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                  <text>SECRET (CO

s.15(1)

MND SPEAKING POINTS FOR
CABINET DISCUSSION OF

THE TERRORIST ATTACK ON THE RS.

SEPTEMBER 18, 2001
•

My comments tills morning will cover five key areas:
• Defence activities in the aftermath of this attack;
• The assistance Canada has offered to the V.S.;
• Our domestic capacity to deal with serious disasters;
• The potential implications of this attack on Canada-U^. defence
relations;
• And finally, the wider international defence implications of this
terrorist act.

•

Since the attack on Tuesday, my Department has taken several steps in
response.

•

First, the Canadian Forces worked with the ILS. in NORAD to monitor
and control North American airspace.

•

While this task is part of normal routine, we assigned additional aircraft
to NORAD, placed them on a higher slate of alert and dispersed them
across the country.

•

Eight additional CF-18s were assigned to NORAD, bringing our total
commitment to twelve.
landed in Whitehorse.

•

Second, we hove assisted other agencies including Customs, Jmmigraliuu
and the Canadian Security and Intelligence Service.

•

CF aircraft have ferried blankets and cuts to eastern airports to deal with
diverted aircraft and passengers. DND facilities have also been used to
house stranded passengers.

•

Finally, the Canadian Forces were placed on alert and CF military
Intelligence lias been assisting its U.S. counterparts.

•

On Wednesday my Deputy made a formal offer to the ILS. authorities in
Washington of resources that could assist in post-attack efforts.

•

•

The offer included resources from my department. Health Canada,
Transport Canada, the RCMP as well a« provincial and nongovernmental medical resources and some private sector capabilities.
The newly created Office of Critical Infrastructure Protection and
Emergency Preparedness is maintaining a detailed listing of equipment,
expertise and services that could assist (he U.S.
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? 'CO

000114

�SECRET (CO

•

It is also playing a coordinating role nation-wide and is working closely
with the U.S. Federal Emergency Management Agency.

•

To this point the U.S. has not made any specific request of us for
humanitarian or recovery assistance.

•

These operational issues, while significant, are relatively straightforward.

•

In my view, the harder part of the equation will be dealing with the
potential implications for Canada-U^. defence relations, our own crisis
response capacity and for the international security environment.

•

What can we expect on the bilateral level?

•

This event will become a defining moment in Canado-L-S. defence
relations. Our long-stated commitment to jointly protect North
American security win be tested.

•

There is no doubt that the U.S. focus on the defence of its homeland is
now at its sharpest. How Canada responds will come under intense
scrutiny.

•

I believe that bilateral security discussions for the foreseeable future will
be dominated by the “homeland defence” issue.

•

Here, Canada can expect to come under significant pressure. The U.S.
will wont to treat North America as a single defensive space.

•

If tliis comes t&lt;i pass, from a security perspective, our national border will
have little relevance.

•

We will have to think quickly and thoroughly about the wide range of
fundamental Issues this course of action would inevitably raise for
Canada.

•

In doing so, we must recognize that the challenge is significantly broader
than simply the law enforcement and military aspects of protecting North
American security.

•

First, attention must be paid to re-assuring citizens about their security.
That, by the way, also includes ensuring that any reprisals against certain
communities in this country are not tolerated.

•

Second, we must lake a comprehensive look at how this country deals
with the terrorist threat Canadians will look to the national government
for leadership,

•

This is a government-wide issue that will require action in the areas of
legislation, policy and resources.

•

Beyond our counter-terrorism response is the question of our readiness to
deal with the worst case scenarios.

•

We need to focus ou our ability to provide federal government assistance
to Canadians in the aftermath of an incident involving mass casualties,
devastation and the threat of further destruction.
214

SECRET (CO

I

I
000115

�SECRET (CC)

•

We have dealt competently in recent years with disasters such as the ice
storm and with potential disasters such as Y2K.

•

But the events of September 11th changed our basic planning
assumptions.

•

We need to reassess our capacity as a national government to handle our
emergency planning, response and recovery roles - including scenarios
which until recently would have seemed beyond comprehension.

•

As the Minister responsible for Emergency Preparedness, I consider it
essential that we ensure we have the capacity to perform to a standard
Canadians have the right to expect of us in times of severe distress and
danger.

•

The potential international defence implications of this attack are no less
significant than the bilateral ones.

•

In the NATO context, the Alliances’ security agenda has changed in an
instant

•

For the first time in its history, NATO invoked Article 5 of the North
Atlantic Treaty.

•

Article 5 states that an armed attack against one of the Allies shall be
considered an attack against them all.

•

The implications are not merely symbolic.

•

There can be no doubt that the U.S. will take military action. If the U.S.
seeks NATO assistance, Canada and the other Allies will be expected to
honour a long-held Treaty commitment.

• The Prime Minister told Canadians that we will be a part of any NATO
action.
•

It is important to understand that with Article 5 in force, the principle of
self-defence enshrined in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter is also
in force.

•

There is no need to seek a further legal basis to take military action.

•

While Article 5 only obliges Allies to assist as they deem necessary,
authentic participation in any effort will become a “test of loyalty” for
Washington’s Allies.

•

Failure to measure up will exact a high price.

•

For Canada, our unparalleled economic and political relationship with
the U.S. is potentially at risk.

•

Even if the U.S, chooses to act alone militarily, the NATO Article 5
decision significantly constrains the Allies’ scope for criticizing U.S.
actions.

3/4

Wc pf t rrci

000116

�SECRET (CC)
•

In addition, unilateral U.S. military action does not necessarily place
Canada on the sidelines.

•

We have approximately six hundred CF personnel serving in NORAD,
U.S. headquarters and with U.S. Forces, including combat units.
Canadians also serve on NATO airborne warning aircraft.

•

The potential implications of this attack on the wider international
security context are equally momentous.

•

First, close L’.S.-Russia cooperation in the fight against terrorism may
transform their broader security relationship.

•

A strong contribution by Russia on terrorism and weak support from
NATO Allies could kill the Alliance.

•

Second, the end product of a shifting international security agenda could
well be the return of a great divide in world politics, but this time NorthSouth rather than East-West.

•

Finally, if the U.S. seeks to build a coalition of the willing to fight
terrorism, who joins and who declines will re-order security relationships
globally.

•

The international stakes are high and it is vital that we prepare ourselves
for what may lie ahead on all fronts.

•

Canada must quickly and thoroughly think through its position on
potential U.S. military action and the ultimate implications of our
commitment to NATO.

•

How Canada reacts will probably define the Canada-U.S. relationship for
the foreseeable future in every aspect, not simply defence.

•

In conclusion, we must not under-estimate the significance and severity of
the challenges that could lie before us nationally, bilaterally and
internationally.

•

At the national level, we potentially face unprecedented and sustained
scrutiny from the public, media and Parliament around the government’s
capacity to provide its most fundamental service - the security and well
being of its citizens.

•

We ignore this dimension at our peril.

•

On the bilateral and international level, the security environment has
shifted fundamentally and permanently.

•

Canada needs to focus without delay on how to respond to this change.

•

We must do this to protect Canada’s most vital national interests and to
protect Canadians.

4/4

SECRET (CO
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