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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Ac^^mW
Document divulgue
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COPY HO.* OF 10 COPIES

^ % &gt; T ' ^ T3 SECR2I TOP SECRET
£yUa * SECRET
; March 22, 1950.

*

ADVISORY PANEL ON ATOMIC SNERQY
Minutes of Meeting held In Privy Council Committee Room on
Tuesday, March 21, 1950, at 11 a. m.
Present:

Mr. N. A. Robertson - In the Ghalr
(Secretary to the Cabinet),
Honourable L. B. Pearson
(Secretary of State for External Affairs),
General the Honourable A.G-.L. McNaughton
(Canadian Permanent Delegate to the
Atomic Energy Commission),
Dr, G. J. Mackenzie
(President, National Research Council),
Dr. 0. M. Solandt
(Chairman, Defence Research Board),
Mr. Escott Held
(Acting Under-Secretary of State for
External Affairs).
James £eorge - Acting Secretary

J-

INTERNATIONAL CONTROL OF ATOMIC ENERflY

1.
The Pftnel considered a wording paper dated
March 18 prepared in the Department of External Affairs reviewing the Canadian Government's position on the international
control of atomic energy.
2.
General McNaughton thought that the Panel should
begin with an examination of the technical factors involved
before considering far-reaching recommendations* He asked in
the first place for the opinion of Dr. Mackenzie and Dr. Solandt
on the hydrogen bomb, and how it might be expected to effect the
prdblem of international control*
had
3«
Dr. Mackenzie and Dr. Solandt/formed the general
impression from talking to both U.S. and U.K. officials and
scientists, that, while President Truman*s decision that the
United States would endeavour to make a hydrogen bomb had
radically affected public opinion on the subject of international control and might have created a new "political eraw,
a new technical era had not In fact begun, as the United
States Atomic Energy Commission had been working for many
months on the problem of a fusion bomb and there was no indication that there had been a radical change in their programme or
budget, but only a greater emphasis on this aspect of their
programme* There was, in fact, some indication that U.S,
thinking on the problems of fusion hade not advanoed very far,
and there were certainly very great difficulties to be overcome
before a fusion reaction could be achieved. The scientists did
not, in any case, foresee the sudden development of a hydrogen
bomb with a release of energy enormously greater than that of
a fission reaction: rather, they expected the development of
a series of bombs, all with a core of fissionable material,
using progressively larger quantities of fuslonable material.
**•
In these circumstances, Mr. Pearson said, it
appeared unlikely that the United States could re-establish, by
../2

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�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

- 2TOe development of hydrogen bombs, the same sort of lead in
atomic weapons which had acted as a deterrent while the U.S.
monopoly remained unbroken. Insofar as U.S. policy was based
on the assumption of the continuing deterrent value of atomic
superiority on the side of the United States, it might prove
to be ill-founded.
5.
* Qnneral McNaughton said that all his conversations
with U.S. scientific and military people had led him to the
conclusion that the U.S. margin of superiority in atomic
weapons was today greater than it had ever been, and that the
Russians had a very long way 'to go, from their nuclear explosion,
to the production of a stockpile of bombs*
6.
Mr. Reid observed that the deterrent value of
atomic superiority on our side was based on the Russian assessment of our stockpile and. potential, as against theirs, and it
was just as important as a deterrent for the Russians to believe
that the United States had a great margin of superiority as it
was to possess such a margin in fact. Dr. Mackenzie pointed
out, however, that if Fuchs had told the Russians all he knew,
they would have had a very good appraisal of the U.S, atomic
position at the end; of the war*
7.
Mr. Pearson concluded that there was no technical
information which would lead to any radical change in government policy on international control* Although the technical
position may not have changed, he said, public opinion believed
that it had, and was exerting pressure on governmentsfeo,do
something towards reaching international agreement as soon as
possible. At the last Assembly, Mr. Vishinsky had made many
ambiguous statements — about the veto and about inspection,
for example — b y means of which the Russians had been cultivating the impression that they were making concessions which
&amp;e had turned down. We should be playing into their hands If
we allowed the issue of atomic energy control to lie dormant*
The only way to pin down the Russians and expose their position
was to get them to resume negotiations. - He wondered whether
it would not be wise to suggest that, if the Six-Power Talks
in the United Nations oould not be resumed until the question
of Chinese representation had been settled, the other five
permanent members of the Atomic Energy Commission, including
the Soviet representative, should meet informally, in much the
same way as the representatives of the five Western countries
had been meeting ad hoc throughout the Six-Power Talks*
8#

General McNaughton said that before any decision
was taken on this suggestion, we should consult with our
partners in London and Washington. He added that he did not
see how we could retain the support, at the Fifth Session of
the General Assembly, of all the States that had gone along
with us at"the Fourth Session, unless the Atomic Energy Commission had met and brought up to date the majority plan. He
thought it was essential to write into the plan the revisions
which he had indicated at the last Assembly were generally
accepted by the leaders of the majority, so that the plan
would reflect the latest thinking on this subject and be
• completely up to date*
9*
Mr. Pearson doubted that the Soviet Union would
accept the majority plan, even if it were somewhat revised as
General McNaughton had In mind. He suggested that we should
.../3

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a finformation

- 3J R e another serious look at (i) our conception of international ownership and (11) at ways and means of gaining
international agreement for a qualified prohibition on the
use of atomio weapons.* As regards ownership, he wondered
whether we could not abandon the concept Altogether If we
were to get a satisfactory system of Inspection.
10•
Oeneral MoNauefoton agreed that the term
"ownership" was undesirable and was broader In Its meaning
than what the majority now had in mind, which was perhaps
better expressed by his term *hold in trust". However, he
did not see how any system of inspection could be satisfactory
If control of major Installations were not vested In the
international agency.
11.
Mr. Held wondered whether, If we believe that the
Russians would not accept the majority plan and the United
States oould not safely give up her stockpile of bombs for
anything less, some more limited bargain might not be reached
In the interim in exchange for Soviet acceptance of a scheme
that went no further than inspection. Would the U.S. be
prepared, for example, Mr. Pearson added, to give up direct
control of its stockpile of bombs In exchange for agreement on
International inspection alone?
12.
Mr. Reid said that he felt any proposal for some
sort of self-denying ordinance would be very difficult for
the United States to oppose and that It was, therefore,
desirable to have more to show to the next General Assembly
than simply a majority plan brought up to date. If we did
not propose something that we would be prepared to accept,
others might seriously embarrass us by asking us to go much
further than we could.
13.

After further discussion, the Pa.nel agreed that:• (a) Mr. Pearson would ask Mr. Wrong and Mr. Wilgress
to.sound out the U.S. and U.K. authorities as to
the desirability of suggesting that, until the
Six-Power Talks could be resumed with Chinese
representation acceptable to all, the Five-Powers
should meet Informally to discuss atomic energy
control: If the Soviet Union were to turn down
such an invitation, we should at least have shown
out good faith in wanting to resume negotiations;
if the Russians were to accept, we should have an
opportunity of exposing their so-called "concessions".
(b) % should also suggest to the U.S. and U.K.
authorities the desirability of planning to hold
meetings of all members of the United Nations
Atomic Energy Commission, commencing early In the
summer, so that we should have had an opportunity
of bringing the majority plan up to date before
the next General Assembly,

J* George,
Acting Secretary.

000118

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