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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act -

Defence W.ttiflffitf&amp;W'kt£/W''""" 6 l'information
TOP SECRET

Hi

Hovember 8 , 1949*

MEMORANDUM F O E MR.
M v i s o r y P a n e l on Atomic Energy November 9, 1949 m e e t i n g .

EXTERNAL AFFA*Ri RECORDS
Fife m.

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4

teM MM.?l.f\M
A. Three-Power Partnership

Mr. Robertson wishes to confine the agenda largely to
a discussion of the tripartite talks which are to resume in Washingtonpgj
about November 20 - not November 14 as we thought last week.
^^
2.
Before we left Washington in September, it was agreed
^-* js-g
that we could not go further until we were sure that we had the
^j
approval in principle of our respective governments to the conclusion S^ 3 i££j
of what amounts to a partnership for thejaost efficient production
gy» ^ ^
of, at omicjgeapons that the U.K., U.S. and Canada can achieve together. f»r? J ^
The U.S.'officials are obviously as anxious to escape the restrictive £^S&gt;
clauses of the McMahon Act as the British and ourselves are to have a 59 C*
much greater flow of technical information. There was in Washington
a general recognition, expressed quite bluntly by such American
scientists as Dr. Bacher, that the U.S. atomic energy programme
«=3
needed the cross-fertilization of ideas that it could only have by
going back to the sort of imtimate co-operation that existed during
the war and was interrupted by the McMahon Act. Having once had the
experience of such a sudden shift in U.S. policy as occurred in 1946,
however, the British in particular are most anxious that an agreement
for a renewal of the partnership should not take the form merely of
a relaxation in the McMahon Act but should be spelt out in some form
or other in considerable detail and specifically should give the British
and_Canadian scientists access to jaLLl phases of ^eapoa development_and
relatecTresearch in atomic energy~in the broaJSest terms."
3.
So far as Canada i s concerned, our problem i s a g r e a t
deal simpler than t h a t of t h e U.K. because we are not making bombs
n o r , as a matter of p o l i c y , do we f e e l t h e "need-to-know". We do want
a great deal more information on basic research than we have been
g e t t i n g . We also want t o expand, our_at omlc_energy_ pro j ect by t h e
construction of a second p i l e . We want t o be as sure as we can t h a t
t h e U.S. w i l l buy, at arTeconomic p r i c e , t h e plutonium t h a t our second
and"larger p i l e would produee.
. . . .2

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m

4.
In more general terms, the proposed partnership on
atomic energy weapon development would form an important„par,t_pf
our contributlon^toJ/he.North Atlantlc_alliance«' We have the finest
research pile in the world and our production of uranium ore is still
second only to that of the Belgian Congo. In research and supply,
therefore, we have played an important part during and since the
war in the development of the most potent strategic weapon that the
North Atlantic alliance now possesses. It is surely in the interests
not only of Canada but of our North Atlantic partners that we should
continue to contribute our brains, effort and materials to assure that
we retain atomic superiority until some form of international control
has been agreed upon. The urgency of the race and the secrecy of the
weapon are the greatest arguments for integrating the U.S., U.K. and
Canadian programmes, and excluding all others from anything to do with
weapon development.
5.
The partnership proposed will probably involve certain
commitments on the part of the Canadiaa Government. These are discussed
in Mr. Wrong's telegram WA-2937 of October 21, a copy of which is
attached.
6.
I should like to add a few foot-notes to Mr. Wrong's
telegram, point by point, referring to the numbers of his paragraphs:

y

2. An agreement to employ existing production facilities to their
maximum and to limit construction of new facilities in the U.K.
will not interfere with the construction of a second Canadian
pile. Our plans were frankly discussed in Washington with U.S.
and U.K. officials who agreed that we should continue our experiments on a larger scale with heavy water reactors,-experiments which
Canada had undertaken at the request of the Combined Policy
Committee during the war at a time when the prospect of anything
useful being discovered through heavy water piles was not particularly bright. Our second pile will not be regarded as a
production pile, although it will be in fact of high power
rating, and the U.S. will, we may be sure, continue to buy all
the plutonium that we can make and very probably at a favourable
price, as the efficiency of our projected pile is greater than
the efficiency of any existing U.S. piles.
3.
The allocation of raw materials produced in the U.S. and
Canada has not been included in the discussion of Congo allocation
as it has never come under the terms of the U.S. and U.K. Combined
Development Agency Agreement 1m dividing Congo production on a
... .3
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50-50 basis. ThereforeJiirt agreement that the U.S. should
receive not less than 90$ of raw materials during the next
five years refers to the production of materials from sources
outside Canada and the U.S.
4* We have a major interest in seeing that the partnership
does not give us 1 7 ori!y&gt; ,c information on atomic energy weapon
development in the narrow sense but that we shall have informationon basic research and engineering techniques and civil defence
against attack on the atomic weapons, as well as intelligence on
Soviet progress. This is particularly important to us as we are
not engaged in bomb production.
5. and 6. The question of storage in Canada of bombs made from
U.K. plutonium production presents pernap's the most difficult
constitutional problem. Presumably the Canadian Government would
want to have storage facilities under its jurisdiction and provide
the Armed Jbrces and at least some of the technicians for guard
duties and maintenance. My impression in Washington was that the
U.K. officials were less interested in this possibility than we
might have expected, having in mind the inevitable lapse of time
necessary between an act of aggression and a declaration of war
by Congress. The idea of storing bombs in Canada was in fact put
forward, in the first instance, by the U.S. side who, I suppose,
felt that it would appeal to the U.K. officials. Not only is the
problem somewhat remote as no facilities could possibly be needed
in Canada for several years, but I should think that our existing
commitments under the North Atlantic Treaty would make it less
likely that the U.K. would be involved in a major war for more
than a few days before the U.S. and Canada had also declared war,
and in the interval the number of bombs stored in the U.K. for
immediate use would probably have been sufficient.
7. The provision of base facilities is even less likely to be
an immediate problem, although we might have to enlarge the airfield adjacent to our storage depot to enable U.K. atomic bombers
to land, load and take off, if we do agree to provide storage
facilities in Canada.
8. We have heard nothing further of the Kennan proposal that the
President should be given authority by J o i n t ^ ^ of Congress to / Resolution
enter into an executive agreement with the U.K. and Canada which
would in effect relax the provisions of the McMahon Act, but we
would, presumably, agree to whatever procedure the U.S. found
politically feasible.

».»*4
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9. and 10. I think we should give careful attention to the form
in which our partnership is presented to the other countries ot
the North Atlantic alliance and to the United Nations. To our
North Atlantic partners we can, I think, carry convietion when we
say that the continuation of our.wartime programme offers us the
best chance of keeping our lead. To the United Nations we should,
I believe, have some document setting forther in very general terms
I the character of the. partnership, and this should be registered
(in accordance with Article 102 of the Charter. To say as the
Foreign Office officials do that because the sanction provided in
Article 102 is not severe surely does not mean that we would be
acting in a manner quite contrary to the Charter if we failed to
register our agreement. The secret sections of the agreement can,
of course, be put in the form of an annex or any other way that
would not need to be registered or made public. I suppose an
analogy can be drawn between the registration of the North Atlantic
Treaty with the United Nations and the secret military planning
that is now going forward.
B. United Nations.

•yN^

ay)p\*f&gt;~iy»Jk
7.
It may not be necessary or proper to discuss at tomorrow's
meeting the course of the atomic energy debate which began yesterday
in the ad hoc committee of the United Nations. Urom a policy point
of view, the Eoraulo proposals, of whieh a copy is attached, will force
a discussion of possible compromise solutions involving a relaxation
of the control proposals of the majority-plan byt no less rigorous
inspection* The sort of proposal that is suggested in point 4* of
General Romulo's letter would make it impossible to carry on effective
research on the power potentials of atomic energy, but it may be
considered necessary to forego the benefits of atomie power for
peaceful purposes for a number of years in the more immediate interest
of securing some scheme on which international agreement could be
reached, and the ownership features of the majority plan for control
have certainly been the principal stumbling block for the Russians,
although I think it is very questionable whether they will ever accept
even the inspection clauses of the majority plan. The whole question
will require considerably more study from a scientific point of view.

000221

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