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Canada of war on
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Draft paper on Iwli cations for MENA and

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THE WAR AGAINST TERRORISM AND TE E MIDDLE EAST

The war against terrorism is likely to contain two principal elements. The first involves the
US response to the attack itself, focussing on those who did it and those who supported them.
The second element involves the promised wider war on terrorism in general. It is likely that
the US will be given the widest latitude in responding directly to the attacks. ||||||||||||||

While it is not yet clear how either element will play out, there is little doubt that all of the
countries in the Middle ~bast will be
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potential allies in the effort to root out terrorists. Given the existence of Islamist groups in all
of the countries in the region,

Moreover, old disputes about the definition of a terrorist are likely to cause problems even for
those states who are willing to cooperate in the war on terrorism. While few countries in the
region support the kind of nihilist, anti-Western, Islamic isolationism espoused by bin Laden
(some of the “streets” do however),

The implications for the countries in the region - in both the US response and wider war
efforts- and Canada’s relations with them are likely to be different for each, depending on
their level of involvement in either the attack or with terrorism in general. The days of
business as usual are over.
THE “SPONSORS”

IRAN
The implications for Iran of any US response to the attack and the new wider war on
terrorism are potentially far-reaching. Apart from the humanitarian emergency on its border
as a result of an expected massive influx of new Afghan refugees adding to the 2 million
currently cared for by Iran, Iran has been consistently identified by the USA as a state
sponsor of terrorism (being cited as the “most active” state sponsor in 2000). Tehran can
expect that the spotlight will increasingly shine on the support they provide to groups like
Hamas and Hezbollah.

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The absence of any direct Iranian involvement could open the door to increased Iranian-US
cooperation in moving against Afghanistan given the commonality of interests in replacing
the Taliban and there have been signs of some openness on the US.'
The UK Foreign Secretary
has already visited Tehran, reportedly, to discuss developments with the Iranian leadership.
Nonetheless, Iran’s record on terrorism and bilateral tensions (including Tehran’s opposition
to the Middle East Peace Process which is, in part, manifested by support for Hamas and
Hezbollah) will likely limit any joint efforts. US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage
told the North Atlantic Council, the “you can’t cherry7 pick terrorism” and i
Iranian opposition to cooperation
will also be hard to overcome. The conservative/clerical establishment still abhor the “Great
Satan” and even the reformers will be reluctant to associate themselves with an undertaking
that may take on the guise of an anti-Islamic crusade.
The wider war on terrorism is aiso problematic.

Iran rejects the charge that it is a sponsor of terrorism, viewing the US designation as
politically motivated. They see themselves as victims of Iraq-based Mujahedin-e Khalq
(MEK) terrorism (which is true) and see no connection between their support for Palestinian
resistance groups and terrorism.

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An Iraqi connection to the events on September 11 remains a possibility. Iraq has been
consistently cited by the US as a state sponsor of terrorism (largely directed at its own
dissidents, however)
Almost from the outset of the crisis, an Iraqi link as been the
focus of considerable press speculation, led largely by former CIA Director James Woolsey
who has noted a previous, largely under-reported, Iraqi link to the 1993 World Trade Centre
bombing.

Effective targeting of Iraq in the wider war on terrorism could prove difficult. Iraq is already
under tough international sanctions and, despite recent limited diplomatic victories, is still
largely isolated. Some diplomatic roll back would be possible, but that would only serve to
return Iraq to a position they have been in for much of the past 10 years. We would expect a
reaffirmed commitment to sanctions enforcement (like MIF patrols in the Gulf in which
Canada participates) in an effort to dry up funds and materials destined, perhaps, for
terrorists. More stringent efforts to track terrorist funding internationally could also have an
impact by capturing some of Iraq’s smuggling revenues in the net.

Canada’s relations with Iraq are limited and would be largely unaffected by any kind of
targeting of Iraq. We have no resident Embassy and trade is minimal. While business people

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are increasingly interested, the numbers remain small. Some Canadians, sympathetic to Iraq.

SYRIA
A Syrian connection to the attacks is unlikely, although, again, links between groups
supported by Syria and those involved are possible. Syrian support for terrorist groups is tied
to the Arab-Israeli dispute (with the return of the Golan the key objective) and involves
mostly Palestinian rejectionist groups opposed to the peace process. Syria’s support for
terrorist groups extends to Lebanon.
Syria as been openly sympathetic to the US in the wake of the attacks and have indicated a
willingness to cooperate, but Damascus rejects all charges of state sponsorship of terrorism,
viewing the Palestinian groups as legitimate resistance movements. State terrorism, they note,
is the purview of Israel. IBlllllllllllllllllllllM

If Syria is targeted for isolation in the war on terrorism the implications for Canada, directly,
are limited. Our presence in Syria and our commercial interests are small,

LIB YA

Since the UN suspended its sanctions against Libya, after Tripoli handed over the two
individuals suspected in the Lockerbie terrorist bombing of flight Pan-Am 103, the West has
developed its ties with Libya and Qadhafi has concentrated its energy on Africa, with some
success. He has continued to attract attention by his usual un-traditional way of doing
business. Libya’s efforts to distance itself from its past support for terrorism has been
acknowledged and has been highlighted by President Mubarak.

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The Libyan leader appears to be positioning Libya to join an .Arab-Muslim position to combat
terrorism through the convening of an international conference.

Although Canada has had diplomatic relations with Libya since 1968 we have only just
recently opened an embassy in Tripoli to sendee a growing political engagement and
significant commercial interests.

“UNWITTING SAFE HARBOURS’’

YEMEN
Yemeni nationals have been linked to the attacks on September 11 and bin Laden’s Al-Qaida

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group has long been active in Yemen.
Yemeni authorities will be expected
to redouble their efforts to root out the terrorist networks present and active in the country7.
Given the tribal nature of the country7 and the limited reach of the central Government outside
the major cities, that will be a very7 tali order for President Saleh.

President Saleh has actively cultivated improved ties with the US (West) for many years and
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Canada’s relations with Yemen continue to grow at a modest rate. During his official visit to
Canada last year. President Saleh expressed an interest in working with Canada on issues
such as terrorism, security, and arms smuggling. ’;

THE “MODERATES”

EGYPT
. Egypt has fought its own
brutal war against political Islam and terrorism for decades and has been championing
coordinated international action and, recently a UN Conference on terrorism in 2002 .

Irrespective of how much legitimacy is ultimately attached to the exercise, internal tensions
are likely in Egypt

Overall, instability m the region and Egypt in particular win
have an overall economic impact.

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JORDAN
Jordan unlikely to be implicated in the attack and will be viewed as an important ally in the
wider war on terrorism. Jordan has been used by terrorist groups in the past and Amman has
good intelligence on various groups which, according to recent statements to the press by
Kins Abdullah, they have shared with the west to good effect.

Again, progress on the peace process will make it easier for Jordan to join the coalition and
bring other Arab/Islamic countries along. Jordan has been a valuable interlocutor for Canada
on MEPP issues and on the Human Security front and there are opportunities to move these
agendas along in the current context.
SAUDI ARABIA
While Saudi nationals are among the suspects in the attack and individual

The Al-Saud regime itself is a principal target of bin Laden and
is has long been concerned about the impact radical Islam could have on the Kingdom's
internal stability7.
Saudi Arabia will be expected to play
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KUWAIT
Kuwaiti leaders and government officials have publicly expressed their condolences,
condemned the terrorist attacks and offered Kuwaiti support in creating an international
coalition to combat terrorism. While in the past

In general, public support for the US continues. There has been little tolerance by Kuwaiti
authorities for displays of anti-American sentiment. Like in other countries in the region,
there is a great deal of trepidation about the American reaction and what the fallout will be,
creating rising tensions.

Canada’s relations with Kuwait are good but have been low profile for several years. Canada
was the fourth largest non- Arab contributor to the coalition that liberated Kuwait, however
for our support. Canada’s relations with Kuwait are
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UAE. BAHRAIN. QATAR. OMAN
Leaders in the United Arab Emirates. Bahrain, Oman and Qatar have all condemned the
attacks, expressed their condolences, and have affirmed their support for the US and
international efforts to combat terrorism. All of the Gulf states have their own concerns about

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the impact radical Islam could have on their internal stability.

Trade dominates Canada’s relations with the UAE, Bahrain, Oman and Qatar, however our
commercial interests remain small. As is the case with other countries in the region, should
the war on terrorism turn into a war on Arabs and Muslims, backlash from these countries
against Canada and Canadian interests would be economic.

ALGERIA
Algeria has already expressed strong support for a coalition to combat terrorism given the
government’s long standing struggle to maintain order within its own borders. Algeria has
been plagued with fundamentalist terrorist activity for over a decade. Its problem has also
been exported with a direct connection with the Ben Laden group.

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Canada has significant commercial interests in Algeria given that it is one of our main trading
partners in the Middle East. Canada a main destination for Algerian immigration and there is

TUNISIA. MOROCCO
Morocco and Tunis are unlikely to be either principal players or targets in the war on terrorism.

For both countries, the principal concern is that instability in the region could have profound
economic consequences especially on the tourism industry7 upon which each of them depends
for a considerable portion of national revenues.
THE “REGIONAL PROTAGONISTS”

ISRAEL
Israelis no doubt feel vindicated by the talk of a war on terrorism. It is a war, they would
arsue., they have been fighting alone for much of the past 50 years.

Israel will have the clear backing of its population to join the international fight,

s 77 ' 77 77 7 Renewed violence,
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Canada does have a role in supporting the
resumption of peace talks and in counselling Israeli restraint, while working with Israel in the
war on terrorism. Tension in the region will be manifested in Israel and Canadians will be at
risk. On the commercial side a reduction appears unavoidable, but increased regional tension
could increase the size of the capital pool available for outward investment in the high tech
sector (currently estimated at $ 1 billion) with Canada a logical and safe market.
PALESTINIANS

Palestinians will need to hear that the war is not against Palestinian rights but against the
activities of certain Palestinian groups and we will need to work on the ground to demonstrate
that this is indeed the case.

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de la Loi sur I’acces a (’information

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