe assimilated a couple
of centuries ago, haven't done it—they spend now to educate their
kids in French, and they want promotions in French, and they want
the jobs in French in Quebec, not elsewhere in Canada, just in Quebec.
And they want to run their own business.

Now, is that, you know, the

end of the world?
GALE:

I hope that answers her question.

Here's a commercial

message for you.
(Commercials.)
Plaza 9-1000 is the telephone number.

Hello, this is Fred Gale,

you're on the air.
WOMAN:
GALE:
LEVESQUE:

Hello, may I speak to M. Levesque?
Yes, ma'am, go ahead.
Yes, ma'am, speaking--I'm listening.

003798

�28-,.

WOMAN:

I would like to know—can you tell me, what is the

population of Canada?
LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

And how—what is the population of Quebec?

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

Just about six million.

Six million.

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

About twenty-just about twenty-one mi 1 1 ion .people .

Twenty-one to six million.

Well, no, six out of twenty-one.

Oh, six out of twenty-one.

Since there is a certain

attitude that the majority will prevail, don't you think that the
Quebec people should really prevail upon themselves to speak the
language of the country?
LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

The language of the country happens to be two languages.

Well, the language in this country is bi-lingual, because

in this particular country we are immigrants from all over the world.
LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

Well, what country are you talking about?

I'm talking — I 'm making an actual analogat ion(s ic) to

both countries.
LEVESQUE:

You say that the —
No, no, no, I'm awfully sorry.

I'm sorry to inter-

rupt you, but let's not start from false premises.
is English-speaking, period.

The United States

The —Canada, from the start, has accepted

the idea of two languages, but in our case we feel we got gypped.

But

the two languages are supposed to be official.
WOMAN:

I was under the impression that Canada at one time was

the dominionr-was supposed to be part of the United Kingdom.
LEVESQUE:

No, it was a colony of the British Empire.

003799

�29.

WOMAN:

It was a colony of the British Empire?

Well, what was

the language of the British Empire?
LEVESQUE:

The language of the British Empire officially, from

the top, was English.
WOMAN:

Well, the United States at one time was a colony of the

British Empi re, too.
LEVESQUE:

Well, look, alright, so was India.

ularly like speaking English.
WOMAN:

And so was Kenya, a n d —

But if you've —

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

They don't partic-

--what the hell, I mean, what —

This is not my main premise.

other—ask you another question.

I would like to make an-

That is one question, but, you know,

this business of language to me,' that is so unimportant.

It's a

nation that should b e — i t should be centralized, it should be a united
area, because it is part of—actually it's the Northern Hemisphere.
LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

Closely adjacent to the United States—

LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

Look, ma'am.

Look, ma'am, may I tell you something very frankly?

What?

LEVESQUE:

Very simply this.

I agree with a great man called

/

Toynbee that sometimes you get the impression that the most racist
people in the world are the Anglo-Saxon bloc's, because —they don't
even notice it, they've been dominant for so long, they run the world,
you know, from their point of view, that other people's di fferenoe makes
them kind of, you know—their difference is important because they're on

�30

top.

But other people's difference makes them kind of feel bad, you

know, this is not serious, this is not this, this is not that.

The

world is made up of different peoples, big, medium, small, that have
different languages, different cultures, and if they want to keep
them, now what the hell night have other people, including top dogs,
to say they shouldn't?
WOMAN:

If you had-rh'm in this country since the end of the

Second World War —
LEVESQUE:
WOMAN:

Good for you.

Alright, I speak a fairly good English because when I

came here, in order to assimilate into this population, I decided
that I wanted to become an American.
advantages this wonderful country has.

I take advantage of all the
I came out of the holocaust

of the German—wel 1 , if you know the hell that was there.

And I came

here with my husband, and we came here and we did not speak English,
neither my husband nor myself.

Now, he speaks a perfect English.

We

still retain the other language, but we are very proud to speak the
language of the country that we came t o —
GALE:
the point.
WOMAN:
GALE:

But, ma'am—this is Fred Gale.
Mr .—

I 'm only here twenty-two years —
M. Levesque is saying —

LEVESQUE:
GALE:

I think you're missing

Look, ma'am—

--you can't compare what's happening in Quebec with the

United States.

�31.

LEVESQUE:

--if I come to the United States as an immigrant?-I

worked with the American forces during that war you're talking about.
I know how you—what you're talking about.
WOMAN':' We looked —
LEVESQUE:

Alright, look, if I come to the United States—or

when I was with U.S. forces as a very junior correspondent, I spoke
English.

You don't expect anything else, you assimilate.

it's different.

In Canada,

Now, if you know anything about Canada, it's a bit

like Belgium, if you know Europe.
French, some people speak Flemish.

In Belgium, some people speak
Now, who the hell is going to tell

them they should change over, you know, and assimilate into one group
or the other?
WOMAN:

It's their God-given right to remain what they

are.

Yes, but don't you see, M. Levesque, that the language

is such an insignificant part of the —
LEVESQUE:

No,''ma'am, I don't believe that.

I believe language

is not an insignificant part of any nation.
WOMAN:

But why can't a country become bilingual and —

LEVESQUE:

Look, ma'am, you're going to end up with a mankind

that will look like homogenized baby food, with your kind of reasoning.
WOMAN:

Perhaps —

LEVESQUE:

The Chinese like to speak Chinese.

We may have to

^

learn it some day.
GALE:

Listen, let's not belabor the point, ma'am.

I think,

you know, you've gotten your answer at least four times already.
Hello, this is Fred Gale.

Hello?

003802

�32.

MAN:
GALE:
MAN:
GALE:
MAN:

Hello?

} ••.

Yes, sir, you have a question.
Hello?
Yes, hello.
I'd like to ask Mister Levesque a question of fact, and

perhaps one of opinion, in a moment.

The question of fact is, what

is the relative strength of the provincial parties in Quebec now,
say, as represented by the last popular elections?
LEVESQUE:
two bases.

The relative strength is very simply put this way on

One, the basis of seats' the Liberal government, which is

a sort of provincial extension of the same Liberal party that holds
office at the federal level -- like Democrats here, or Republicans -the Liberal government has 71 seats right now; the National Union,
Which is the opposition party, the former government, have about 16
of them} the Cieditistq which is a sort of rural group, and ourselves,
have 10 and 7 respectively.
On the other hand, on account of the map, if you look at popular
vote, the Liberals got kS percent to get the 71 seats, we got 2k
cent

per-

to get 7 seats, the National Union got 20 percent to get about

16 seats, and the other bunch got 10 percent.

That's the relative

strength on both bases.
MAN:

How does that compare with the previous election?

LEVESQUE:

In the previous election, the so-called separatists

ran two groups that were not too well organized, and got about 8 percent of the vote.

This time we had a party in all ridings—we got

�33.

about one quarter of the vote.
MAN:

Could I also ask you what's your opinion of Trudeau's

invoking of the War Measures Act?
LEVESQUE:

I think it was lousy.

I think it was blowing up out

of all proportion something which we now know from the facts, and
everybody knew who was in contact in Quebec, was a very marginal,
fringe group of punks, mostly, that wouldn't justify in any way
putting a whole population under martial law, which is what it was.
GALE:

Another thing, sir, if 1 may interject this, most of the

terrorist acts were taking place in the province of Quebec-O
MAN:

Yeah.

GALE:

--but you'll notice the War Measures Act was invoked for

the whole country, for all of Canada, so a lot of people in the
western regions wondered what the heck is it being imposed in this
area for?
LEVESQUE:

Which also made the feeling a little more bitter than

usual against Quebec, you know, on account of those bum French —
MAN:

Why do you think Trudeau did it?

LEVESQUE:

I think it's, in part, a panic reaction, in part, a

cold calculation to try and disrupt opposition in Quebec, because they
feel, you know, the opposition to the structure itself of federal
Canada is growing stronger—
MAN:

But his party won the last election, which would seem to

suggest that his strength was increasing rather than decreasing,
wouldn't it?

003804

�34.

LEVESQUE:

No, I'm sorry to say that Mr. Trudeau, for instance,

talked about us a few years ago as a particle, you know, a play on
words, party being a particle?
MAN:

Yeah.

LEVESQUE:

When,they ended up with.-- in spite of all the scare

tactics and everything they could use, and money was no object

—

with seeing 25 percent, or just about a quarter of the population of
Quebec, and one-third of the French people, voting foi—to opt out,
they got a panic reaction.
GALE:

Listen, I'm going to have to interrupt, sir.

Thank you for

the cal 1 .
MAN:
GALE:

Thank you.
Right.

M. Levesque, one last question.

I'm wondering,

as in this country we have the Democrats at one time, and the McCarthy
forces in the last election, talking about the youth movement behind
them, where are

the young people in Quebec mostly?

Are they behind

the Parti Quebecois, or Trudeau, or what?
LEVESQUE:

The ones that are at all active politically are all

with us, or practically, 90 percent, which is the wave of the future,
I think, to make us confident.

The rest of the young people, the

ones who—you know, the high school dropouts, and people like that —
let's not exaggerate this idea of youth being monolithic.

They're

all split up the way the adults are.
GALE:

But you would say you have a majority of the young people

behind your party?

003805

�35.

LEVESQUE:

The ones with more education, and are active or in-

terested in politics, we have a massive majority.
GALE:

I noticed many, many young people when I first met you

up there, and that's the reason for the question.

M. Levesque,

thank you very much for taking the time.
LEVESQUE:
GALE:

Thanks a lot.

I know you're busy now, and you have to go and catch a

plane.
LEVESQUE:

Yes, it's flying, because we had a storm yesterday

in Montreal.
GALE:

Oh, that's right.

LEVESQUE:
GALE:

But thank you very much for coming by.

Thanks a lot.

Certainly appreciated it.

Parti Quebecois of Quebec.

M. Levesque, President of Le

And I hope you learned something from

that conversation, and the questions.

###

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