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HIST
Bl-179
50 VOL 1
1971-03-16
1971-05-19
| Brief #308 - The Internal Threat to Canada - Joint Intelligence
J Committee (JIC) 1-12 (71) - Final - Copy #156
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�MEMORANDUM
NOTE DE SERVICE
GOVERNMENT OF CANADA
GOUVERNEMENT DU CANADA
SECRET
[our FILE - N/ttiFERENCE
l_
The C/W i/c “K" Branch
FROM
Dt
YOUK FILE
L
V/REFCRENCE
_
i
I
-1
[OATE
TO
A
12 May 1971
The A/DSI
TfL. NO
TEL.
I
SUBJECT
SUJET
L _ ______ _
J
Dissemination within the Force
of the Threat Paper
Attached is the revised draft of the Threat paper which
will probably be approved, much as is, at next week’s meeting
of the JIC. In view of the fact that future issues of Guidelines,
although limited to significant items, will have such an outline,
it is suggested that copies of this paper go to all recipients of
Guidelines as a basic document. The title page, in this event,
would be altered to omit any reference to the JIC.
May I have your approval for this, please.
A
C.
K.D/ Green)
iZtf ”K” Branch
'b
000002
�MEMORANDUM
GOVERNMENT OF CANADA
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FROM
DE
/
<
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NOTE DE SERVICE
GOUVERNEMENT DU CANADA
(SECRET with attachment)
i
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file
- N/KEFtneNce
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Thd CA i^cpfc^Branch
//^
RESTRICTED
VOUR FILE - V/8EFCHFNCE
i
| DATE
TO
A
subject
SUJtT
All Members of "K" Branch
31 May 1971
[refer reply to
ENVOYER LA REPONSE A
J
TEL. NO. I
Th..
The JIC Internal Threat Paper
With reference to the attached Internal Threat paper which
was approved at the JIC meeting on 19 May and disseminated last week
to the authorities listed therein, I would like to thank all those
in "K" Branch who participated in the preparation of the paper for a
job well done. This year’s paper, like last year's, was well received
by the Committee.
Two matters require follow up. One is documentation for the
paper (virtually identical to the one distributed within the Force)
which is to be provided to the Secretariat as soon as possible. The
other is usage of certain terms relating to Communist China.
Because of Canadian recognition of Communist China, there is
in the eyes of the Canadian Government only one China. In any papers
prepared by us for outside distribution (indeed, in any of our papers),
the designations "Communist China" and "Red China" are iiot to be used.
"China" will suffice. For example, the Chinese Communist Intelli
gence Service (CCIS) will henceforth be referred to as the Chinese
Intelligence Service (ChlS), Similarly, instead of the qualification
"pro-Chinese Communist", "pro-P.R.C." will now in most cases be
preferable. However, when it is wished to make a distinction between
the pro-Chinese and the pro-Soviet brands of Communism, the designa
tions "pro-Chinese Communism", "pro-Chinese Communist movement" will
be acceptable.
(K. D. G/een)*
C/fc i/c 'V Branch
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�&
NOTE DE SERVICE
MEMORANDUM
ftVERNMENT OF CANADA
GOUVERNEMENT DU CANADA
r
—1
IOUR FILE - N/ntFtKENCe
I___ 3__
. D. McC. _Hoyd"
I DATE
L
SUBJEC1
sujei
11 June 71
The C/M i/c "K" Bratt
TO
’refer reply 70
ENVQYFR 14 REPONSE A
C'
Re:
JIC Threat - 1971
c
.A
!a
-J
- c-i
I received a call from Sgt. H. Bradley ”A” Div. to the
effect that one of the groups mentioned in Section C. Sub-section 2
of the Pro-Chicom Threat was not in fact pro-Chinese Communist.
The Chinese Cultural Society (Ottawa) is the name of a grou]
group without
political persuasion. The Holy Light Musical Group (
~
(Ottawa)
used
the name Chinese Cultural Society on a number of occasions to
attract people to some functions and to cause confusion. They did.
A note should be forwarded to the recipients of the JIC
advising of the error and mentioning the name of the pro-Chicom
group in Ottawa.
(D. McC. Boyd)
000004
�MEMORANDUM
NOTE DE SERVICE
GOVERNMENT OF CANADA
GOUVERNEMENT DU CANADA
n
FROM
Off
SECRET
OUR FILE - N/REfiRENCE
The/c/M i/Z^’-Br;•a
YOUR FILE - V/RtftRENCE
J
DATE
TO
The A/DSI^./^
SUJET
REFER REPLY TO
ENVOYER LA RERONSE A
J
L_
BUBJCCT
11 June 1971
-7f
TEL. NO.
rtc.
I
Correction to JIG Threat Paper
An error of substance has been detected in the JIC
Threat paper which cannot, I think, be left without correction,
embarrassing though this may be. It concerns the designation,
in paragraph 99» of the Chinese Cultural Society in Ottawa as
being pro-Chinese Communist.
Attached for your consideration is the note which, it
is proposed, be sent to the Secretary JIC so that he can take the
required action.
(K. D J^ffreen)
C/M i/c/ l*K" Branch
S/Sgt. Powell
S/Sgt. Heembrock
ATT'N:
Cpl. D. Boyd
More careful perusal of the files in question would
presumably have avoided this error. It is mandatory that work of
this sort be checked and double checked.
(K.
C/U i/c
een)
" Branch
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�COPY NO. 1 ri f>
SECRET
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JOINT INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEE
(OTTAWA)
THE INTERNAL THREAT TO CANADA
CANADIAN JIC 1-12 (71) (FINAL)
19 MAY 1971
CENTRAL RESEARCH BRANCH
PROJECT No..
S&
BB»•
fcliEN W EdT^l QTEluif
SECkEKiW |$jJ B422
I
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5i
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�I
SECRET
DISTRIBUTION
RECIPIENT
COPY NO.
Prime Minister
Secretary to the Cabinet
1
2
rjcternal Affairs
Secretary of State
Under-Secretary of State
Chairman, Joint Intelligence Committee
Director, Special Research Bureau
3
h
5-18
12-20
Solicitor GeneraJ.
Solicitor General
Deputy Solicitor General
21
22
Treasury Board
President
Secretary
23
24
Minister
25
^uPARTEENT
!
I
National Defence
i
i
Deputy Minister
Chief of the Defence Staff
Chairman, Defence Research Soard
Deputy Chief Intelligence and Security
Secretary, Joint Intelligence Committee
26
27
26
29-65
66
Justice
Minister
Deputy Minister
□7
6b
Secretary of State
Secretary of State
Under-Secretary of State
o9
70
Manpower
Minister
Deputy Minister
71
72
Supply & Services
Minister
Deputy Minister
73
714
Industry, Trade i
Commerce
Minister
Deputy Minister
75
Indian Affairs &
Minis ter
Deputy Minister
77
76
Public Service Commission
Chairman
79
RCM.P
Commissioner
Director General Security and Intelligence
60
61-614
National Research Council
President
Director, Communications Branch
85
86
Finance
Minister
Deputy Minister
87
b8
Communications
Minister
Deputy Minister
89
90
Privy Council Office
Secretary/Asst. Secretary of Cabinet Committee
91-92
on Security .’i Intelligence
Dissemination to departmental security officers
at the discretion of Privy Council Secretariat 93-153
Immigration
)
♦
t♦
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Northern Development
76
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cana!7ian~EYeS Unly
THE INTERNAL THREAT TO CANADA
TABLE OF CONTENTS
(Kain Headings Only)
PAGE
INTRODUCTION
1
SUMMARY ANT CONCLUSIONS
1-4
DISCUSSION
5-55
1.
THREAT FROK THE QUEBEC SEPARATIST MOVEMENT
A.
B.
C.
D.
E.
II.
GENERAL COMMENT
SEPARATIST ORGANIZATIONS
INFLUENCE OF ORGANIZATIONS HAVING AN
INTERNATIONAL POW-LR BASE
SEPARATIST INFLUENCE IN KEY SECTORS
OF SOCIETY
FOREIGN INVOLVEMENT
THREAT FROL’. THE PRO-CHINESE .VII G OF THE
INTERNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEMENT
A.
GENERAL COMMENT
C
THREAT FROL. THE PRO-CHINESE COMMUNIST
MOVEMENT IN CAI.ADA
5-20
5
5-15
15-17
17- 18
18- 20
21-26
21
21-22
22-26
III.
THREAT FROL. THE NEW LEFT
27-33
IV.
THREAT FROL RACIAL UNREST
34-36
A.
B.
34-35
36
V.
BLACK POWER MOVEMENT
RED POWER MOVEMENT
THREAT FROK THE PRO-SOVIET WING OF THE
INTERNATIONAL COOTNIST MOVEMENT
A.
E.
GENERAL COMMENT
C.
THREAT FROM THE PRO-SOVIET
COMMUNIST MOVEMENT IN CANADA
37-51
37
37-42
42-51
VI.
THREAT FROk. THE TROTSKYIST MOVEMENT
52-54
VII.
THREAT FROk MISCELLANEOUS RADICAL GROUPS
55-58
APPENDIX:
ABBREVIATIONS INDEX
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CANARIA N~eYe? UNLY
CANADIAN JIC 1-12(71)(FINAL
19 May 1971
SUPERSEDES CANADIAN JIC
1-12(70)(FINAL)
1-12/1 (70)(FINAL)
THS INTERNAL THREAT TO CANADA
INTRODUCTION'
1.
The purpose of this paper is to assess the internal thrua
to Canada. rhis paper deals with the Old and hew Left, the revolutior.ar., situation in Quebec and racial unrest, with at the end brie:
reference being made to various extremist groups which do not fit
these categories.
SUi,.’A:tY
a:.l conclusions
2.
International Communism, through espionage and subversion]
continues to present a threat to Canadian internal security. How- 1
ever, it is the activities of the newer revolutionary groups — .he
Quebec separatist/ terrorists, the h.aoists, the hew Leftists and th.
block extremists — which, in the aggregate ar.d in terms of law and
ord_r, national unity and internal security generally, are a more
immediate threat. No central direction of these activities has bcerl
observed, tut there have been links between the various revolutionaii
groups and a trend toward more co-operation on specific issues both
between these groups and with other radical groups inside and outsiJ
Canada. Increased contestation against various features of society,
particul- rly on the part of youth, and the possibility that the gap
between this contestation and revolutionary activity will narrow
is further cause for concern.
3*
The situation in Quebec is particularly worrisome. This iJ
not only because of terrorist activity and all that this implies in I
the •••.ay of bombings, kidnappings and, even, assassinations, but also
because of the efforts being made by revolutionary elements of the
Quebec Separatist movement to make common cause with other radical
groups in seeking an independent and "Socialist" Quebec. The
revolutionary groups have suffered somewhat from fragmentation,
poor organization and conflict as to means of achieving co: . on -oals
and their plans for unification have been slowed down by the October
crisis and the resultant arrest and detention of a number of revolu
tionary leaders. However, the revolutionaries’ potential for creatiJ
fear and uncertainty in Quebec and across the country remains
(
substantial.
i
4.
The composition of the revolutionary Separatist movement
has changed considerably over the past year. The Front de literatio
populaire is now defunct and the N.ouvement de liberation du taxi,
inactive. The Comi to d'aide au groups Vallikres et Gagnon (UAG7G)
has been re-named the Partis.-.ns du Qu.'bec libre which, though now
dorm-'nt, has probably, whatever its future designation, the greatest
potential to crystallize the revolutionary movement in Quebec. As
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for the CAGVG's "legal assistance" function, this has been taken
over by the newly formed tiouvement pour la defense des prisonr.iers
politiqueu quebecois which, at the present time, is in the fore
iront of the judicial guerrilla warfare campaign to undermine the
author: ty of the courts.
5.
In regard to FLQ activity, communiques have been received
from about thirty purported FLQ cells. The authenticity of a numte
of these com.-uniques has not beer, established and it may be that
some of these cells are nominal only and the communiques sent to
confuse the authorities and give the public a false impression of
FLQ strength. The FLQ continues to be most active in Montreal
where police are focusing attention on a possible eight ceils.
6.
Neither the Parti Communiste du Quebec nor the Ligue social
lists ouvri&re (Trotskyist) appears to exert any great influence on
the Quebec revolutionary scene. The P.-rty communiste du Quebec Larxiste/Lcniniste (pro-P.R.C.), which came out in favor of the
"liberation" of Quebec and publicly supported the FLQ during the
October crisis, may be more deeply involved.
7.
It is not possible to provide a comprehensive picture of
Separatist activity in the key sectors of society. There is no
dcu,t, however, that significant numbers of Separatists and Separa
tist sympathizers are employed in the key sectors and that the
influence they exert is much greater than their numbers v.ould
indicate.
8.
Recent evidence leads to the conclusionthat.
'WlW'Wakre
co ensure i,a; tnavit is welTini’ormed on develop
gents within the various Separatist movements in the Province and
(b) th' t it is in a position to play a more active role should it
decide to do so. Cuba remains an inspiration and a refuge for Quebec
terrorists and the Soviet Union continues to maintain at least a
watching brief on the Quebec situation. Quebec revolutionary elemen
then.selves, have contacts both with Arab guerrillas and with members
of the black Panther Party in the United States.
9.
To be viewed against the background of revolutionary activi
in Quebec, end another grave cause for concern, is the threat present
by the kaoists. It is true that the chief kaoist organization in
Canada, the Communist Party of Canada - L.arxist/Leninist, for tactica
reasons has recently seen fit to adopt a soft-line approach, placing |
more e...phasis, for example, on "work through the working class", How
ever, violent confrontations by individual I.’.aoists continue.
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10.
There has been some Maoist involvement with Quebec
Separatist/terrorists, with at least one radical New Left group, an
very recently, with black nationalists. Also, the Maoists have
various international links, including, very recently, a tenuous on
with North Korea, Re ortedly, North Korea has provided support to
insurgent forces in Mexico and Ceylon.
11.
The establishment of diplomatic relations between Canada
and the People's Republic of China in October 1970 and the resultan
exchange of Embassy personnel will undoubtedly have some bearing on
Maoist activity in Canada.
12.
Radical elements of the New Left, particularly the various
groups making up the revolutionary youth movement, continue to lay
stress on violence, with one group, for example, reportedly engaging
in guerrilla training and others talking of kidnapping and, even, ofj
establishing assassination squads. For some of the more rational
elements there has been a shift in emphasis from violent confronta
tions on campus to extra-parliamentary opposition and penetration of]
Government. The universities, however, despite efforts by hew LcftISIS to extend their base of activity into the community at large,
remain a fertile field for exploitation by Mew Leftists operating
or. and off campus.
13.
Black extremist activity in Canada, an offshoot of that
in the United States, is a fourth, although at the present time
lesser, area of immediate concern. Black extremists from the U.S.A,
and the West Indies continue to agitate in Canadian black communi tie
seeking to establish contacts ai.d organize support groups. Halifax,
Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg and Vancouver have been particular
targets, with a few black militants playing key roles.
14.
Although the threat to Canada from the international
Communist move:ent has paled somewhat in comparison with the more
pressing security problems presented by the Quebec beparatist/
terrorists, the Maoists, the New Leftists and the black extremists,
it still must be regarded as significant, at least over the long
ter:,.. The main component of the movement in Canada, the Communist
Party of Canada (CP of C), is virtually an arm of the Communisti:::::
Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU).
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16.
The pro-Soviet Communist movement in Canada, consisting
of the CP of C, its youth and Quebec wings, and ancillary organi
zations, continues to be affected by ideological and organizational
problems. Three members have recently resigned from top executive
positions following a dispute on Party policy and tactics, and a
fourth, the Party’s chief theoretician, resigned from the Party
altogether after having previously been "reduced to the ranks" for
his anti-Party stand concerning the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovak!
moreover, the movement, and specifically the Party, does not appear
to be ;,aking significant headway in regard either to increased
membership or to influence overtly exerted. On the other hand,
the Communists, particularly the secret Party members and sympathi
zers, .re of concern where they have penetrated the various key
sectors of society or where they can engage in behind-the-scenes
manipulation of, say, the peace and trade union movements.
17.
The Trotskyist movement in Canada, consisting of the
League for Socialist Action and its youth and Quebec wings, is
active in most major Canadian cities. However, despite the
militancy of the Trotskyists and the disproportionately great
influence their small numbers (400 to 500) exert, they are not a
significant threat.
18.
Finally, there are in Canada a number of extremist
organizations whose activities are directed against foreign
governments which, although not of concern from an internal
security point of view, are both a threat to law and order and a
possible source of embarrassment to the Canadian Government, The
activities of Haitian and Greek exiles in Canada or of the Jewish
Defence League are cases in point.
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LI5CUSSI0N
I.
THREAT FROM THE QUEBEC
SEPARATIST MOVEMENT
A.
CANADIAN EYES ONLY
GENERAL COMMENT
D'abord, il faut constater que le terrorisme
quebecois, de 1963 & 1969, est loin d’etre un
phenomfene isole. Au contraire, il est intimement
lie aux mouvements de contestation dont les
vagues traversent le monde entier. Le terrorisme
quebecois n’est qu’une forme particulifere de
cette contestation globale des jeunes.
Dr. Gustave Morf.
19.
It is the intent of this section to give insight into the
major terrorist and subversive influences in Quebec which constitute
a threat not only to the security of Canada but also to Canadian
unity. Since Separatism, as advocated by the Parti quebecois (PQ),
is considered a legitimate political option, little emphasis will be
placed on organizations which, though Separatist and thus a threat
to Canadian unity, are prepared to work within the present parliamen1
tary framework to arrive at their political objectives. However,
the revolutionary wing of the Separatist movement should not be
viewed in isolation from the legitimate wing for, although the
methods are different, the aims are broadly similar. There is,
therefore despite condemnation of each other's approach, always the
possibility of interaction. Moreover, it can be assumed that the
Separatist/terrorists gained some impetus for and self justification
of their actions from the "will" of the people as crystallized in
organizations like the PQ. They are likely to be less severely
condemned, more accepted as "patriots", than had they been operating
alone in the Separatist sphere.
B.
SEPARATIST ORGANIZATIONS
1.
The Moderate Wing
a.
Parti Quebecois (PQ)
20.
The relative success of the Parti quebecois (PQ) in the
Quebec provincial elections in April 1970 probably best reflects the
progressive nature of the Separatist threat to national unity. The
PQ won nearly 24$ of the vote, with much of the support coming in
the poorer class districts of Montreal where the Party polled 40$ of
the votes cast and elected six of its seven deputies. Moreover,
despite fears that the stigma of the FLQ would adversely affect its
electoral support, the PQ polled 33% of the vote in the February
1971 by-election in Chambly - the riding of the late Pierre Laporte.
The Government candidate retained the seat, but the PQ vote showed
a marginal increase over its showing in April last year.
21.
Although initially the PQ may have lost a certain amount
of public sympathy by its condemnation of the firm Government stand
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ONLY
canadian"eyes
as oc-tx
well as by
the
linking ma
of aits
VCUteil uxi
bllC 1U<
MJ
vuc
. vm president,
mam
taken
on the
FLQ crisis GV
Rene Levesque, wit?) the rumoured provisional government plot,( there
' ’
.-distinct possibility
that the
PQ will gain support in the long
run. Rene Levesque has since claimed, and he may not_be wide of the
mark, that the crisis has "galvanized the Separatist faithful into
a new lease on life".
is a
22.
As a result of its annual convention, held at the end of
February 1971, the PQ remains committed to what its controlling
faction terms "the respectable road to separatism", that is, use of
electoral means. A significant development was the election of
Pierre Bourgault, the acknowledged leader of the radicals, to the
Party executive for the first time. Bourgault was formerly leader
of the Rassemblement pour 1'independance nationale, one of the found
ing groups of the PQ. The question to be resolved in the future is
whether the moderates in the party can retain their ascendancy over
the radicals.
23.
At the time of the annual convention the PQ claimed that
membership stood at 82,400 dues-paying members and was growing
rapidly.
b.
Front d’Action Politique (FRAP)
24.
The FRAr from its formation in April 1970 to its resound
ing defeat in the Montreal municipal elections in October 1970 had
appeared to be gaining support as a political organization. However
defeat at the polls, undoubtedly contributed to by public criticisms
of FRAP made by Federal Minister Jean Marchand and Montreal Mayor
Jean Drapeau, has led to considerable dissension within its ranks
and to a reorientation in strategy.
25.
It was decided at a special convention held in March 1971
that the role of FRAP would be revised to that of a co-ordinating
body serving the various Comites d’action politique (CAPs),
previously coming under its aegis. The CAPs, which had been estab
lished at municipal ward level and which included citizens’ groups,
tenants' associations and trade union pressure groups, would for the
time being concentrate on developing socialism at the local level.
Rene Denis, a member of the Comite d’action politique of the radical
Montreal Central Council of the Confederation des syndicats nationaux (MCC-CSN), was elected co-ordinator.
26.
FRAP was easy prey to infiltration by subversive groups.
The Ligue socialiste ouvriere (LSO) (Trotskyist) and the Parti
communiste du Quebec (PCQ), for example, sought affiliation with
FRAP. Although direct affiliation was not agreed to, arrangements
were made through Rene Denis, at that time an executive member of
FRAP, whereby individual members of the two organizations could
join FRAP provided their adherence to the LSO or the PCQ did not
become known. Also, members of the Comite de revendications des
jeunes travailleurs, a front group set up by the Ligue des jeunesses
communistes du Quebec (LJCQ) expressly to infiltrate FRAP, succeeded
in joining FRAP without divulging their Communist orientation.
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27.
The reduction cf FRAF from a political organization to a
co-ordinating body may prevent further subversive infiltration of
FRAP at the executive level; however, individual members of the
LSO, PCQ and the LJCQ already hold executive positions in several
of the CAPs. Executive positions in various CAPS are also held by
members of such other organizations as the MCC-CSN, the Kouveinent de
liberation du taxi and the Parti quebscois.
c.
Federation des Societes St. Jean
Baptiste du Quebec (FSSJB)
28.
The FSSJB, which lost a number of the larger sections
(approximately half of the original members of the Federation)
because of the pro-Separatist stance taken in late 1969» has ceased
to function as a culturally-oriented fraternal organization and is
becoming increasingly militant as a Separatist-oriented pressure
group. Led by the dominant Montreal section it demands a "commitmen
to dynamic action" at all levels — on such issues as French uni
lingualism and the Quebec electoral system. Despite the fact that
these issues are not necessarily Separatist and despite FSSJB
condemnation of FLQ terrorism and of FLQ terrorist tactics (which th
Federation blames on Government failure to make necessary "reforms")
there is no mistaking the Separatist bias.
29.
A recent development in the militant stand of the FSSJB
was the announcement in Janua"y 1971 of the proposed establishment
of a Faris bureau on the principle that the Societe St. Jean Baptist
is the most representative group of French Canadians and that "the
initiative of the liberation of the Quebec nation should not be left
to representatives of the British Crown, nor to movements such as
the Marxists, the Maoists or other international Communist groups".
d.
Ligue pour 1'Integration Scolaire (LIS)
30.
Since the Quebec Government's adoption of the controver
sial Bill 03 in November 19b9, there has been a marked reduction in
LIS activities. However, Anglophone opposition to a Regulation
recently adopted which is designed to have English speaking school
children become fluent in French might, if it seems likely to result
in repeal of the Regulation, cause the LIS to become more militant.
31.
The question of the status of the French language in
Quebec is one of paramount importance. It is an inherent part of
the logic by which Quebec independantistes define themselves as a
nation. It is that one particular issue which has in trie past and
will, in the future, provoke the largest demonstrations. Further,
frustration of the Quebecois in their desire to survive in a Frenchspeaking culture turns many of the youth to FLQ methods. If the
language question is not settled acceptably, there will undoubtedly
be yet another generation of Quebecois concentrating their energies
in the fight for survival of "national identity". Thus while the
LIS has shown a marked reduction in activity, the possibility of
its revival, or of the hardening of FSSJB attitudes, particularly
in the light of issues under discussion in connection with the con
stitution, cannot be overlooked.
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cana~BiZn‘"eYeS
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The Revolutionary Component
a.
General Background — Colloque I
32.
The strength of the revolutionaries is found not so much
in their numbers as in their ability to influence and exploit the
idealism, naivete, and normal frustrations of the general population
particularly the workers and the students. Nowhere in Canada are
there as many conditions susceptible to exploitation as in Quebec.
The revolutionary ambience in Quebec is much further advanced than
in the rest of the country. Notwithstanding the incidence of terror,
acts which have occurred in the Province in the past eight years, th<
revolutionary movement in Quebec has been unable to realize its full
potential because of fragmentation, poor organization, lack of a
singleness of purpose and a revolutionary strategy, and an unwilling
ness among large sectors of the population to support revolutionary
policies.
33.
Apparently in recognition of these deficiences, FLQ ring
leaders Charles Gagnon and Pierre Valli^res, along with key members
of the Comite d'aide au groupe Valli&res et Gagnon (CAGVG), organize
a meeting of militants of the radical left on 10 biay 1970. This
meeting, known as Colloque I, was attended by 75 to 80 persons rep
resenting about 20 groups. The groups represented included:
Comite d'aide au groups Valliferes et Gagnon (CAGVG)
Front de liberation populaire (FLP)
Mouvement de liberation du taxi (MLT)
Comite ouvrier St. Henri
Intellectuels et ouvriers patriotes du Quebec (IOPQ) (hiaoist)
Syndicat du secondaire (SDS)
Front d'action politique (FRhP)
Kouvement syndical politique (MSP)
Librairie Ho Chi tainh
Front de liberation de la femme
Comite de solidarity avec les Black Panthers
Ligue Haitienne Canadienne
h member of the Greek community
Various representatives of the Comites d'action politique (C^P)
Parti Communiste du Quebec (PCQ)
34.
Colloque I was consistent with, and may have been the resul
of, a statement made by Gagnon shortly after his release from prison
on bail in February 1970* At that time Gagnon expressed his
intention of re-launching the national liberation movement in Quebec
and making the FLQ the most representative of the revolutionary
forces. To do this, he said, it was necessary to regroup all the
movements engaged in organizing the popular power. To him, it was a
matter of a struggle against imperialism and, from this point of
view, he considered Quebec a part of the Third World, there being no
real difference between the liberation movement in Quebec and those
in other parts of the world. He indicated that the FLQ should pursue
closer connections with these other liberation movements, including
those in the U.S.A.
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35.
Colloque I was essentially a group study of self
examination. Its aim appeared to be to achieve, through discussion,
a resolution of differences existing between groups (which included
the duality of motivation — Quebec nationalism and socialism), a
consensus of opinion, and a co-ordination of effort, thus permitting
the creation of a unified revolutionary movement of national libera
tion which could be presented to the workers as an alternative to
the political parties and the electoral system.
3b.
Documents seized under the Public Order Regulations 1970
provide considerable insight into the aims and direction of Colloque
I. One document, prepared in connection with it, saw the objective
of national liberation as the destruction of capitalism and imperial
ism and the construction of socialism based on Marxist-Leninist
principles but interpreted in the context of the "particular reality
of Quebec". From other documents, it was evident that, despite a
general feeling of discontent in the Province, revolutionary action
by itself, because it lacked global character, could be only partial
successful. Students, it was said, have no structural organization;
workers are not able to relate their various sociological problems
one to the other; and, while the nationalist question more easily
serves to motivate the people, nationalism and socialism are rarely
linked. However, the need to appeal to Quebec nationalism was
recognized. It was also observed that one of the major reasons for
lack of revolutionary achievement was the failure of the various
organizations to offer any real option for a power takeover. In
this connection, the Parti quebecois, for the most part, was dismis
sed as not differing essentially from the other existing political
parties since it would, on gaining power, be compromised by the
so-called U.S. imperialists. The Front de liberation populaire,
nevertheless, urged workers to vote for the PQ as the lesser evil of
the contending electoral parties.
37.
Colloque I had the appearance of being a development of
the revolutionary strategy outlined in Vallifcres' treatice "Revolutionary Strategy and the Role of the Avant-garde”, In the introduction Valli^res states:
It is inevitable that revolutionary groups in Quebec will
ultimately succeed in uniting in a single movement....
The members of the FLP, the FLQ, the citizens' committees,
the unions, the MLT, the MIS, the Valli&res-Gagnon
Committee, etc., will all take part in a common strategy.
38.
This common strategy is revolution and encompasses three
main stages:
(1)
The radicalization, politicization and organization
of spontaneous social agitation, in order to raise
the creative violence of the masses to the level
of a clear, organized and effective class awareness.
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(3)
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The organization of the exploited masses with the
immediate aim of popular insurrection, character
ized by the armed occupation of factories, univer
sities, schools, public services and the national
territory /r,e* Quebec/.
The defence of the revolution, that is, armed con
frontation between the people and their enemies,
at which stage the political and military aspects
will be inseparable, as in Vietnam.
39.
Valli^res put forward the view that an avant-garde was
essential to raise the masses to a level of political awareness to
enable them to negotiate the three stages of revolution. Briefly,
the avant-garde would be a unified organization combining the
various political and revolutionary groups now in existence.
Colloque I appeared, therefore, to be a first step toward the for
mation of an avant-garde.1
40.
In the meantime, changes have occurred in regard to the
Separatist groups participating in Colloque I which significantly
alter the complexion of the revolutionary milieu in the Province.
The FLP, for example, has been dissolved^, largely because of
Stanley Gray's inept leadership, thus ridding Quebec of a serious
disruptive force and leaving without solid support a revolutionary
student orgar ization, Mouvement syndical politique, which had been
incorporated in the FLP. Moreover, the MLT, although still active,
has lost its militancy owing to such factors as the partial reso
lution of the Dorval International Airport dispute and the departure
of two militant executive members, Jacques Lanctot and Marc
Carbonneau, who were given safe conduct to Cuba following their
involvement in the FLQ kidnapping of James Cross in October 1970.
This leaves only the apparently dormant Partisans du Quebec libre
(PQL) and the Mouvement pour la defense des prisonniers politiques
queb^cois (MDPPQ) on the open side of the revolutionary Separatist
movement at the present time.
At an organizational meeting in August 1970, which was prepared
by the CAGVG as Coordinating Secretariat, agreement was reached
to hold Colloque II in October 1970, with a possible Colloque
III to be held in the spring of 1971. The events of early
October precluded the possibility of holding Colloque II as
planned.
2
Experience has shown that dissolution of an organization is not
synonymous with a reduction in revolutionary activity. Some
adherents may become less militant but for the most part they
join other existing groups or create new groups. With respect
to the FLP, for example, a significant number of the former
Quebec City adherents are involved with citizens* action commit
tees. Serge Roy, former head of the Quebec City wing of the FLP,
is active within the Comite d’action politique and the Quebec
branch of the MDPPQ (see pages 11,12). He is also reported to
be in the process of forming a new movement to replace the FLP,
the aim of which is an independent and socialist Quebec.
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Open Organizations
Partisans du Quebec Libre (PQL)
41.
As previously indicated, the PQL appears to be dormant and
has been replaced in importance and activity by the Mouvement pour
la defense des prisonniers politiques quebecois (MDPPQ). However,
the PQL’s lack of enterprise and uhe MDPPQ’s rise to eminence can
be accounted for by the particular situation in Quebec since the
October crisis and the invocation of the War Measures Act (WL1A).
Most of the PQL leaders were arrested under the WI.1A ; some are still
in jail; others have been released on bail; and all are awaiting
trial. Whether the PQL will rise again under its former leadership
and in its previous form is an open question, but there is little
doubt that a similar type of organization will eventually arise.
42.
The PQL, under its previous name, the Comite d’aide au groups
Valli^res et Gagnon (CAGVG), was formed in January 1967, under the
leadership of Jacques Larue-Langlois, ostensibly to give moral and
material assistance to arrested FLQ terrorists. It was instrumental
in gaining the release on bail of Charles Gagnon and Pierre Valli^res
- on 20 February and 26 May 1970 respectively - by using such
judicial guerrilla tactics as court appeals, public demonstrations,
and packing the courts with sympathizers. Valliferes and Gagnon con
tributed by "grandstanding” in court.
43.
/ifter their release from prison, Valli&res and Gagnon, working
within the CAGVG, set about consolidating the fragmented revolutionar.
movement in Quebec. It was decided that the group would adopt a new
orientation, specifically, better organization of militants across
the Province, better co-ordination of revolutionary activity, and
unconditional support of the FLQ. In effect, it appeared that the PQi
as it became known, was to become the avant-garde of the Quebec revo
lutionary movement. The CAGVG’s former function with respect to the
welfare of arrested terrorists, so-called political prisoners, passed
to the MDPPQ, which was formed in June 1970 on the initiative of
Jacques Larue-Langlois, who had withdrawn from the CAGVG shortly
beforehand.
Gagnon made a speaking tour of various universities in Ontario
44.
and Western Canada in March and April 1970 in an effort to solicit
support for the revolutionary movement in Quebec, and probably with
the intention of giving it a national perspective. He participated in
discussion groups at the University of British Columbia and at Simon
Fraser University, and was in contact with the Community Educational
Research Centre (CERC) (a New Left group, see page 31 ), and with the
Vancouver Black Action group, a Canadian affiliate of the Black
Panther Party, U.S.A., comprising mainly American and West Indian
negroes (see page 34 ).
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Primarily because of such militants as Gagnon, Valliferes,
45.
and Andree Ferretti (former head of the FLP), the PQL appeared to
have the greatest potential of all the open revolutionary groups to
crystallize the revolutionary movement in Quebec, but even within
the organization itself fissures had begun to develop at the execu
tive level. Divisiveness stemmed partly from a difference in out
look, but personal rivalry was also an important factor. It remains
to be seen whether the FLQ crisis, and the arrest and trials of the
revolutionary leaders, will provide the necessary impetus for the
creation of a single revolutionary movement where differences are
submerged in a common cause.
Mouvement Pour la Defense Des Prisonniers
Politiques Quebecois (MDPPQ)
46.
The NDPPQ, which in recent months has been in the forefront
of activity in Quebec, was, as previously indicated, formed at the
end of June 1970 by Jacques Larue-Langlois, former head of the CAGVG,
in conjunction with about fifty trade unionists, teachers and
journalists. Its expressed purpose was to furnish bail and legal
services to all those who had become involved with the law because
of their ideas or political actions. The intent of at least certain
elements within the KDPPQ is to obtain the unwitting support of the
"bourgeoisie" for the FLQ.
47.
The MDPPQ, although claiming to be an "unstructured" organ
ization, has,an executive consisting of Dr. Serge Mongeau, the poet
Gaston Kiron , Guy Karsolais of the Canadian Federation of Printing
and Information of the CSN, and
Mario Bachand. Raymonde Lorrain, Pierre vailiSreg fiancee, was hired
as working secretary.
48.
According to a public statement made by Dr. Mongeau in
December 1970, the MDPPQ at that time had a total membership of 400,'
distributed among nine sections: Montreal, Hull, St. Jerome, Quebec
City, Rimouski, Shawinigan, St. Hyacinthe, Ottawa and Cdte Nord.
Montreal membership was set at 200. The MDPPQ's recent rise to
prominence resulted from the events surrounding the October crisis.
Many of the persons arrested and later released, either uncondition
ally or on bail, became MDPPQ supporters.
49.
Financial support comes from diverse sources, including tra
unions and Quebec businessmen, as well as from public subscriptions
and the sale of "patriote" tuques. Donations are also reported to
have been received from the Quakers of Toronto (through Stanley
Ryerson, until recently a member of the Communist Party of Canada);
the Free Quebec - Free Canada movement in Vancouver; and the Emergen
Committee for the Defence of Political Prisoners in Toronto. The
most significant assistance, however, has come from the revue "Pofeme
1
Dr. Gustave Korf in his Le Terrorisme Quebecois stated that
Pierre Valliferes described Gaston Miron as "le pfere spiritual
du FLQ, de Parti pris, de la Revolution Quebecoise".
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et chansons de la resistance”, organized by the prominent French
Canadian singer Pauline Julien. The benefits derived from a success'
ful five-night run at the Theatre Gesu earlier this year were twofob
- financial and political - since the show was designed both as a
means of awakening the political consciousness of the Quebecois and
as a money-making project. Early in March, Gaston Miron, winner of
the "Grand prix litteraire de la ville de Montreal", publicly pre
sented $1000 of his $3000 prize to the MDPPQl.
50.
Since its formation, the MDPPQ has been responsible for a
number of major protest demonstrations in support of the so-called
political prisoners. These demonstrations have attracted crowds ran.
up to an estimated 1,000 persons. In one such demonstration in Janui
1971, which called for the release of Michel Chartrand, the MDPPQ
combined forces with the pro-Maoist Comite pour la defense des droit:
d^mocratiques du peuple.
51.
The MDPPQ was successful in obtaining a certain amount of
publicity by having Nicole Dreyfus of the International Association
of Democratic Lawyers (an international Communist front) and Roger
Lallemand of the International Federation of Civil Liberties Leagues
attend the trials in Montreal in February 1971. Their comments on t.
conduct of the trials as reported in the press were, as expected,
derogatory.
52Conforming to the MDPPQ strategy of enlarging the suppoitbase of the FLQ, persons such as Larue-Langlois and Michel Chartrand
have engaged in speaking tours outside the Province, and universitie
have been a prime target. Judging from student reaction, it seems
that this aspect of the movement's strategy have been relatively
successful.
53.
There is little doubt that the MDPPQ will continue as a
serious disruptive force committed to the support of the so-called
political prisoners and to judicial guerrilla tactics.
c.
The Front de Liberation du Quebec
Structure
54.
The original groups of FLQ terrorists were basically natiorJ
ist with no clear revolutionary goal other than the separation of
Quebec, and without any real idea of how this was to be accomplished,
however, with the advent of Pierre Valli^res and Charles Gagnon into
the FLQ milieu since about 1965, an attempt has been made to adapt th
cause of nationalism to serve the purposes of international socialism
Tnis duality of revolutionary goals may persist for some time in the
particular context of Quebec, or at least until such time as the
I
various revolutionary factions can unite into an effective monolithic
revolutionary movement.
1
Of the remainder, Miron donated $500 to FRAP and dedicated $1500
to the publication of Quebec literary works by Hexagone and Parti
pris.
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55.
The Front de liberation au Quebec, according to all the
evidence, is an amorphous movement, more a state of mind than a
structured organization. There is no leadership as such, its inspir
tion being drawn from the statements and writings1 of such revolu
tionaries as Pierre Valliferes and Charles Gagnon, who express the
feelings, frustrations and aspirations of the largely inarticulate
members of the FLQ, The FLQ translates the words into action.
5^.
The FLQ is composed of autonomous cells of like-minded in
dividuals, usually with family, school or social ties. The spon
taneous formation of cells with no previous FLQ association is not
uncommon and, of course, further complicates coverage of the movement!
In a number of instances, cell formation has been engendered by the
publicity given to FLQ exploits. For example, in October 1970, after!
the Cross and Laporte kidnappings, a new group made plans to attack |
the military base at St. Jean in order to steal arms and uniforms.
When arrested, the leader stated that he felt that revolution was in
wind and that the time had come to take action. This chain reaction
to events can also be seen in the FLQ kidnappings w.iich followed clos
the pattern of kidnappings by terrorists in Latin America.
57.
The apparent lack of a hierarchical structure in the FLQ is
consistent witi. the security rules for urban guerrilla warfare laid
out by Valli&res in his ’’Revolutionary Strategy" in which he states
that:
the movement should be decentralized so as to spread
decision-making centres throughout Quebec and avoid
the risk of a fatal loss of leadership in the event of
an attack, etc., etc
l;>us the absence of a superstructure as such does not necessarily mea:
that the FLQ is devoid of leadership. It indicates rather that the
leadership is dispersed throughout the revolutionary movement. This
would account for the fact that there is no evidence of direct, per
sonal contact between FLQ cells and such key figures as Pierre
Valli^res, Charles Gagnon, Jacques Larue-Langlois, Michel Chartrand,
Robert Lemieux, and Andree Ferretti, and for the fact that the FLQ
appears to derive guidance and inspiration from these revolutionary
leaders indirectly — either through their speeches or writings, or
through association laterally with other revolutionary groups (e.g.,
the PQL) wnich are influenced by them.
53.
however tenuous the FLQ superstructure may be, this is not
to say that it operates in isolation. It is clearly evident from the
cases of the Liberation and Chenier cells, responsible for the Cross
and Loporte kidnappings, that each cell had a substantial infrastructu
of relatives and friends upon whom they depend for the performance of
^According to James Cross, Valli^res* Negres blancs d’Amerique,
along with Franz Fanon’s Les Damnes de la Terre, is an FLQ
bible. Cross also stated' that, on the basis of nis experience
with the Liberation cell, Valliferes crystallized Quebec
revolutionary thought even though he may not be the actual
leader of the FLQ.
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various supporting roles. In addition, evidence indicates that ther
was some form of inter-cell communication at the infrastructure leve.
59.
Communication between cells is for the most part mair.taine
orally — by direct personal contact, courier or telephone. F,
By purposely distributing communiques to competing radio stations the FLQ
was able, during the recent crisis, to*get the media to broadcast
its messages and thus serve as a communications link.
Current Cell Activity
60.
During the past several months, communiques have been
received from about thirty purported FLQ cells. The authenticity
of a number of these communiques has not been established and it
may be that some of the cells are nominal only and the communiques
sent to confuse the authorities and give the public a false impres
sion of FLQ strength. At least two of the cells, the Chenier and
the Liberation have been neutralized. Also, two members of the socalled Rodier cell were arrested at the end of February 1971. One
FLQ group, consisting of two cells of four and which is directed by
a University of Quebec professor, is believed to have used four of
the names contained in the communiques. This group, incidentally,
has been directed to defer further activities until Kay.
61.
At the present time, police in the Montreal area are
focussing attention on a possible eight cells. In addition, the
possible existence of cells in Ottawa and Hull has been reported.
Nucleus groups of terrorists are also known to exist in Quebec City
and the Lac St. Jean area.
C.
INFLUENCE OF ORGANIZATIONS HAVING
AN INTERNATIONAL POWER BASE
1.
Parti Communiste du Quebec (PCQ)
62.
The PCQ’s relationship with the Quebec Separatist and revol
tionary movement, with the exception of its penetration of FRAP, is
distant and its influence minimal (PCQ membership as of March 1970 wa
only 106). Helene Meynaud, who is responsible for PCQ activity in th
Greek Community in Montreal, appears to be one of the PCQ’s main
liaison links with the Parti quebecois (PQ) and the Quebec revolution
ary movement. She attended the PQ convention in October 1969 and,
apparently on the direct request of PCQ leader, Sam Walsh, attended
meetings of Colloque I in Kay 1970.
63.
The PCQ, presumably through fear of damaging its quest for a
image of respectability, will not participate directly in activities
which have possible violent connotations-1. This precludes any
possibility of a cohesive relationship with Quebec revolutionaries.
The Party, nevertheless, is prepared to exploit politically any issues
affecting the integrity of national unity.
■^Significant from an operational point of view is the fact that
following the implementation of the War Measures Act, some Party
members were so shaken that they suspended their activities.
During the October crisis the PCQ, like the Communist Party of
Canada, condemned both the violence of the FLQ and the "repression"
of the War Measures Act, but reasoned that violence was the logical
outcome of the socio-economic conditions prevailing in Quebec.
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64.
During the Provincial elections of 29 April 1970, the PCQ
gave its support to the PQ except in St. Louis County where a PCQ
member was a candidate.
2.
Ligue Socialists Ouvrifere (LSO)
65.
Unlike the PCQ, the Trotksyist LSO is not averse to violent
and probably for this reason Trotskyists are more often found inter
acting with the Quebec Separatist revolutionaries. An article writt
by Andre Doucet, a member of the Trotskyist Central Committee, which
appeared in the 24 August 1970 issue of Labor Challenge, gives some
insirht into the direction of the Quebec Trotskyists:
Our new objective in Quebec is no longer so much
to develop the pan-Canadian struggle for a
Socialist Canada, with Quebec free to decide
the links it wishes to have with the rest of
Canada. Rather it is to develop the national
struggle of the Quebecois for an independent
and Socialist Quebec; that is, to be part of
tnis nationalist independent movement and to
advance it to its Socialist conclusion.
66.
The Trotskyists in the Province are few in number, about 25
They
have been relatively ineffective and appear to cline; to
to 30.
the Separatist revolutionary groups for momentum.
3.
Parti Communiste du Quebec Marxiste-Leniniste (PCQ - M/L)
67.
A press communique released in the spring of 1970 by the
Kaoist PCQ - JV'L — the Quebec arm of the Communist Party of Canada Karxist-Leninist (CP of C - K/L) — stated:
La formation du Parti Communiste du Quebec
(marxiste-leniniste) est une autre victoire du
marxisme-leninisme-pensee-mao-tsetoung et un grand
pas historique en avant vers la liberation nationale
du peuple quebecois contre le colonialisme anglocanadien et 1'imperialisrae americain; un grand pas
historique vers la construction de la Republique Populaire du Quebec ensemble avec la Republique Populaire du Canada dans le respect mutuel de I’independance et de 1’autodetermination de chacun des deux
pays.
68.
During the October crisis, the Marxists-Leninists gave full
public support to the FLQ and were noticeably active in the distri
bution of tracts in the vicinity of educational institutions.
69.
In the latter part of 1970, the CP of C - K/L, at the
69.
national level, was rent by conflict which appears to have filtered
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down to the Quebec gi^rp. Tie split occurred as a result of one
faction attempting to have tr.e CP of C - M/L adopt an aggressive,
violence-oriented strategy, rather than follow a less extreme approad
directed towards raising the political awareness of the workers on
a broad base. In Quebec Province, dissension was widespread, not
only within the Montreal group, but also between the Montreal and
Quebec City factions. The members of the Quebec City faction seemed
to reject violence, or any activity which could result in their arred
and there were indications that they might break away and consolidate
forces with the dissidents of other radical groups. However, at last
report, the PCQ - M/L has been trying to re-organize. It is estimate1
that the PCQ - M/L membership is about fifty (out of a total
estimated national membership of 350).
70.
Hardial Bains, leader of the CP of C - k/L» has been
in contact with Charles Gagnon of the FLQ, and there are indica
tions that they together have met with PU Cnao-min, one of the New
China News Agency representatives in Canada
: **'
There has been some suggestion that Gagnon is a
member of the CP of C - M/L arid the leader of a Marxist-Leninist
section within the FLQ. At this stage, however, it is not known
how much credence can be placed in this.
D.
SEPARATIST INFLUENCE IN KEY
SECTORS OF SOCIETY
71.
It is not possible to provide a comprehensive picture of
Separatist activity in the key sectors of society. Separatists are
present in all such sectors — the educational field, the trade unio.
the mass media, cultural circles and, undoubtedly, even Government.
The influence exerted by tne Separatists, and thus the threat they
present to national unity and, in the longer term, possibly even to
national security, can be expected to be greater than their numbers
would indicate.
72.
In the educational field, schoolteachers and university
lecturers have a large captive audience which is particularly vulner
able to the influences of Separatism. The language problems in the
schools, the demand for educational reforms in the CEGEPs and uni
versities, the poor job prospects after graduation, combined with
a long-standing sense among French Canadians of having been the
victims of discrimination as a linguistic minority in Canada, all
contribute to the unrest prevalent among the students today and make
the student body a ready target for penetration by Separatist groups.
At the Parti Quebecois (PQ) convention in February 1971, statistics
issued by the PQ showed that over sixteen per cent of the delegates
were teachers. No such statistics are available with respect to
the total Party membership.
73.
The labour movement in Quebec is passing through a period
of rapid chance and the trade unions are becoming more militant and
revolutionary. One of the largest labour groups in Quebec, the
Montreal Central Council (KCC) of the Confederation des syndicate
nntionaux (CSN), which encompasses 67,000 trade unionists, is under
the effective control of a group of Separatists, a number of whom are
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revolutionaries. It is led by Michel Chartrand who makes no secret
of the revolutionary role he believes the unions should play. The i.J
has supported Separatlst/terrc-rist causes and has provided financial
and moral assistance. During the October crisis, Chartrand, in a
I
public statement, announced the MCC’s agreement with, and endorsemen
of, the FLQ Manifesto.
74.
The communications media, in all aspects, are heavily pene
trated by active Separatists, terrorists and left-wing subversives,
many of whom are attracted to the media as a channel for the propa
gation of their views. Revolutionary organizations recognize the
value of the media as a tool in publicizing their aims, in creating
public fear and uncertainty and, when required, in communieating wit.
operational cells. Such use of the media was illustrated during the
October crisis in Quebec.
75.
Both the Quebec and Federal Governments are susceptible to
penetration by Separatists who, if employed in strategic positions,
could exert a significant Separatist influence on the formulation of
Government policy. The screening process covering persons employed •
seeking employment in Federal Governmental positions requiring acces.
to classified information will normally prevent the employment of
known Separatists in such positions. However, there is no practical
solution to the problem of preventing Separatists and Separatist
sympathizers from being employed in other areas of Government where
undoubtedly there are a number of persons sympathetic to, if not
active in, the Separatist cause. No meaningful statistics are avail
able in this regard.
E.
FOREIGN TRVCLVn'ENT
1.
Recent evidence leads to the conclusion that,
76
Illll
has taken
me-cures to ensure La) that it is well-informed on developments within the various Separatist movements in the Province and (b) that it
is in a position to play a more active role should it decide to do so
I:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
.
2.
,
.
X,
A.
A
Cuban Involvement
77.
Cuba is a source of inspiration and a haven from justice
for many of the Separatist/terrorist revolutionaries, and Cuban sym
pathy for and influence in Quebec have been demonstrated in many
ways.
Many
Separatist/terrorists have visited Cuba and a number of wanted FLQ
terrorists are located there. However, there has been no firm evi
dence that Cuba Las provided guerrilla warfare and revolutionary
training for Quebec Separatist/terrorists in Cuba or that it has
contributed to such training in Quebec.
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78.
The Cuban Govenxment has extended its full co-operation to
the Canadian Government in accepting and providing asylum for the Fll
kidnappers of James Cross. Cuban officials have stressed the import]
ance that they attached to Canada/Cuba relations and have shown a
desire, since the Cross kidnapping not to say or do anything that
could
zmll be internreted
1..... w 1 as sympathy for the FLQ revolutionaries.
]
79.
At tr.e time of the Cr?..s Kidnapping the Cuban Foreign
Ministry requested Canadian agreement for the appointment to Canada
of Roberto Alvarez Barrera as Cuban Consul in Montreal replacing
A'alfredo Garciga Oramos. Alvarez was in Paris as Vice-Consul from
June 1967 to November 1968, and according to reports in the French
press he was one of the chief instigators of the student riots in
Paris in May-June 1968. He was also an identified intelligence
officer.
80.
A Canadian visa was granted to Alvarez who arrived en postJ
in February 1971. He is known to speak excellent French and it is
expected that his instructions will incJude a requirement to maintain
close contact with Separatist revolutionaries in Quebec as was the
case with his predecessor.
81.
There is no reason to believe that Cuban interest in lefti
revolutionary groups in Quebec will diminish but, because of the val
the Cu ans place on good relations with Canada, particularly in the
economic sphere,, they are expected to be circumspect in their dealin.
3.
Soviet Involve m e n t
82.
Although Soviet interest in the Quebec situation undoubted
continues, there is no evidence available to indicate direct inter
ference or involvement with any of the Separatist/terrorist groups.
Their involvement in Quebec appears to be confined to the Parti
Communiste du Quebec (PCQ) and the Quebec-USSR Association, neither
of which represents a real threat to the security of Canada.
4.
Arab Involvement
84.
Contact with the Arab guerrilla organization Al Fatah is
believed to date back at least to the early summer of 1969 when
Andree Ferretti, then still leader of the FLP,
in Montreal and Paris. The reasons for
these contacts are not known. There is also an unconfirmed report
that a young woman, who recently returned briefly to Quebec from the
Middle East, nad worked as a nurse for the Al Fatah during the latter
part of 1970 and, while co employed, had met five unidentified FrenchCanadians who were training with the Al Fatah in Jordan.
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85.
During the summer of 1970 at least two Quebec terrorists
underwent guerrilla training with the Palestinian Popular Liberation^
Front at a camp in Jordan. These two individuals, tentatively
1
identified as Normand Roy and Michel Lambert, had earlier collabor
ated in terrorist activities in Montreal with Pierre Paul Geoffrey
who, in April 1969, was sentenced to life imprisonment. During an 1
interview with a TV journalist in June 1970 they indicated that they
were dedicated Marxists-Lemnists and were quoted as saying:
We are learning more how to kill than how to
mobilize popular movements... We want to orient
our military tactics towards selective assassin
ation.
With respect to prospective targets on their return to Quebec, they
said that they should really begin by killing Premier Bourassa; but
since that was not possible, they would begin by "getting some of
those who had already been aimed at". Their present whereabouts is
unknown.
5.
Black Power Involvement
86.
Revolutionaries in Quebec for the past several years have
had extensive contacts with the Black Power movement in the U.S.A.
Some of them are known, in fact, to hrve attended Black Power
meetings in the U.S.A.
87.
Black Power advocates in the U.S.A, have assisted fleeing
members of the FLQ and there are indications that this is a recip
rocal arrangement. Apparently playing a major role in receiving
Black Panthers from the U.S.A, is Stanley Gray, erstwhile head of
the FLP (see page 9).
88.
On 5 May 1970, a permanent solidarity committee was create
in Montreal between the so-called "oppressed Quebecois people" and t.
Black Panther Party (BPP) of the U.S.A. The Quebecois were repre
sented by a group which included Stanley Gray, Michel Van Schendel
(a professor of the University of Quebec, who has an extensive
Communist background) and Charles Gagnon. The establishment of this
committee is consistent with statements made by both Gagnon and
Huey P. h'ewton of the BPP with respect to an eventual "international
hook-up", and it will no doubt serve as a channel of communications
between the terrorist movement in Quebec and black revolutionaries
in the U.S.A.
89.
It has been alleged that some Black Panthers from the
U.S.A, have instructed Quebec terrorists in such things as weapons
handling and self-defence, but there has been no substantiation of
these reports. In an interview in August 1970, Newton refused to
answer when asked whether the BPP had ever been involved in the
training of Quebec terrorists.
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II .
jt U it E 1'
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PRO-CHINESE COWUNI ST THREAT
A.
GENERAL COWENT
The establishment of diplomatic relations between Canada
90.
the
People
’s Republic of China (P.R.C.) in October 1970 and
and
subseouent
exchange of Embassy personnel
the
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(
c.
THE PRO-CHINESE COMMUNIST
F..OVEKENT IN CANA I) A
1.
General
three mair^Jnu^”^1^^ Com™unist movement in Canada consists of
xnree main groups — organizations within the Overseas Chinese
CF™0 I’k/L* T°SeSh"ehWOrkerS t:°VMent/Splinter Groups, and the
ov<n+<
c
, ere
been a marked increase in the activity nf
S
Communist Overseas Chinese organizations and some incX°e
/il J J B flUenCu °Ver the Overseas Chinese community generally
£fo-ea.in Victoria, Vancou£e? and O&Ba.
group of locals based in Ontario end^uebec end a n^bershH'o?®
approximately 100. The CF of C - 1,1/1, extremely mTlitant dSrir1^7O, Jias recently shown signs of becoming less violence-oriented
apparently m an attempt to attract a greater following -nd t^
a degree of political legitimacy and s^ciaiI reJpectobility?
°"leV
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�I
V?
rjuii nr. si nvicr
MEM GUANS) UM
■■
'>
COVtliNMCM Cl CANADA
COUVI
i :;r t>:i
cai.ada
Ch. HA) XI i\
okly
|UU|‘ 'lit
I
The Secretary, Joint Intelligence
Cor.i'ni ttoe
HiUV
or
vo-.ni t ‘i f
I
I
r
JO
A
I
SUBFCT
SUJ! 1
■ i
All recipients of The Internal Threat
to Canada J1C 1-12T71')~'(?.UULj~
19"j..ay 1971
J
DAH
14 June 1971
HFFEH RU LY T0
tA FIT(MSF A
I
i
IF:
rfi
K3
The Chinese Cultural Society (Ottawa)
The Chinese CuJ.tural Society (Ottawa) referred to in
paragraph 99 on page 23 is not pro-Chincse Communist as indicated.
The name Chinese Cultural Society had on a number of occasions
been used by the Holy Light Musical Group (Ottawa) which, until its
very recent demise, was pro-Ch.inese Communist. It was the dual use
of the name which caused confusion and the error.
It is therefore requested that paragraph 99 bo replaced
by the following:
__ s 1’
’r ■
O
o
o
o
co
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98.
The effect of Canadian recognition of the P.R.C. on the
pro-Chinese Communist movement in Canada is difficult to assess at
this time. However, once the mission is established, moral support
and, probably also, financial and cultural assistance will be
provided to those groups showing themselves to be sympathetic to
the P.R.C. Prime attention will undoubtedly be paid to the Over
seas Chinese community and the direct contacts made there could
well lead to increased organizational and other activity on the
part of both the Chinese ethnic and other pro-Chinese Communist
groups.
(
2.
I
Overseas Chinese Organizations
99.
Currently, there are at least four pro-Chinese Commun
ist organizations within the Overseas Chinese community in Canada.
These are the Chinese Youth Association (Vancouver), the Chinese
Canadian Welfare Association (Toronto), the East Wind Association
(Montreal) —having approximately thirty active members each, and
the Ottawa Chinese Association, moreover, certain elements of the
Chinese Freemasons Society of Canada, previously mentioned as being
Communist infiltrated at the executive level, have shown some signs
of support for the P.R.C. These organizations support a policy of
revolution in Canada in an indirect and veiled manner through more
vocal support for the P.R.C., propaganda printed in their respect
ive publications, and periodic participation in public activities
sponsored by other Communist organizations or supported by the
representatives of the P.R.C. Since recognition of the P.R.C.,, the
objective of tnese organizations has been directed toward present
ing a favourable China image.
3.
Progressive Workers Movements/Splinter Groups
r
100.
Leadership and disunity problems have almost completely
destroyed the Progressive Workers Movement (PWM-Vancouver), formerly
the main non-ethnic Chinese proponent of P.R.C. ideologies in
Canada. The remaining members have attempted to re-organize
using as a nucleus the recently formed New Leaf Society and its
publication, The New Leaf.
101.
Still active, however, is the 400-member Canada-China
Friendship Association (CCFA) which was established in 3964 as a P'Akfront group and whose policies are generally in line with those of
the aforementioned Overseas Chinese organizations. Also, efforts
are being made by certain pro-Chinese Communist elements in Canada
to form a new such organization to be known as the Society for
Canada-China Understanding and to be patterned on the Society for
Anglo-China Understanding in the U.K. Considerable interest in t;.is
has been shown
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The Canadian Party of Labour (CPL), a breakaway PWM group
102.
formed in May 1969, has continued to expand numerically and now has
an estimated hard-core membership of 100 persons, active in the
industrial areas of Montreal, Peterborough, Toronto and London, It
seeks to heighten the political consciousness of the workers throug!
increased activity and demonstrations at strike scenes, the raising
of money for strike funds, sales of its publication The Canadian
Worker, and the holding of "educationals" for interested workers,
the CPL has links with similar groups in the United States, the
United Kingdom and France.
4.
The Communist Party of Canada
(Marxist-Leninist)
103The most radical and militant pro-Chinese Communist
organizations in Canada are the Communist Party of Canada (MarxistLeninist)1 (CP of C-M/L) and its affiliates, including the student I
wing, the Canadian Student Movement (CSM). Led by Hardial Singh
Bains, an East Indian landed immigrant who, as previously indicated,
has been in contact with the NONA representatives in Canada, the
CP of C-M/L network has approximately 350 generally young, welleducated members, many of them recent immigrants to Canada. CP of
C-M/L chapters, CSM locals and Progressive Books and Periodicals Ltd
propaganda outlets are found in many of the larger urban centers.
At least some of the funds used in the operation of Progressive
Books and Periodicals Ltd. bookstores are thought to be provided
|
by representatives of the P.R.C.
I
104.
In order to achieve its objective, namely,
to ally with the working class and oppressed masses and
to unite under working class ideology and party in
order to seize state power from the hands of the
Canadian bourgeoisie by defeating U.S. imperialism
and establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat,
the CP of C-M/L and its affiliates participated, throughout most of
1970, in demonstrations during which violent confrontations
occurred.
Prior to the invocation of the War Measures Act (WKA) during
105.
the Quebec crisis of October 1970, there were numerous instances of
CP of C-M/L-inspired confrontations with local police in various
urban centers and of physical attacks on prominent officials.
Consequently, many arrests were effected and several convictions
obtained not only in regard to the charges laid but also for
contempt of court arising out of the judicial guerrilla tactics
engaged in during the court proceedings.
Party internal security,
tightened in September 1970 with the establishment of safe houses,
■'"Previously known as the Internationalists and the
Canadian Communist Movement (Marxist-Leninist).
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covert meetings and the adoption of a cellular structure similar to
that of the FLQ, increased in October 1970 and some pro: inent member
dropped out of sight.
106.
During November 1970 a new dimension was added to CP of
C-M/L tactics when members, temporarily under the guidance of
CSM leader Robert Alan Cruise, used a paint bomb to disrupt a
meeting addressed by a Federal Cabinet Minister. CP of C-M/L
members' were responsible for the firebombing of a U.S. Consulate
and the smoke bombing of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation
building in Toronto. In early December 1970, a member of the
Vancouver local of the CP of C-M/L carried out a planned physical
attack on a civic mayoralty candidate at a rally held in Vancouver,
B.C.
107.
The policy of violence for violence sake promoted by Cruise
has since been denounced by Bains during his criticism of Cruise
for "revisionism" and attempting to seize control of the CP of C-k/L
while Bains was overseas. Cruise, now serving an eighteen-month
sentence for convictions under the Criminal Code, was expelled from
the Party but still has a following among members of the organiza
tion who are violence prone. A soft-line approach subsequently
initiated by Bains at a conference held in Saskatoon in January 1971
is viewed as a tactical ruse to gain a greater following, legitimacy
as a political party, and more acceptance by the masses. Although
this soft-line is given lip-service, violent confrontations between
members of the CP of C-M/L and local authorities or prominent
individuals are continuing. For example, five of thirteen persons
arrested during Prime Minister Trudeau’s visit to Toronto in March
1971 were members of the CP of C-M/L, and it was the Quebec wing, thl
PCQ-M/L, which was responsible for the disruption of the dinner
attended by Premier Bourassa on 31 March in honour of McGill
I
University’s 150th Anniversary. In addition, trusted lieutenants of
Bains are continuing to denounce the Government of Canada and callin
for its violent overthrow.
108.
Bains announced that a new organization, the Canadian
Workers Movement (CWLl), had been established in January 1971 to
place more emphasis on "work through the working class" as opposed
to work through "student and ethnic groups", Its headquarters, know
as the Norman Bethune Centre, is in Toronto, Although at this early
juncture,
juncture little activity in this regard has occurred, the CY/K is
assured of full support from the CP of C-M/L and some of its ethnic
front groups, CP of C-M/L activity among ethnic groups has not
ceased.
1OQ.
As indicated by the references on page 7 to IOPQ
participation in Colloque I and on page 16 to Bains’ contact
with Charles Gagnon of the FLQ, there has been some Maoist
involvement with the Quebec Separatist/terrorists. In addition,
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Bains was recently responsible for the establishment of a Black
Revolutionary Party (BRP) whose aim, apparently,jis to unite black
nationalists from Canada and the United States.
110.
The CP of C-M/L also has certain links with foreign
countries. It has direct contact with counterpart organizations
in the United States, the United Kingdom and Ireland. It has,
moreover, indirect ties with India — through a front group, the
Ad Hoc Committee of the Hindustani Ghadar Party, comprising some
forty East Indian immigrants, which, formed three or four years
ago and now based primarily in Toronto, pledges allegiance to
the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist). Although very
tenuous, a perhaps more sinister link, in the light of recent
revelations of North Korean involvement in insurgent movements
in Ceylon and Mexico, is the contact made with prominent members
of the CP of C-M/L by a North Korean national in Canada, his
subsequent visit to the Soviet Consulate, and the sudden trip
of Hardial Singh Bains to Moscow a few weeks later, reportedly
on a North Korean invitation to attend an "anti-imperialist"
conferenc e.
1The BRP was organized at a meeting ih Windsor, Ontario
in mid-April which involved leaders of the CP of C-L./L,
a front group — the Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity
Movement, and a group of Afro-Americans from the U.S.A,
headed by a former leader of the Black Panther Party.
The BRP will be based in Detroit and will involve block
militants in Canada, the U.S.A, and, possibly, the
Caribbean. A weekly newspaper The Black Revolutionary
is to be published.
This is a particular!.? significant development
indicating as it does coordination of Maoist and
black revolutionary activity.
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III.
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THREAT FRO’.' THE NEW LEFT
1.
General Comment
111.
The New Left, although difficult to define precisely, is
anti-establishment, rejects the existing socio-political structure,
and advocates its overthrow — without clear ideas of what should be
put in its place except that for the advocates of radical extra
parliamentary opposition (EPO - see below) the alleged aim is a
thoroughgoing participatory democracy. Moreover, while the politick
activity of the New Left may appear to be without direction or pur- |
pose, the aim has constantly been to create a radical base of suppor
in society capable of overthrowing the political system. This
applied to past efforts on campus to incite students to revolt and
it applies to the current radical EPO program.
112.
Although it professes to be seeking to create a socio
political system uniquely different from the Western democratic/
free-enterprise system and from Communism, the New Left has uncon
sciously drawn upon the ideological past. There can be found within
the movement three basic political strands: philosophical anarchism
with its emphasis on the abolition of post-industrial societies and
the creation of simplistic communal-type structures; nihilism, which
advocates complete destruction of the present socio-political order
without specifying viable alternatives; and early Marxism, which
stresses the alienation of man. These political "isms" mingle in
different proportions in different places, with, however, no one
element being more dominant than another in New Left thinking.!
As a result, the New Left is not a monolithic but rather a pluralis
tic movement encompassing many diverse political elements, whose
programs of action, the means of creating the revolution, may differ
but whose goals, the destruction of the existing socio-political
system, are identical. Often, however, the New Left’s decentralized
unstructured nature and multi-layered political base, has resulted
in an ad hoc approach to achieve its objectives. The radical EPO
program "of action is an attempt by certain elements of the New Left
circumvent this tactical problem.
2.
The Radical EPO Program
11J.
Fro::; a security point of view, the radical EPO program
is of particular interest and concern. This concept in the context
of the New Left does not mean legitimate pressure group activity,
but rather the creation of counter or parallel institutions within
society but opposed to it and to the electoral process. Through
such institutions the Hew Left seeks to organize and radicalize
the ’’underclasses" of society and mold them into a revolutionary
force capable of overthrowing the present socio-political system.
Recent signs of a possible "opening up" of China to Western
visitors, which would probably in part be calculated to impress
the visitor with the Chinese way of life, could have a marked
influence on Leftist, particularly New Leftist, thinking, just
as in the 193O*s there was considerable admiration among Western
Leftists for the Soviet "experiment". Should such a feeling
towards China develop, the long-term internal security implica
tions are obvious.
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114.
These counter institutions, as envisaged by the New Left,
would not only act as radical agents of change for the underpri
vileged, but, through the creation of extra-legal channels of
political expression in opposition to the established institutions,
they would also challenge and erode the legitimacy of the dulyelected Government in the eyes of the dispossessed. According to
Roussopoulos, editor-in-chief of the New Left theoretical publica
tion Our Generation and a vociferous advocate of the radical EPO
program, "...people will not move against institutions of power until
the legitimizing authoritj' has /been/ stripped away". The radical
EPO program of the New Left is, in short, a movement strategy predi
cated on a total and unequivocal rejection of representative democracy
its destruction and the creation of radical alternatives.
115.
An integral part of this strategy is Praxis Corporation in
Toronto, which is under the control of two editorial members of Our
Generation, Gerry Hunnius and Howard Buchbinder. They are attempt
ing, through a program of workers' and community control, and in
conjunction with organizations such as the Parallel Institute in
Montreal, to implement the radical EPO program. Praxis Corporation
has, for example, penetrated and gained control of the Just Society,
originally a legitimate citizens’ group, and is utilizing this
organization as a radicalizing agent among the poor as well as a
stepping stone into other legitimate welfare agencies such as the
Toronto Metropolitan Social Planning Council and the United Appeal.
Through the Just Society, Praxis Corporation, which organized the
Federally financed Poor People's Conference, was able to turn this
Conference into a sounding board for its radical EPO program and
revolutionary propaganda. Praxis Corporation also has been active in
the sphere of industrial unions, such as the Reform Caucus of the
Canadian Labour Congress, endeavouring to establish contacts who might
be receptive to its concept of workers' control.
3.
Penetration of Government
116.
There are indications that Praxis Corporation, through
contacts in Government, was able to ensure that it received a Federal
grant of $68,000. Of more concern, however,is the presence within
certain Government departments and agencies, e.g., CMHC, of a small
group of former campus revolutionaries headed by Martin Loney1.
117.
The short-term political objectives of Loney's group include
the organizing and radicalizing of sympathetic civil servants and
getting them to support its long-term political program of socialist
1
Loney was largely responsible for the unrest at Simon Fraser
University in 1968. The very recent departure of Loney to
secure a teaching post in England (possibly a tentative
arrangement) has not appreciably diminished the threat posed
by the Loney group, for recently the Praxis Corporation has
been in frequent contact with it. Should Loney not return,
Praxis Corporation would undoubtedly provide direction to this
group.
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revolution. Also involved is dissemination of Government information
to other radical groups across the country. For example, a member of
Loney’s group, who is also a member of the Youth Task Force of the
|
Secretary of State’s Department, has passed on information from the
i
Task Force, to a New Leftist who was a representative of Praxis
Corporation at the recent Poor People’s Conference. Of late, it has
become apparent that other members of Loney's group in Government
I
also intend to pursue this type of activity.
118.
This revolutionary cadre within Government can also assist in
the financing of questionable projects sponsored by radical elements.
An apparent case in point is the meeting a Carleton University
professor had with Martin Loney to obtain the names of persons in
Government whom he could approach for financial assistance — for a
research project allegedly to be conducted by the professor, but
actually to be carried out by Loney and other New Leftists. Loney was
to remain unnamed. Another case in point is the application made to
CKHC for a grant by the Ottawa Union of Tenants (OUT). It can be
assumed that OUT, originally a legitimate citizens' group but now
infiltrated to the point of control by Loney's group, will have the
support of the latter’s contacts in Government.
4.
Revolutionary Youth Movement
119.
V.hat can be termed the revolutionary youth movement m Canada
had its origins in the demise of the New Leftist Students for a
Democratic University organizations on campus and the move off campus,
in some cases forced, by many of the more radically inclined profes
sors and students who had belonged to them. This move was undoubtedly
triggered by a realization that radical student power tactics had
failed to transform the universities into launching pads for revolu
tion, and that an effective revolutionary movement could not be
constructed within the academic milieu alone, but also must extend its
base of activities into the community at large.
120.
To achieve this goal, the revolutionary youth movement, con
sisting of groups such as the Partisan Party (formerly the Vancouver
Liberation Front), the Youth International Party (YIP), both active
in Vancouver, and the Red Morning (formerly known as Rising Up j.ngry)
in Toronto, has engaged in urban guerrilla warfare tactics and open
street confrontations with law enforcement agencies. By adopting such,
tactics, these groups seek to radicalize dissident political elements
and alienate! youths and mold them into a cohesive revolutionary force,
while at the same time drawing the police into retaliatory action and
unfavourable publicity. This type of activity, "trashing with the
I
police", is prevalent in the larger urban centers such as Vancouver
and Toronto, which harbour ready-made elements of social and political
unrest.
This professor, an American, was actively involved in setting up
Pestalozzi College (financed by CKHC) in Ottawa. He visualizes
the College as a launching pad for social and political activities
of a radical nature in the Ottawa area, and he is apparently seeking
to ha.e the Canadian University Press and the Octopus Bookstore (on
outlet for New Lett and Marxist literature) move into Pestalozzi.
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121.
There is no evidence of centralized direction or financing of
the groups forming the revolutionary youth movement. Similarity of
strategy and objectives between such groups in Canada and parallel
groups in other Western countries is believed to stem rather from
shared values and tactics rapidly disseminated by modern global com
munications. However, there is evidence to indicate that revolution
ary youth groups in Canada are placing increased emphasis on prior
co-ordination and co-operation of violent activities with other
subversive and dissident groups across the country. Moreover, the
movement is expanding with the recent formation of groups in such
widely diverse points as Vancouver Island, B.C., and Halifax Dartmouth, M.S. Currently, its programs of action have taken a sharp
turn toward more radical measures, with talk of kidnapping and, even,
of establishing assassination squads, presumably to be used against
prominent Government officials'!.
122.
Vancouver and Toronto, dealt with in some detail below, are
focal points of such activity. However, even the Maritimes, in this
sense once a political backwater, has in recent years shown a
definite increase in revolutionary activity and organizations,
particularly in the Halifax area. One of these organizations, refer
red to as the Revolutionary Youth Movement, is accused of being
involved in an extortion attempt against an I..LA and is rumoured to
have plans to carry out a political kidnapping.
a.
Vancouver
One of the most active groups in the Vancouver area has been
123.
the Partisan Party, which is led by a number of former Simon Fraser
University student radicals who, as previously indicated, are extend
ing their activities beyond the campus in order to unite alienated
young people into a revolutionary youth movement. Its members advoca
armed conflict with the "establishment" as a means of overthrowing tn
capitalist system. This group during 1970 precipitated a number of
major confrontations, including the march on Blaine, .'.'ashington, the
Stanley Park "Liberation Party" and the English Bay riots, the latter
culminating in a march of several hundred persons through the streets
of Vancouver. There has been co-ordinated planning between the Parti
san Party and other radical groups; these plans included the demon
stration which took place against the Prime Minister in Vancouver on
1 May.
124.
A leading role in the planning of summer activities is also
being played by the Yippies (YIP),an organization which has grown in
prominence within the revolutionary youth movement and which is
attempting to politicize the hippie community. Its plans include
the operation of a "news service" to keep Canadian and U.S. student
movements informed of the summer's events by utilizing the telex
facilities of the Canadian University Press (CUP) located at Simon
1
Such talk is difficult to assess; it may in large part be
attributable to revolutionary bombast, but, at the same time,
it cannot be ignored. To date, there is no evidence to indi
cate the existence of assassination squads.
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Fraser University. Recently two of its members have spoken in terms
of setting up a "defence fund1’ for the "assassins" of Premier Bennett
and Mayor Tom Campbell, although there is no evidence of planning to
carry out such assassinations.
125.
Planning for 1971 summer events is being conducted through
symposiums, which could involve as many as thirty-nine organizations,
and includes a scheme to establish an AN radio station. Conceivably,
in the unlikely event such a station is established, it would be used
to organize support for the movement and confrontations against the
authorities.
b.
Toronto
126.
Like Vancouver, Toronto has been plagued by the violent
activities of revolutionary youth groups, such as the Red Morning,
which was formed at Rochdale College, Toronto in May 1970 to commem
orate the killing of four Kent State University students by Ohio
National Guardsmen. This group has been active in various demonstra
tions and has shown an ability to mobilize the support of up to 1,200
youths. Utilizing urban guerrilla concepts, its members are organize
into cell-type structures and engage in rifle and other guerrilla
training on a farm outside Toronto. It is now planning acts of
violence in. co-operation wit}, other revolutionary youth groups.
Moreover, there is evidence of clandestine liaison between Red
Morning and the Partisan Party in Vancouver. Its contacts extend to
the Black Panther Party and the Weathermen in the United States, and
it has voiced support for the FLQ. Also, there are indications that
the CP of C - M/L is prepared to form an alliance with the Red
Morning and provide it with the expertise needed to assemble bombs.
Currently, some of its members are talking in terms of setting up an
assassination squad, which if established, would undoubtedly be used
against key Government officials.
5-
Other New Left Activity
127.
The Nev. Left's radical EPO program, penetration of Government,
the revolutionary youth movement denotes a definite shift in tactics
from violent confrontations on campus which, as was obvious to many
New Leftists, had largely failed in their objective. However,
academic institutions, as evidenced by the recent disturbances at Sain
Francis Xavier University in Antigonish, R.S.,1 still remain fertile
areus to be exploited, not only by New Leftist elements who have remaii
1
The University was forced to close immediately prior to final
examinations when a fire bomb was thrown into the University
extension library on 5 April 1971, causing 15 to 20 thousand
dollars damage. The incident occurred during a legitimate and
long-standing dispute between students and the administration.
Three former SDU members are believed responsible.
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on campus,1 but also by radical New Left groups operating off campus
who have continued to maintain contact with the universities. Cases
in point are the activities of the Community Educational Research
Centre (CERC) in Vancouver and the Partisan Party, which after being
evicted from the Jericho Youth Hostel in October 1970, occupied the
lounge of the Student Union Building at the University of British
Columbia, thus indicating that it is still prepared to utilize the
campuses to agitate and draw publicity. Also of concern are the
Canadian Univeristy Press (CUP), which is striving to transform
campus newspapers across Canada into a radical syndicate for the dis
semination of New Left propaganda among students, and the Company of
Young Canadians.
128.
The CERC, which was formed in late 1969 by a number of profes
sors suspended from Simon Fraser University (SFU) on account of
radical activity, is seeking to provide experienced researchers to
labor unions and community organizations and to involve students in
this regard. The CERC has been unable to gain significant labor
support, although it is reported to have been instrumental in pro
longing the 1969-70 B.C. waterfront dispute. Moreover, it has had
the support of some leftist organizations such as the Unemployed
Citizens Welfare Improvement Council and the Vancouver Women's Caucus,
which utilize CERC premises and press facilities. Also, the CERC was
instrumental in the formation of the Free Quebec - Free Canada
Committee (FQFCC), which is a coalition of revolutionary elements
(e.g., pro-Chinese Communists, New Leftists) supporting the FLQ cause.
The FQFCC has sponsored "teach-ins on Quebec" at the Universities of
British Columbia and Saskatchewan (Regina campus).
129.
In regard to the Canadian University Press (CUP), whose current]
executive is extremely radical, its obvious objective is to further
the New Left cause by providing biased and radical material to various
university publications. Material provided in connection with a tour
of SHAPE conducted by student newspaper editors in late 1970 is of
interest in this regard. The report on the tour prepared by the
delegates^, who were selected by the CUP, was, as expected, hostile
to NATO.
The Company of Young Canadians (CYC), which had been involved
130.
in the revolutionary buildup of events in Quebec and in the develop
ment of the New Left movement in Canada generally, has been reorganized. Rather than being an agent of social change, the CYC now
1
An example of this type of individual is Chandler Davis, a
former member of the Communist Party of the U.S.A, and a lead
ing faculty radical at the University of Toronto, who was
endeavouring to have radical U.S. professors appointed to the
University. He is also fairly active within the Committee on
Socialist Studies, which is known to contain members of the
CP of C, and his entire approach seems to be consistent with
that of furthering revolutionary Socialism in Canada.
2
During the tour the delegates, in addition to showing hostility
to NATO, expressed pro-FLQ sympathies and were vocal in their
condemnation of the Canadian Government's handling of the
October crisis.
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becomes involved in community projects on the invitation of existing
organizations only. The requesting agency also names the volunteers
for their project, subject to CYC approval. When the requesting
agency is controlled by subversives, however, problems still arise.
An example of this is the Vancouver Tenants Council (VTC) project,
where the names of CYC volunteers chosen by a Communist Party*of
Canada (CP of C) executive member were submitted to the CP of C
Provincial Executive for approval before being sent to the CYC. The
VTC candidates were approved by the CP of C and the CYC and subse
quently hired.
131.
In addition, certain projects of the CYC are still plagued by
difficulties of Security interest. A case in point is the Great
Slave Lake project, where a CYC volunteer is the prime suspect in
the bombing of a vacant USAF Dew Line Traffic Co-ordination Centre at
Hay River, N.W.T. in February 1971 and is believed responsible for a
theft of dynamite and detonators in the same area between Inarch and
April. Volunteers of this project also appear to have exhibited proFL£ and anti-Government sympathies during the October crisis and its
aftermath, are responsible for the introduction of a local New Left
publication, and are believed to have been behind the Indian demon
strations during the 1970 Royal Visit to the North West Territories.
Difficulties are also apparent on the Winnipeg Project, where a
volunteer, who is quoted as describing himself as a "true xevolution
ary" , has had extensive involvement with Communists, Trotskyists and
Maoists, has played a leading role in demonstrations against the
Prime Minister, and has charges pending for causing a disturbance and
assaulting a Peace Officer.
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THREAT FROM RACIAL UNREST
A.
BLACK POWER MOVEMENT
1.
General Conditions
132.
Although not noticeably successful in their endeavours,
black extremists from the U.S.A, and the West Indies continue to
agitate in Canadian black communities, seeking to establish contacts
and organize support groups. The Black Panther Party (BPP) of the
U.S.A., which also regards Canada as a refuge for BPP members fleein,
justice in the U.S.A., is particularly active in this regard.
133.
Centers of Black Power activity in Canada include Halifax,
Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg and Vancouver.
2.
Halifax
134.
The attempts by black extremists to gain a foothold in
black communities in Nova Scotia, particularly in Halifax, have
largely been thwarted by the Black United Front (BUF), an organi
zation set up by moderate Negro leaders to improve the cultural,
social and economic circumstances of blacks in the Province. A
Federal grant of almost $500,000 was given to the BUF for this pur
pose.
135BUF activities have been orderly to date; yet a potential
for subversion exists.1 It is, for example, the stated intention of
the BUF to invite outside blacks into the Nova Scotia communities as
guest speakers at meetings. Black extremists may well seek to
exploit the situation.
3.
Montreal
136.
Black Power activity in Montreal centers around certain key
black militants such as Roosevelt Douglas, Although no violence
has occurred during the past few months, Douglas has claimed that
he and his followers are prepared to commit violence if the trials
I
of blacks involved in the destruction of the Sir George Williams
i
University Computer Center are not favourably concluded^ Also,
Douglas, in company with another Black Power advocate, has presided
over the so-called "Thursday Night Rallies of the Black Militants of |
Montreal",and he has, on occasion, attended rallies with Black Power
advocates from the U.S.A. A case in point was a rally addressed by
Stokely Carmichael at Westmount High School in Montreal which
followed hard upon similar, BPP-sponsored rallies attended by the
two in the United States.
Although this potential, like that of other revolutionary ele
ments seeking to gain a foothold in the area is not great, it
does nevertheless, as previously indicated, mark a change from
a few years ago when Halifax, and Nova Scotia generally, was
virtually free from any sort of subversive activity.
2
Douglas was recently sentenced to two years in prison and fined
$5,000 for his part in the incident.
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137.
A BPP Information Center has been set up in Montreal but
thus far its precise function remains unclear. Also, the "Quebec
Committee of Solidarity with the Black Panthers" was organized in
1970 to establish a channel of communication between the BPP and
the Quebec Separatist/terrorist movement. To date evidence suggests
that both of the above organizations were set up more as gestures of
solidarity than for functional reasons. However, the possibility
cannot be dismissed that there will be increased co-operation betwee;
the FLQ and the BPP.
4.
Toronto
138.
Although the potential for unrest remains, militant Black
Power activity in the Toronto area has been minimal. Militant black
organizations such as the Afro-American Progressive Association and
the Black Liberation Front of Canada remained inactive in 1970. The
Black Youth Organization, an offshoot of the Afro-American Progress!
Association, has, however, continued active, on the one hand conducts
legitimate community work and on the other inviting black extremists
to speak in Toronto.
139.
One new such organization, to be known as the Black
Liberation Action Committee, appears to have been established as
a result of appeals made at a recent Black Power conference in
Toronto for the organization of Canadian blacks as a means of defence
against alleged white racism. The conference, addressed by Canadian,
American and West Indian black extremists, was billed as a "Black
Cultural Youth Conference" in order to attract maximum support. Spor
sors of the conference, which was devoted almost entirely to revolu
tionary and racist themes, were described as black student groups
from Quebec and Ontario.
140.
As indicated on page 25 , a Black Revolutionary Party, inte
national in scope, has recently been formed on the initiative of
CP of C - M/L leader Hardial Singh Bains.
5.
Winnipeg
141.
There is in Winnipeg a very small group of black militants
given to periodic outbursts of revolutionary rhetoric. In early 1970
an attempt was made to establish a local BPP information center, but
the attempt failed because there was neither the hoped-for support
from the BPP-U.S.A. nor sufficient interest among the city's black
populati on.
6.
Vancouver
142.
With the Vancouver Black Action Group (V-BAG) becoming dor
mant owing to the return to the United States of many of the black
American extremists which had formed its membership, the Black Power
threat in Vancouver has declined. No Canadian blacks belonged to
V-BAG which had close links with the BPP and a claimed membership of
fifty.
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REE POWER MOVEMENT
143*
There have been no instances of serious violence among
Indian communities across Canada during the past year. The Indians
have presented their grievances to the provincial and Federal
authorities in a peaceful manner! and it has only been on rare
occasions that threats of violence have been voiced by a small radi
cal element.
144.
In Ontario claims for Indian independence from Canada are
being voiced by hereditary chiefs and a band of young militants, the
Iroquois Confederacy Warriors. Their demands are unacceptable not
only to the Federal Government but also to the Six Nations Selected
Council. The issue has caused a split and a degree of unrest has
developed within the Indian groups themselves.
145*
The CP of C * M/L issued a statement on 30 August 1970
supporting the Iroquois Warriors and calling upon the Indian people
to join with the Canadian working class "to smash up this evil
system of exploitation of man by man". They quote the words of a
militant 0jibway Indian, Patrick Sayers, who was charged on 8 April
1970 with throwing a fire bomb down the stairwell of the House of
Commons Center Block to draw attention to Indxan demands. Sayers is
quoted as having said before the ’’colonial court":
The racist policy of repression instigated by the U.S.
imperialists and the Canadian comprador bourgeoisie
against the Indian national minority will not be tolerated,
for we will unite with other oppressed minorities and the
Canadian working class to overthrow by armed struggle the
common enemy.
146.
The Vancouver-based Native Alliance for Red Power (NARP) is
now inactive. Among other things, this has ended the liaison which
had existed between the Black Panther Party (BPP) of the United
States and NARP and which had been oriented toward providing hideouts'
for BPP fugitives from the U.S.A.
A case in point was the pi-esentation to the Prime Minister and
his Cabinet in June 1970 of a Red Paper prepared by the Indian
Chiefs of Alberta in "rebuttal" of the Government’s original
White Paper on proposed Indian policy.
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THREAT FROM THE ERG-SOVIET -ING OF
THE INTERNATIONAL COT.J.'.UNIST MOVEMENT
A.
GENERAL COMMENT
147.
However unrealizeable it may seem at this time, the ulti
mate goal of the international Communist movement remains the estab
lishment of Communism throughout the world. Although the means
being used are largely peaceful, as is implicit in the strategy
of "peaceful coexistence", any means short of general war may be use
including support of national liberation movements. Reliance con
tinues to be placed on espionage and subversion.
148.
The main threat in this connection is presented by the
Soviet Union wnich, under the aegis of its Communist Party (CPSU),
continues to dominate most of the Communist countries of Eastern
Europe and to provide leadership to a majority of the world’s
Communist Parties. Although the Soviet predominance in the inter
national Communist movement has been eroded by the Sino-Soviet dispu
and increasing interest in "national" issues among Communist Parties
in Western Europe and elsewhere, the Soviet Union is attempting to
expand its influence in the world community and regain more control
over pro-Soviet Communist Parties and the international Communist
movement generally.
149.
On the Canadian scene, the Communist Party of Canada (CP o
maintains close bonds with, and slavishly adheres to' the line of, the
CPSU. Moreover, Sergey Molocnkov, former head of the Canadian Desk
in the International Department of the CPSU’s Central Committee, who
had held a Counsellor position at the Soviet Embassy in Ottawa since
August 1968 has considerable contact with high-ranking C? of C
officials.
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THREAT FROM THE PRO-SOVIET
COMMUNIST MOVEMENT IN CANADA
1.
Communist Party of Canada (CP of C)
Allegiance to Moscow
I67.
The subordination of the CP of C to the international Com
munist movement and, specifically, to the Soviet-dominated wing, is
reflected in the policies of the Party’s top leadership which follow
without question the lead provided by the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union (CPSU). The unity of purpose and action which exists
between the CP of C and the CPSU is largely maintained through the
contact that leading CP of C officials have with prominent Party
functionaries in the Soviet Union and the Bloc generally and through
attendance at major international Communist meetings.
168.
One of the main reasons for the CP of C’s continued subser
vience to Moscow is that the CPSU contributes financially to the
Canadian Party’s welfare. Recent indications are that the Party’s
income from Canadian sources accounts for about one-third of its bud
get, with the remainder (approximately $100,000) thus having to come
from other sources — mainly from the Soviet Union.
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Strength and Unity
169.
There has been little change in the numerical strength of
the CP of C over the past two years — it remains at approximately
1400. Membership losses from deaths and inactivity brought on by ok
age have tended to offset the marginal membership increases claimed]
by CP of C leaders in British Columbia and Ontario. However, the
Party, which has had little success in the recruitment of young
people, hopes that now that the Young Communist League (YCL) has
been re-established, it will prove to be a fertile recruiting base
(see page 12).
170.
As in the past, the CP of C continues to be affected by id
logical and organizational problems. The Party Plenum held in
November 1970 reflected the differences of opinion held by some
executive members concerning Party policy and Party united front tac
tics, particularly as they relate to the New Democratic Party. Duri
the Plenum William Beeching - Canadian Tribune editor, Donald Currie
national organizer, and Charles McFadden--"leader of the Young
Communist League, resigned from the Central Executive Committee fol
lowing censure by the Central Committee. However, they retained the
positions on the Central Committee and are now active at the pro
vincial level. Also of note was the resignation, later, from the
Party itself, of Stanley Ryerson, former CP of C theoretician, who h
been forced to leave the Party’s executive ranks owing to his
opposition to the Soviet intervention in Czechoslovakia.
171.
The resignations of the executive members at the Plenum,
like those which occurred following the Czechoslovakia issue, again
foi-ced the CP of C to re-shuffle its personnel and adjust its variou:
committees at a time when the Party is already short of qualified
cadres, particularly from among its youthful members. However, des
pite these problems and any adverse effect they may have on the Part;
in the short run, there is no question, at present, of the top leade:
ship’s security of tenure within the Party, its devotion to the
Communist cause, or its allegiance to Moscow.
Policies
17 2.
In working towards what even the Party faithful must at
times consider a rather illusory goal, namely, the establishment of
"Socialist" and ultimately a Communist society in Canada, the CP of
seeks to exploit for propaganda purposes any number of economic,
social and political issues. Most significant in this regard are
the Party’s call for a united people's counteroffensive involving
labor unions and labor bodies, farmers, and socialists generally,
around the slogan "one million jobs" (aimed at "compelling" the
Canadian Government to reverse policies designed to fight inflation)
and the Party’s pledge to lend its full support and co-operation to
the "Outnow" petition campaign designed to bring pressure on the U.S
Government to withdraw its troops from Indo-China. The Outnow campa
was originally launched by the U.S. "peace’1 movement and endorsed by
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canadTaK
the March 1970 Stockholm Conference on Vietnam (Communist). In
Canada the project is intended to bring public pressure to bear on
the Canadian Government in demanding an end to Canadian "complicity"
in the "U.S. war of imperialism in Southeast Asia".
17 3.
Since the invocation of the War Measures Act (WMA) in
October 1970, the CP of C has called for unity and co-operation with!
other groups urging the repeal of the WKA and any successive legis
lation. Although the Party has issued press releases condemning the
terrorist acts of the FLQ, it blames the Federal and Quebec Govern
ments for the conditions w.iich led to the invocation of the Act.
Demonstrations were held in Ottawa by C? of C members in October and
November 1970 to protest against the WMA and to draw attention to
the Party’s "one million jobs" campaign.
Transition to Socialism
174•
The CP of C's position on the revolutionary process was
reiterated, as follows, by Party Leader William Kashtan during a
Central Committee meeting in November 1970.
Our Party as a revolutionary party does not hide the
fact that it advocates a fundamental revolutionary
change of society, that is socialism, in which the
working class and its allies will build a new system
of society based on public ownership and planning.
We see the possibility of achieving this by peaceful
means.... At the same time we do not close our eyes
to the fact, as is made clear by all the evidence
around us, that the reactionary forces in capitalist
society will not give up peacefully and will try to
halt the democratic process by violence.... The
worKing class is perfectly justified in defending
itself against such violence.... The working class
and its allies when they achieve power will be
equally justified in using the authority of the state
and power of the state to protect Socialism against
those who would try to violently overthrow it.
175.
The CP of C continues to advocate the policy laid down bv
the CP of C’s 20th National Convention in 1969, which urged its
members to work toward strengthening the Party's united front activi
and the building of a new alliance, i.e. "a national, democratic,
anti-monopoly and anti-imperialist coalition" made up of all the
varied protest movements in Canada and led by the working class. Th
CP of C is apparently convinced that the formation of such an
alliance would create the necessary conditions for forging a new
political alliance in co-operation with the NDP, and thereby
establish a force capable of bringing about a political change in
Canada. For the Party, the NDP is seen as fulfilling a positive rol
in that it challenges the monopoly of the "old line" political
parties and opens the door to a "Socialist" advance.
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Young Communist League
176.
The re-establishment in March 1970 of the Party’s youth
organization, the Young Communist League (YCL)1, which was defunct
for more than five years, must be viewed as one of the more significand achievements of the CP of C since its 20th National Convention.
According to the Canadian Tribune
F
the YCL is an independent youth organization guided by
the science of Marxism-Leninism, fraternally related to
the Communist Party of Canada, following its lead, guided
by its program and assisted by its advices. Because of its
Marxist-Leninist character the YCL cannot, and does not,
have a program contradicting the program of the Communist
Party of Canada.
Current YCL membership is believed to be approximately 140.
177.
Tight Party control is maintained over YCL policies and
activities. Executive members of the League are also CP of C member,
the League is dependent upon the Party for financing its operations
and its monthly paper, the Young ’Worker; and, as illustrated by
events at the YCL Plenum held in October 1970, the League is subject
to Party intervention on policy matters. The YCL is also closely
linked to the international Communist movement through contact with
its counterpart in the Soviet Union and through the World Federation
of Democratic Youth (WPDY), with waich it seeks to affiliate.
178.
Three members of the YCL, including Mark Sydney, a CP of C
and YCL member currently at WFDY Headquarters in Budapest, Hungary,
attended the Eighth Assembly of the WFDY held in Budapest in late
1970. Of interest in this regard was the YCL claim that the Vietnam,
delegation suggested that the YCL act as co-ordinators for the pro
posed Vietnamese tour of Canada in the summer of 1971. Also of"
interest was the YCL report that the Assembly had been curious, but
"misinformed", about the crisis in Quebec (at its height at tnat tim<
and "felt" that the Front de liberation du Quebec (FLQ), as a "lefti:
group", should have a representative on the WFDY.
179.
Like the Party, the League has been affected by internal
bickering. The resignation of the leader of the YCL, Charles
McFadden, following censure by the Central Committee in November 197
has caused some
. . disruption
” _..x.’.1... within
1-11- the organization. LizLiz
Hill,
Hill,
whowho
attended the Institute of Social Sciences^ in Moscow from 1967 to 19
1-......................
The
Quebec wing of the YCL is known as the Ligue des jeunesses
co.mmunistes du Quebec
(LJC^j).. The LJCQ has complete control over
1 "
its policies and structures within Quebec as decided by the
National Convention and the National Committee of the LJCQ.
2A school for non-Bloc Party cadres.
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t
c
end who was elected to the position of YCL Executive Secretary at
the "Founding" Convention, appears to have assumed some of McFadden' K
r
responsibilities.
3.
National Groups
18 0,
The Communist Party draws almost half its strength and mos
of its active supporters from the "national groups", consisting mair|
of fraternal and cultural associations and mutual benefit societies
in the East European ethnic field. The combined membership ranges
from 11,000 to 17,000, most of it in the middle or older age bracket
The national groups' newspapers are published in fourteen languages,
with an estimated combined circulation of 25,000.
181.
The national groups are controlled by Party cadres and ard
useful to the Party in many ways — dissemination of propaganda,
financial support, and assistance in Party-directed attacks on Canad
social, political and economic institutions and on non-Communist
"ethnic" organizations. The bookstores, travel agencies, and import!
and export services (e.g., Ukrainian Book, Troyka Bookstore, Globe
Tours) owned and operated by national groups functionaries supply
additional revenue for the Communist movement, provide outlets for
Communist literature, facilitate travel by Canadian "progressives"
to the "homeland", and give an air of legitimacy to Communist contac
with Bloc representation in Canada.
182.
The national groups are a small minority within the overal
European ethnic community in Canada a.nd do not appear to exert
|
appreciable influence on it. None of the national groups, for examn
are represented on the influential co-ordinating bodies in the non
Communist community, although the penetration of these ethnic groups
has always been high on the Party’s list of priorities for the
national groups. The Federation of Russian Canadians (PRC - Communi
however, has had some success in its liaison with a segment of the
religious Doukhobor community in Western Canada and has established
ar organization for cultural co-operation with them. The most
a parent results of this liaison have been joint support of the proboviet "peace" movement; increased travel by Doukhobors to the Sovie
Union; Russian-language classes for Doukhobor children with EEC
teachers and facilities; university training for selected Doukhobor
young people in the Soviet Union; increased Doukhobor contacts with
Soviet Embassy personnel; and a noticeable trend on the part of
Doukhobor leaders to praise Soviet achievements and the Communist
life-style with a warmth lacking heretofore.
183.
There are also Communist groups within the Greek, Italian,,
Spanish and Portuguese communities in Canada but these ties appear
to be more with the Communist Party in the homelend and less with
the CP of C whose influence is confined to individual sympathizers
and Party clubs. The CP of C, however, formed a subcommittee in 197
to try to develop work among recent emigres in these areas.
j
184.
Over the last decade or so, the CP of C has met with in- I
creasing difficulties in maintaining the national grou;s in a viable
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state owing, for the most part, to an inability to appeal to youth, I
lack of leadership cadres, and outmoded organizational forms and
activities. Moreover, it has not been able to deal effectively with
the pernicious "national question" (Russification of the Ukraine,
anti-Semitism in the U.S.S.H.) to the satisfaction of the important
Ukrainian and Jewish element which has always provided the key
personnel for the Party’s "direction and control" apparatus. The
result has been decreased rapport between the Party and the national
groups at top level.
185.
Most of the East European Communist countries, undoubtedly
aware of the limitations of the national groups, seek to penetrate
their emigre communities in Canada, the intention being either to
gain their support or to neutralize whatever opposing force they may
represent. Engaged in this sort of activity have been Communist
emigre organizations such as the World Federation of Hungarians,
the Katica Societies of Yugoslavia, and the Association for Cultural
Relations with Ukrainians Abroad, certain of the Eastern Orthodox
Churches,
4.
Communist Front Group Activity
186.
For twenty years international front groups have been pro
moting Communist interests and, despite the adverse affect of such
developments as the Sino-Soviet dispute and the invasion of Czechos
lovakia, have remained under Soviet control. Two of the twelve inteJ
national fronts, the World Council of Peace (WCP) and the Women’s
International Democratic Federation (WIDF). have active Canadian
I
affiliates -- the Canadian Peace Congress (CPC) and the Congress of I
Canadian Women (CCW). respectively, while a third, the World Federate
of Democratic Youth (WFDY), has Canadian links (see page 44).
187.
The CPC, headed by the ubiquitous but aging Dr. James G.
Endicott!, is the core of the Communist "peace" offensive in
Canada, seeking, among other things, to rally support for the "anti
imperialist struggle" on such issues as the American military
presence in Vietnam. The CPC’s strength and influence are virtually
impossible to estimate, for most of its support comes from local peac
councils scattered across Canada, the majority of which in themselves
are not membership organizations. These peace councils, in turn,
derive their support primarily from the Communist national groups,
Communist trade unionists and long-time activists in the Canadian
peace movement.
The CCW, which is, in effect, the ladies auxiliary of the
Communist Party, has concentrated its activity on aid to Vietnam.
It has, for example, since December 1965 sent more than $13,000 in
U.S. funds to Vietnam through the WIDF, and it is currently engaged
^Endicott, a member of the Presidential Committee of the WCP and
President of its Vienna-based front, the International Institute
for Peace, does not now have the confidence of the CP of C
leadership. This is mainly because of his unrepentant attitude
toward Party criticism of his sympathy for China. Endicott,
now 72, is not in good health and will undoubtedly relinquish
his position when a suitable replacement has been found.
/48
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in collecting clothing and funds for a r~"
WIDF-sponsored pediatric
hospital and welfare center project in North Vietnam.
189.
The CP of C also finds it expedient to work through certai
non-Party organizations such as the Voice of Women (VOW) and the
Canadian Aid for Vietnam Civilians (Communist front, Vancouver). Th
VOW, for example, a women’s political pressure group which is in
filtrated at the Executive level by Communists, receives invitations
for, and attends, many international Communist front gatherings and
advocates policies similar to those of the Party, thereby tending to
authenticate the Communist peace campaign. The VOW gives unqualifie
support to the North Vietnamese and the Provisional Revolutionary
Government of South Vietnam, and it is currently making plans to
receive a delegation of Vietnamese women similar to the one sponsored
in 1969.
190,
Although in recent years the Vietnam War has been the ma jo
vehicle for Cans .ian Communists and their front and pressure groups,
there has been the trend toward linking the "struggle" against war
with one against poverty and racism, on the grounds that the goals
of v;orld peace and of "national liberation and social change" are
inseparable. This became apparent during the "summit meeting"(held
at St. Jerome, Quebec, in early 1970) which was attended by the WCP
delegation and arranged by the Communist-controlled Vietnam Koratorii
Committee in Montreal. One of the results of the meeting was the
establishment of an organization in Toronto called the Patriots for
Liberation Through United Struggle (PLUS), a youth-oriented group
affiliated with the Canadian Peace Congress. PLUS has established
a working relationship with Black nationalist militants; and its
members have attended Black Panther conferences in the U.S.A., aided
U.S. draft-dodgers and deserters, demonstrated against Canadian
investments in Trinidad, and supported the black militants on trial I
for destruction of the Computer Centre at Sir George Williams Uni
versity. 1
191On the basis of their success in having a North Vietnamese
delegation present at the St. Jerome meeting (and, a year or so
earlier, at the Hemispheric Conference to End the War in Vietnam
which was held at Montreal), the Communists have sought to establish
Canada as a convenient meeting ground for international conclaves
of this sort. However, at subsequent meetings such as the World
Jurists Conference on Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia wnich was held in
Toronto in May 1970, and the Indochina War Crimes Inquiry held in
the Detroit-Windsor area in January-February 1971 the invited North
Vietnamese delegation was unable to obtain Canadian visas. As a
result the meetings were considerably less effective.
19^.
Also less effective in recent months have been the Vietnam
Mobilization Committees which draw their support from all points of
Also to be noted, although somewhat out of context here, are
the committees formed on CP of C instructions in support of
Angela Davis, a Negro member of the Communist Party of the
United States who is now on trial. These committees, thus
far established in Toronto and Winnipeg, may also be an
attempt by the Party to solicit support from the black com
munity in Canada.
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r
the political and protest spectrum, including orthodox Communism,
Maoism and Trotskyism. These committees are, however, capable of
obtaining support on specific issues on a fairly broad front at
times when the orthodox Communist fronts are less effective.
5.
n
c
Communist Friendship Societies
193•
There are three "friendship" groups which have been set ud
by the CP of C to provide direct contact between Canadians and
nationals of Communist countries, and a fourth such group is in the
process of re-formation. The countries concerned are the U.S.S.R.,
Cuba, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (D.P.R.K.), and the
German Democratic Republic (G.D.R.). The groups provide a forum for
the dissemination of Communist propaganda and an opportunity for
seemingly legitimate contact and direct affiliation.
194The most effective of these groups, the Canada-U.5.S.R.
Association in Toronto, is the Canadian counterpart of the U.S.S.R.Canada Association in the Soviet Union, and its main activity is the
arranging of "goodwill and friendship" visits to the U.S.S.R. The
Soviet Embassy in Ottawa subsidizes the Association’s journal Soviet
Affairs and maintains direct contact with both the Association and [
its Quebec counterpart, the Quebec-U.S.S.R. Association. There were
strong indications in 1970 that the Soviet authorities planned a
restructuring of the Toronto-based Association along less partisan
lines, presumably because of reported Soviet failures to involve the
Association in official contacts with the Canadian Government and
its representatives abroad. The official Canadian view has been tha
the Association, because of its connection with the CP of C, cannot
be considered representative of Canada or of Canadian interests in
the U.S.S.R.
Only two of the five CP of C Cuban friendship groups in
Canada display much activity; the Canadian-Cuban Friendship Committe
in Vancouver which organizes yearly tours to Cuba, and the Friends 0
the Latin American Peoples (FLAP) in Montreal which disseminates pro!
Cuban propaganda through film showings and lectures. Both groups
maintain direct contact with the Institute for Friendship with the
Peoples of the World (ICAP) in Cuba, with FLAP also showing increase
interest in Chilean affairs.
196.
The Canadian-Korean Friendship Association was formed by t
CP of C in November 1970 at specific North Korean request in order
to more effectively press for Canadian recognition of the D.P.K.K.
In addition to attempting to gain support for this objective through!
public meetings, displays and film showings, the new Association is |
also seeking to involve local Arab, Palestinian, Greek and Negro
j
organizations in its affairs.
197.
The Canada-G.D.R. Society, formed initially in November 19
and unilaterally dissolved by its Executive in early 1970 without
CP of C consent, is being re-established by the Party in consultatio:
with the East Germans. Two Party members active in the German field
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travelled to East Germany in January 1971 to receive instructions
in this regard. The revamped Society is expected to play an imports!
propaganda role in working for Canadian recognition of the G.D.R.
I
The German-language Communist publication Kontakt. which is edited i
Toronto and has a Canadian circulation of about 3,000, is heavily
subsidized by the Gesellschaft Neue Heimat (New Homeland Association
in East Germany.
I
6.
Communist Penetration of
Key Sectors of Society
General
198.
The CP of C and its related organizations have made no
significant headway during the past year in regard to penetration of
key sectors of society, i.e. government, political parties, labor,
the mass communications media and educational institutions. This
cannot be said with the same assurance, however, of "independent"
Communists and Communist sympathizers who, having no organizational
ties with the Party, are able to achieve relatively high positions
in their particular fields.
Government
199.
Security screening procedures have effectively barred knowrJ
Communists from employment in classified positions in the Federal
Government. However, there are eight members of the CP of C or of
related organizations employed in non-sensitive positions at the fede
level (mainly in the Post Office and the Department of Manpower and
Immigration), six at the provincial level, and nine at the municipal
level.
200.
Although the Party considers its electoral work to be impor|
tant, it has had no success at the federal or provincial levels since'
1958. The Party has had more success at the local level where in
dividual Party members, working under Party control, have obtained
executive positions and, in some instances, considerable personal
prestige. At the present time there are ten members of the CP of C
holding municipal office across Canada. In addition, there are a
number of other elected municipal officials who find it expedient to
co-operate with the Party or court Party support.
Political Parties
201.
Although there is no known CP of C plan to penetrate poli
tical parties in Canada with a view of exerting Communist influence
from within, the CP of C does consider the New Democratic Party as a
partial alternative to Capitalism. It has therefore adopted its
policy of co-operating with the New Democratic Party on specific
issues of immediate concern while competing with them for the support
of the workers. While CP of C successes in this area are, so far,
minimal, it does welcome the emergence and actions of a group of New
Democratic Party radicals called the "Waffle" group, several of whom
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are ex-CP of C members and New Leftists who have been in close
contact with known and suspected members of the CP of C.
K
Labor
20 2.
Of the 546 active members of the Party in labor, 155 (295")
hold executive positions. The Party is far more effective in this
area than any other Canadian subversive group, and there are indica
tions that members in these executive positions have had some succe
in achieving Party propaganda objectives. There are currently thre
unions which are considered strongly influenced at the top executiv
level and one which is moderately influenced. Remaining Party inf]
ence is confined to various locals and labor bodies; however, these
are at times concentrated in certain areas, such as Vancouver, and
can be used effectively.
20 3.
Individual Party members are also found in such groups as
the Militant Co-Op in Toronto, which is attempting to organize and
politicize the unemployed. This group, which at present appears
to be labor oriented and social in structure, also contains a
number of ex-Party members, New Leftists and socialists. Militant
Co-Op members have come into confrontation with authorities,
particularly at the municipal level, by appearing in demonstrations
relating to strikes, unemployment and other soc.al issues. Because
some members of this group also view their role as one of protect
ing left-wing meetings against attacks by such organizations as the
right-wing Edmund Burke Society, a potential for violence exists
which could well involve members of the CP of C.
Mass Communications Media
204.
The cy of c, requiring an effective means of communication
to project its message to Canadians and aware of the limited scope
of its own press, must attempt to penetrate or manipulate the mass
communications media, particularly in the major production centers
of Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver. Eight active and suspected
secret Party members are currently known to be employed by the media
and several individuals who are employed by the media have been of
Security interest for allowing themselves to be used by the Party.
Education
205.
The CP of C has always been mindful of opportunities for
exploitation within our educational institutions and currently eighty
eight members of the CP of C and its related organizations are known
to hold faculty or administrative staff positions. The re-establishm
of the Young Communist League in 1970, one of whose tasks is the
recruitment of high school and university students, has given the
Party a new dimension for work in this field. In addition, it is
significant to note that Party functionaries are again visiting
university campuses for speaking and lecturing engagements.
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THREAT FROM THE TROTSKYIST MOVEMENT
1.
Foreign Links
206.
The League for Socialist Action (LSA)1 is the Canadian
affiliate of the Brussels-based United Secretariat of the Fourth
International (Fl) and, as such, maintains close links with other
fraternal Trotskyist parties, particularly the U.S. Socialist Workers
Party (SWP) and the Young Socialist Alliance. For example, the
Executive Secretary of the LSA, Ross Dowson, and prominent LSA member
Art Young, conferred repeatedly with leaders of the American SWP prio:
to travelling to a meeting of the Fourth International held in
Brussels during 1970. Also, principal speakers at the LSA Convention
held in the fall of 1970 included prominent Trotskyists from the
United States, Britain, New Zealand, Palestine, as well as a member
of the Central Committee of the Fourth International and Alain Krivin,
the prominent French Trotskyist leader, active in France during the
student riots of 1968. Krivine, subsequent to the Convention, went
on a Canadian speaking tour that included appearances before audience:
of 50 to 300 persons at major universities in Ontario, Saskatchewan,
Alberta and British Columbia.
2.
If
Organization
The Trotskyist movement is active in most major centers in
207.
Canada, The LSA has about thirteen branches across the country with
an estimated membership of 213, an increase of about 50 since 1968.
The LSA youth arm, the YS, has about twenty-one locals off campus and
an additional nineteen locals in educational institutions with a
membership of approximately 275> an increase of about 100 over 1969.
The Trotskyist movement in Canada has an estimated 400 hard-core
adherents. The fact that many individuals have overlapped membership
in the LSA/LSO and the YS/LJS makes it difficult, to accurately assess
total strength. A number of locals (perhaps six) have been estab
lished at high schools - reflecting the increased interest Trotskyist:
have shown in recruiting among the young. Aside from the official
branches of the movement there are numerous ’’contacts” in areas where
no official Trotskyist organization functions. In Victoria, for
example, Trotskyists claim to have one hundred contacts and are
reported planning to open a local in that city in the near future.
20 8.
Although it has a well-defined organizational structure,
the Trotskyist movement in Canada is not monolithic, Personality
clashes and ideological differences, pax-livul
particularly between the Quebec
faction and the National Office (in Toronto),
', have seriously hampered
efforts to promote the Trotskyist program.
209*
The LSO/LJS, headed by Michael Mill in Montreal, directs
its appeal to those sympathetic to Separatism. Frustrated by the
1
The LSA is the primary Canadian Trotskyist organization, Its
youth arm is known as the Young Socialists (YS). La Ligue
socialiste ouvri&re (LSO) and La Ligue des jeunes socialistes
(LJS) are the Quebec counterparts of the LSA and the YS.
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cautious tactics of the LSA, Mill has called for the separation of
Quebec's LSO from the national LSA. At the recent national conven
tion, however, the Quebec minority agreed to endorse the majority
resolutions which recognized the "nationhood” of Quebec, Unity in
the movement has, temporarily at least, been maintained.
210.
Finances have been a particular problem for the Trotsky
ists, but it is believed that considerable assistance has been
extended by the American SWP. For instance, the Americans were
willing to loan $1,000 to Dowson to finance his trip to Brussels in
1970. Additional revenue is derived from speaking engagements, film
showings, the sale of official newspapers, such as, the ISA's
Labour Challenge and the YS's Young Socialist, and from membership
dues. In spite of the LSA's apparent financial difficulties, its
Central Executive Committee recently decided to pay one-sixth of
the Canadian movement's total dues to the Fourth International.
3.
Activities
211.
Trotskyist attention is directed primarily toward the
trade union movement, penetration of the New Democratic Party, the
women's liberation movements, promotion and direction of the anti
Vietnam War movement, recruitment of new members in high schools and
exploitation of the unrest in Quebec.
212.
The "exploitation" of women in society has encouraged the
emergence of "liberation groups" backed by Trotskyists who see an
opportunity to gain prestige from active participation in a legitimat
and popular cause. Kate Porter, a member of the Toronto YS, toured
eastern Canada in January 1971 to assist in the establishment of
Women's Liberation Movement groups in Moncton, St. John and Beaver
Harbour. Trotskyists are in control of the Toronto Women's Caucus,
an organization that has championed women's "rights" and "abortionon-demand" •
213.
Trotskyists continue to maintain their control over anti
war groups in major centers across the country. The Toronto-based
Vietnam Mobilization Committee (VMC) is currently directed by
Executive Secretary George Addison, a prominent Trotskyist. The
twelve-member executive of the Edmonton Committee to End the War in
Vietnam includes five members of local Trotskyist organizations. The
Vietnam Action Committee (VAC) in Vancouver also remains under the
control of local Trotskyists.
214.
in April 1970, the LSA, YS and VMC participated along
with numerous other left-wing groups in the International Day of
Protest demonstration directed against U.S. action in South-East Asia
In May the VMC sponsored similar demonstrations in front of the U.S.
Consulates in Toronto and Vancouver.
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e
215.
The anti-war theme has been used by Trotskyists to attract
new members. In Vancouver, tinder the direction of the LSA, rallies
were held on two local campuses and at numerous high schools to drum
up support for the anti-war movement. The Trotskyist-controlled
organization active in the high schools is the Student Association
to End the War in Vietnam headed by Grant Hargrave, a YS organizer.
c
216.
There has been continued Trotskyist interest in the unset
tled Quebec situation. In May 1970, for example, eleven members from
the LSA/YS demonstrated in Toronto to protest the imprisonment of
Separatist/terrorist leader Pierre Valliferes. Again, in January 1971
the Trotskyist-controlled Emergency Committee for the Defence of
Political Rights in Quebec sponsored a speaking engagement in Toronto
by MDPPQ activist Jacques Larue-Langlois (currently charged with
seditious conspiracy).
217.
More recently, in late April, the YS in Montreal disrupted
proceedings of the "Parliamentary Committee on the Constitution of
Canada". YS members were elated over their success and the media
coverage afforded the demonstration.
4.
Trotskyist Penetration of
Key Sectors of Society
213.
Because Trotskyists are easily identified as such, they
are not a threat from a "deep-cover" penetration point of view. In
the key sectors they are mainly found in unclassified positions in
the lower levels of government, in local tenants and ratepayers
groups, in the left-wing of the New Democratic Party and its youth
arm, and in the trade union movement. There are, for example, fortyfive known Trotskyists in labor organizations, six of these holding
executive positions. On the other hand, Trotskyist penetration of
the mass media is virtually non-existent.
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THREAT FROL; MISCELLANEOUS RADICAL GROUPS
A.
GENERAL COMMENT
219,
There are in Canada a number of organizations whose
activities are directed primarily against foreign governments.
These organizations are small and pose little or no threat to
Canada's internal security or to national unity. However, the
activities of some of the more militant elements of these organi
zations are a threat to law and order, as well as a potential source
of embarrassment to the Canadian Government which is endeavouring to
maintain cordial relations with the Governments in question. Ideo
logically, these organizations cover the political spectrum from
"Left" to "Right" and the degree of militancy is as varied as the
personalities of the members.
B.
COMMUNIST GROUPS
1.
Greek
220.
The accession to power of the present Greek Government
by other than parliamentary means in April 1967, although not a
widespread cause for dissent among the approximately 100,000 (1968)
persons of Greek origin in Canada, has provided the splintered Com
munist Party of Greece (KKE) and its front organizations with an
exploitable issue in establishing links with various organizations
drawn from that portion of the Greek community which is militantly
opposed to the present Greek Government. These Greek Canadian
organizations range in political persuasion from moderate socialist
to Communist.
221.
The principal pro-Communist anti-Greek-Government groups
in Canada have some connections, either direct or indirect, with
one or the other of the two KKE factions. In addition, the CP of C
which maintains liaison with the pro-Soviet Koliyannis faction, is
endeavouring to broaden the influence of its small but active base
in the Greek community. Although the movement suffers from faction
alism and the groups are generally small, most of them have links
with each other and with like-minded international organizations.
222.
Another aspect of this activity in the Greek community
is the influence and apparent personal popularity of Andreas
Papandreou, international head of the Pan-Hellenic Liberation Move
ment (PAK) and Professor of Economics at York University, Toronto.
Papandreou’s non-Communist but politically flexible PAK has received
support from moderate Greek Leftists and from Canadians active in
the "peace" and civil rights movements. Since moving to Canada in
August 1969, Papandreou has made several trips abroad soliciting
support for his cause and has agreed to co-operate with the national
ist Partsalides faction of the KKE in financing resistance to the
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current Greek Government. Papandreou is providing opposition to
|
CP of C aspirations of leadership among the anti-Greek-Government
'
movement in Canada and is probably in a better position to arouse
public opinion on this issue. Members of two Montreal groups
affiliated with the Partsalides faction have advocated acts of
violence in Canada and may be involved in the exporting of mechanism
for explosive devices to "resistance” organizations in Greece.
r
223.
A number of Canadians participated in the establishing
of the Canadians for a Free Greece and one of them visited the
„ Mediterranean on behalf of this group in order to broadcast to
Greece, from aboard ship, a speech of Andreas Papandreou.
2.
Haitian
224.
As a result of conditions in Haiti, opposition to the
Government has been forced to operate outside the country through
various exile groups. One such group exists in Montreal where a
number of prominent members of former Haitian Communist organiza
tions are endeavouring to achieve a degree of influence. These
Haitian Communists have links with Haitian exile groups in the
U.S.A., Mexico and Europe and their contact with the CP of C
dates from 1963. In recent years there has been considerable
contact in Montreal involving the Haitian Communist community, the
Parti communiste du Quebec
The Communist
activity is presumably being conducted wun a view to creating
a viable organization which could establish a Communist Government
in Haiti in the post-Duvalier period.
3.
Spanish
225.
The Canadian Spanish Communist Liberation Party (CSCLP)
was organized in Toronto early in 19b8, apparently to assist
Spanish immigrants in Canada who may be experiencing difficulty
with the language or in obtaining employment, CSCLP members are
also members of the Communist Party of Spain.
226.
The CSCLP, in co-operation with the CP of C and various
ancillary bodies, has formed a committee to organize a conference
to deal with the topic of amnesty for political prisoners in Spain.
CP of C-member Nelson Clarke is responsible for behind-the-scenes
organizing, and the committee members include Luis Montalbo Cruz
of the CSCLP, Rev. John Morgan, a Unitarian minister who has been
involved in a number of CP of C-sponsored activities, and Gloria
Fulton who has recently come to attention in connection with
activities of Communist ancillary groups. This conference,
which appears to be similar to the Portuguese Amnesty Conference
organized by the CP of C in Toronto in October 1900, will probably
be held in Toronto later this year.
(
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ANTI-COMhUNIEI GROUPS
1.
East European Nationalists
r
f
227.
The complex nationalist^ ethnic community in Canada
consists of a number of groups organized along cultural and
linguistic lines, but it has always presented a truculent anti
Communist front in its reaction to Communist Governments, their
representatives in Canada and related issues. In most cases,
however, their anti-Communist militancy is confined to significant
anniversary dates celebrated by European nationalists and those
celebrated by Communist missions in Canada.
228.
Some of these organizations, which are affiliated with
militant nationalist organizations in Europe and elsewhere, have
within them activist wings known to encourage and perpetrate acts
of violence against the Communist Governments holding power in
their former homeland. The principal organizations here are the
Organization of Serbian Chetniks (kavna Gora) and the Serbian
League of Canada. Although the more violence-prone elements of
these organizations have been removed from leadership, they
continue to reside in Toronto and are now believed to be members
of a Canadian branch of the international terrorist organization
known as the Serbian Youth Movement for Freedom. The militant
attitude of the anti-Communist Yugoslav emigres has been kindled
by publicity in the ethnic press of alleged assassinations of
creation and Serbian leaders in exile in Europe.
2.
Edmund Burke Society
229.
The Edmund Burke Society in Toronto is an ultra
conservative youth action group dedicated to expressing its antiCommunist ideology in Canadian terms. It is militantly opposed to
Communism, the New Left, Quebec Separatism, socialism,’welfare,
and various facets of the ’'peace" movement in Canada. Organized
initially in 1967, the Society publishes a monthly journal,
Straight Talk, and is closely linked in its activities with the
multi-national ethnic community of militant anti-Communist bias.
It currently claims four hundred members and supporters.
230.
During 1970 the Edmund Burke Society was active in
disrupting meetings of, counter-demonstrating against, and
engaging in confrontations with any group with which it disagreed.
In most cases its tactics and well-timed manifestations have
been sufficiently aggressive to require police intervention and
gain desired publicity.
1
The term'nationalist”is used here to describe Canadians of
foreign, mostly East European, origin who advocate national
independence and self-determination for their homeland
countries currently undei Communist rule.
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D.
OTHtR GROUPS
K
1.
Arab
r
231.
Although most Canadians of Arab origin presumably
identify with Arabs in the Middle East, they do not appear to
support the cause of Arab terrorism. Such support generated in
Canada comes largely from Arab university students studying in
Canada and from recent immigrants from Arab countries. The
Canadian Arab Federation (CAF), organized in 19b7 as a co
ordinating body for Arab organizations in Canada, suffered an
ideological schism in mid-1970. The moderate faction was re
organized into the Federation of Canadian Arab Societies (FCAS)
and the smaller leftist-oriented radical faction retained the
original name. Although both groups have links with Arab
organizations in the Middle East, the FCAS is more interested in
the cause of Arab nationalism. The CAF, on the other hand, is
endeavouring to extend its influence by co-operating with exist
ing organizations of the Left (i.e., Maoist and Trotskyist) which
have expressed sympathy for the Arab cuase, including those who
are using the situation in the Middle East to their own advantage
in creating unrest in Canada.
2.
Jewish
232.
Although the Jewish community in Canada has not lacked
exploitable issues, e.g., the Leningrad trials, its conduct on
the whole has been predictable and orderly. Conservative organiza
tions such as the Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC) and B’nai B’rith
continue to be the principal spokesmen for Canadian Jewry.
233.
Rabbi Meir Kahane, head of the New York-based Jewish
Defence League (JDL), has visited Toronto and Montreal and on one
of these trips established a JDL branch in Montreal which has
now received its charter.
234*
The JDL in Canada is critical of the moderate Jewish
establishment and is described by its supporters as an organization
of young militant pro-Israeli indiviauals which is capable of
taking and, if provoked, will take definite counter-measures
against Arab groups or their supporters, including Soviet mission
personnel. This is exemplified by activities in Montreal which
have resulted in arrests and criminal charges being laid.
Although most reputable Jewish organizations have denounced the
methods and extremist views of the JDL, there has been some
cautious approval in some leading Jewish circles.
235*
The current membership in the JDL in Montreal is
claimed to be four hundred. A JDL branch recently formed in
Toronto claims thirty members.
SECRET
canadTaK Ms only
000067
�APPENDIX
ABBREVIATIONS INDEX
I
BLACK PANTHER PARTY
(Terrorist - U.S.A.)
BLACK REVOLUTIONARY PARTY
(Co-ordinating body of Canadian and U.S. black
nationalists)
BLACK UNITED FRONT - Nova Scotia
(Black organization with no apparent subversive
motivation)
CANADIAN ARAB FEDERATION
(Co-ordinating body of leftist Arab organizations)
COMITE D'AIDE AU GRCUPE VALLIERES ET GAGNON
(Now known as the Partisans du Quebec libre. Open
revolutionary Separatist)
COMITE D'ACTION POLITIQUE
(Political action committee)
CANADA-CHINA FRIENDSHIP ASSOCIATION
(pro-P.R.C. front)
CONGRESS OF CANADIAN WOMEN
(Communist front)
COLLEGE D'ENSEIGNEMENT GENERAL ET PROFESSIONNEL
COMMUNITY EDUCATION RESEARCH CENTER - Vancouver, B.C.
(Conducts research on behalf of labor and community
BPP
BRP
BUF
CAP
CAGVG
CAP
CCFA
CCW
CEGEP
CERC
groups )
CANADIAN JEWISH CONGRESS
(Co-ordinating body of moderate Jewish organizations)
CJC
CPC
CANADIAN PEACE CONGRESS
(Communist front)
CP of C
COMMUNIST PARTY OF CANADA
(pro-Soviet)
CP of C-T./L
COMMUNIST PARTY OF CANADA - MARXIST/LENINIST
(Maoist)
CPL
CANADIAN PARTY OF LABOUR
(Breakaway PWM group - pro-P.R.C.)
CPSU
COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION
CSCLP
CANADIAN SPANISH COMMUNIST LIBERATION PARTY
(Canadian affiliate of the Communist Party of Spain)
CSM
CANADIAN STUDENT MOVEMENT
(Youth arm of the CP of C-M/L - Maoist)
CSN
CONFEDERATION DES SYNDICATE NATIONAUX
CNTU
CONFEDERATION OF NATIONAL TRADE UNIONS
CUP
CANADIAN UNIVERSITY PRESS
(Radical New Leftist controlled)
CANADIAN WORKERS MOVEMENT
CWM
(Labour arm of the CP of C-M/L - Maoist)
CYC
COMPANY OF YOUNG CANADIANS
000068
�2 DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S I.EPUBLIC OF KOREA
(Involves, in its radical form, the creation of
counter or parallel institutions within society)
FEDERA1 ION OF CANADIAN ARAB SOCIETIES
(Co-ordinating body of moderate Arab organizations)
FRIENDS OF THE LATIN AMERICAN PEOPLE
(Communist front)
FRONT DE LIBERATION DU QUEBEC
(Terrorist)
FREE QUEBEC - FREE CANADA COMMITTEE
(pro-FLQ)
FRONT D’ACTION POLITIQUE
(Moderate Separatist: Communist and Trotskyist
infiltrated)
FEDERATION OF RUSSIAN CANADIANS
(Communist national group)
FEDERATION DES SOCIETES ST JEAN BAPTISTE DU QUEBEC
(Cultural and fraternal organization)
GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REP UBLIC
-”
:::::::::::::::::::::::::::
::::::::::
c
D.P.R.K.
D
EPO
FCAS
FLAP
FLQ
FQFCC
FRAP
FRC
FSSJB
G.D.R.
: ::::::::::::::
::::::::::::
::::::::::::::::
I:::::::::::::::
I:::::::::::::::::::
::
ifsTir L ,'E FOR FRIENDSHIP VITH TH
PEOPLES OF THE WORLD
Cuba
INTELLECTUELS ET OUVRIERS PATRIOTES DU QUEBEC
(Maoist)
INTELLIGENCE OFFICER
JEAISH DEFENCE LEAGUE
(Extremist group)
iiiiiiiiilliiiiiiiiiiiii
—~~~——
ICAP
IOPQ
IO
JDL
HllllllllllllllllllllllSal
COMMUNIST PARTY OF GREECE
KKE
L1GUE POUR L*INTEGRATION SCOLAIRE
LIS
(Unilingual-French pressure group)
LIGUE DES JEUNESSES COIuMUNISTES DU QUEBEC
LJCQ
(Youth arm of the Parti Communiste du Quebec)
LEAGUE FOR SOCIALIST ACTION
LSA
(Trotskyist)
LIGUE SOCIALISTS OUVRIERE
ISO
(Quebec wing of the Trotskyist League for Socialist
Action)
MONTREAL CENTRAL COUNCIL OF THE CONFEDERATION DES
MCC - CSN
SYNDICATE NATIONAUX
MOUVEMENT POUR LA DEFENSE DES PRISONNIERS POLITIQUE
MDPPQ
QUEBECOIS
(Revolutionary Separatist)
LOUVEMENT POUR L’INTEGRATION SCOLAIRE
MIS
(Now the LIGUE POUR L’INTEGRATION SCOLAIRE - LIS)
M3UVE1-.1ENT DE LIBERATION DU TAXI
KLT
(Revolutionary Separatist)
MOUVEMENT SYNDICAL POLITIQUE
MSP
(Revolutionary Separatist student organization)
000069
�s
- 3 -
NATIVE ALLIANCE FOR RED POWER
(Native Indian pressure group)
OTTAWA UNION OF TENANTS
(New Leftist controlled)
PAN-HELLENIC LIBERATION MOVEMENT
(International organization opposed to current
Government in Greece)
PARTI COMMUNISTE DU QUEBEC
(Quebec wing of the Communist Party of Canada)
PARTI COMMUNISTE DU QUEBEC - MARXISTE/LENINISTE
(Quebec wing of the Communist Party of Canada Marxist/Leninist)
PATRIOTS FOR LIBERATION THROUGH UNITED STRUGGLE
(Youth-oriented affiliate of the CPC)
PARTI QUEBECOIS
(Moderate Separatist)
PARTISANS DU QUEBEC LIBRE
(Revolutionary Separatist)
PEOPLES’ REPUBLIC OF CHINA
progressive workers movement
NARP
E
C
R
E
T
OUT
PAK
PCQ
pcq-m/l
PLUS
PQ
PQL
P.R.C.
PWM
(pro-P.R.C.)
-YNDICAT DU SECUNDAIRE
(Quebec teachers’ union)
STUDENTS FOR A DEMOCRATIC UNIVERSITY
(New Leftist campus organization)
SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY - Burnaby, E.C.
SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY - U.S.A.
(Trotskyist)
VIETNAM ACTION COMMITTEE
(Trotskyist controlled)
VANCOUVER BLACK ACTION GROUP
(Black extremist)
VIETNAM MOBILIZATION COMMITTEE
(Trotskvist controlled)
VOICE OF ?. OMEN
(Communist infiltrated at the executive level)
WORLD COUNCIL OF PEACE
(International Communist front)
WORLD FEDER/TION OF DEMOCRATIC YOUTH
(International Communist front)
WOMEN’S INTERNATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FEDERATION
(International Communist front)
WAR MEASURES ACT
YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE
(Youth arm of the CP of C)
YOUTH INTERNATIONAL PARTY - (also known as "Yippies")
(Revolutionary outgrowth of the "hippie" culture)
YOUNG SOCIALISTS
(Youth arm of the LSA)
SDS
SDU
SFU
SWP
VAC
V-BAG
VMC
VOW
WCP
WFDY
WIDF
WKA
YCL
YIP
YS
000070
�/
7
TOP SECRET
DGSI
The C/lil i/c "K" Brunch
T
0
P
s
E
C
R
E
T
2 April 1971
JIC Threat Paper
attached is the draft of the JIC threat paper which is
scheduled to be in the hands of JIC members by 7 April. I am
now preparing a short Summary and Conclusions (three to five
pages) which will be ready sometime Monday. As you will note,
the paper has been reduced by fifty percent from lust year’s.
Although “K” Branch personnel have worked closely with
their operational counterparts in preparing this paper, and
although certain portions of it (e.g., the section on Separatism)
have virtually been approved at Branch level, I suggest that a
meeting of relevant Branch heads be held next week to discuss
the paper. If you agree a letter to this effect will have to be
sent to the Branch heads concerned (see draft letter attached).
(K. D. Gn4en)'
C/M i/c "K” Brunch
000071
�TOP SECRET
The DGSI.
//z
-r
/
The C/M i/c "K" Branch
23 March 1971
JIC Meeting -— 24 March
The attached paper on French involvement in Quebec is
to be discussed at the JIC meeting tomorrow — as the first
item on the Agenda (2:00 p.m.). Mr. JOHNSTON of XA has
indicated that the Committee would like to have a RCMP rep
resentative present and, since the new DCIS (Major General
Roland REID) will be in attendance for the first time, perhaps
you would wish to attend, at least for the initial part of
the meeting.
The need for an updated paper on trends in the inter
national Communist movement will also be discussed at the
meeting, but, unfortunately, after the WIR has been finalized.
XA, which is responsible for the initial draft, does not think
that such a paper is required this year, I, tentatively on
behalf of the Directorate, have agreed.
As you will note, we have no further comments to make
on the French involvement submission.
(K. D. Green)
C/I.1 i/c "K” Branch
000072
�II
T
0
TOP SECRET
MEMORANDUM
TO:
p
s
E
C
R
E
T
S/Sgt. Derksen
16 March 1971
FROM:
RE:
’
C/ll i/c "K" Branch
Threat Paper Submission
I have four main comments to make on your Section's
submission.
These concern
(1)
the vagueness of the threat
(2)
and,
in the latter case, doubt as xo une uex±mtion
used;
(3)
concern over the statement on page 12 that
I
____________________________
(4)
the need to provide a better breakdown of what
comes under the heading
On the first point, it is to be recognized that what
we are dealing with in this section o'f the paper are proSovict forces —
T
R
E
S
../2
S
E
C
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T
000073
�T
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P
2
S
E
C
R
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T
On the fourth point, which is of an editorial nature, you will
note the inconsistency of the heading
.nd some
of the material provided under it, e.g.,
(PP-
(p.20).
21f), the first paragraph dealing with
The following comments on a page-by-page basis may also be of
use to you (along with some of the jottings made marginally);
Page 1, para. 1:
I think that this paragraph could be deleted.
The entire paper deals with the threat as viewed by the
Security Service.
Page 1, para. 2:
Since we are dealing with
generally,
1 think that the first sentence should be altered to put the
stress on
Page 2, para. 1:
(in other words, reverse the sentence).
Same point as above, e.g.,
T
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E
S
s
E
C
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E
../3
T •]
000074
�T
0
P
- 3 Page 2, para. 1, line 12:
S
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S
• •/4
S
E
C
R
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T
000075
�0
P
- 4 -
S
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T
T
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S
S
E
C
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E
T
• */5
000076
�T J
0 ,?
5 -
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S
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C
../6
R
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000077
�6
0
p
S
E
C
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E
••
c
R
E
T
000078
�• /X'.
X<X SECRET
THREAT PAPER — GUIDE LINES
Format:
Generally same as last year; however, two-page Summary
of Conclusions to be inserted.
Also deletion of
Appendix relating to penetration of key sectors may
be desirable.
Length:
To be shortened as much as possible - at least by 25%,
preferably more (see outline attached).
Allocation of Manpower:
C/M Pierce to work under S/Sgt. Heembrock
S/Sgt. Powell to assist S/Sgt. Heembrock in any way
possible.
Completion at working level - 19 March 1971
j
1- &
. p
> » /?.
:
Clearance through Officer, A/0 i/c ”K” Br. - 26 March 1971
Deadlines:
Clearance through DGSI - 2 April 1971
Information Cut-offDate:
Summary and Conclusions:
As close as possible to 15 March 1971.
Each segment at working level to brief
Summary and Conclusions, relating in strict paragraph
order to the Discussion.
Summary of Conclusions;
To be prepared by C/M i/c, based on
Summary and Conclusions.
Vital Sectors:
To be included in relevant sections.
000079
�I.
OUTLINE
No* of Pages
Introduction
1
Summary of Conclusions
2
Summary and Conclusions
8-10
Discussion
I
Pro-Soviet Threat
A.
1-2
General Comment
10 - 15
B.
C.
II
10 - 15
Movement
Pro-Chinese Threat
A.
General Comment
1
B.-
2-3
Movement
2-3
III
Trotskyist Threa t
2-3
IV
Separatist Threat
10 - 15
V
New Left
10 - 15
VI
Racial Unrest
VII
Fascist Threat
C.
4-5
1
VIII Anti-Communist Organizations (includes JDL)
2-3
- 94
(previous length - 115)
;/ Z '■>
7
)
000080
�CONFIDENTIAL
S/Insp. Colwell
NCO i/c Key Sectors, ”D" Section.
lie:
12-1-71
JIC Brief - 1971
In September 1970 new policy was forwarded to the Divisions
by ”D” Branch outlining requirements for compiling the various list
files for penetration of the Vital Sectors. "K” Branch was in complete
accord with the new policy, as a more meaningful picture of penetration
would have been available for preparation of the JIC Brief, and a
clear analysis of any real or potential threat would have been possible.
2.
As of this date, no Divisions have submitted lists in
accordance with the new policy, although B.C., Nova Scotia and Alberta
have submitted revised Media lists, and B.C. has submitted a revised
Government list. In addition, "A” and "C” Divisions have been granted
a verbal extention of time to sumbit the various lists in view of
higher priorities (e.g. FLQ crisis), and ”0" Division has questioned
the wisdom of our policy and will be submitting their own proposed
policy. "0" Division estimates that it will take at least two years to
update their lists in accordance with I.i.Q. policy, investigations
being required for each individual*
3.
List files will become obsolete with tne computerization of
”1" Directorate, but investigations will still have to be conducted
and the information submitted on the personal or organizational files.
In the interim, "K” Branch will still have to work from the old list
files, drawing etch file mentioned to ensure that the individuals are
still subversive and are still employed in a Vital Sector, Secords will
be kept on index cards by the various desks in "K” Branch, It should
be understood, that consider; ble man hours will have to be expended to
research the various files to prepare the JIC if appendices are to be
used.
(J4 A. D. HacDowell), S/Sgt •
c.c. "K" Branch Secretariat.
000081
�MEMORANDUM
CLASSIFICATION
SECRET
TO
A
The Di
I
kt
TK/zc. L^r frfcar
Ry Olc'j uaW/'
FROM
De
OUR FILE No.
Notre donier
Dohn
DATE
C/11 i/c "K" Branch
'■
FOLD
SUBJECT
Su|»t
YOUR FILE No.
Voire dossier
26 November 1970
Preparation of Threat Paper
for JIC
Yesterday, as requested, 7I attended the JIC meeting
along with, at the A/DSI’s suggestion, S/lnsp. COLWELL,. I
opened the discussion on the question of our paper, statin,■S
that in our view the paper should be more concise, more topical
(i.e., more emphasis on the Quebec situation), and prepared in
such a way as to be read at top Government echelon. This was
agreed to, with, however, both XA (Messrs. Rettie and Johnson)
and DND (Col. Grogan) stating that they were generally satis
fied with the present format of the paper, found the paper as
prepared last year extremely useful, and would not wish to cut
down appreciably on the detail contained in it. Considerable
discussion ensued as to how the paper could be better prepared
to meet the varying customer needs, the upshot being a loose
decision to leave the paper essentially as is, but
r (i)
(2)
(3)
removing some of the detail from the body of the
paper and placing it in Appendixes or in a
•’Who’s Who, What’s What” Index (that is, an
informative name and organization index;
reducing the 20 page, double-spaced Summary
and Conclusions to, say, 10 or 15 pages;
preparing a 2 or 3-paged summary of the Summary
. and Conclusions which, readily detachable, could
.be used for briefing Ministers.
Even though the JIC was in general agreement to have
the .paper along the lines of last year’s, the Committee left the
door open for a different approach if you, yourself, decided
, that this would be desirable. In such an event, the Committee
yjO
would be willing to have the item placed again on the Agenda for
discussion of format.
C
H
!c - H
S/lnsp. for
K. D. Green
C/M i/c ”K” Branch.
000082
�I
CONFIDENTIAL
■ I
i
MEMORANDUM
V-2020 - 030/00-3 (JTC)
19 Oct 70
Distribution List
!
,
THE THREAT TO CANADA FROM COMMUNIST
SUBVERSION. ESPIONAGE AND SABOTAGE
• i
*
«-•
1.
Serial 1 of the JIC Work Pregramme calls for preliminary
discussion on the above paper. The last paper on this subject
was CANADIAN JIC 1-12(6$)(FINAL) of IS Dec 68.
2.
It is intended to discuss the preparation of a paper
at the meeting to be held^l-S^Nov 70 when the Committee will be
asked;
i
a’, to confirm that a paper on the subject is required;
i
i
b. If (a) is affirmative, to confirm the object and to
decide on the method of presentation of the paper;
!
i
(i) revalidation of the previous paper; or
(ii) updating of the previous paper; or
(lii) a new paper;
t
c. confirm that the ROMP will undertake responsibility for
.. coordination of the first draft;
i
i
d. to decide which departments or agencies shall
contribute to the first draft;
e. to establish, if necessary, a working group re
sponsible for the preparation or coordination of
contributions;
f. to decide the date at which the Committee will consider
the scope and format for.a new paper commissioned under
(b)(iii);
i?
i?.
g. to decide the date by which contributions to the
first draft will be forwarded to the coordinator;
h. to,decide the date the paper is due to members;
■■
1, to decide the date the paper is to be considered for
JIC approval.
DISTRIBUTION
Chairman JIC
DCIS
SIL
•*i
I
i
(R.E. MeyerjekPi
Secretary
Joint Intelligence Committee
000083
�I
CLASSIFICATION
FEUIL L E
SHEET
D E
CLASSEMENT
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000084
�FILE
BRIEF
NO.
DOSSIER
"
'
DEPARTMENT
ministcre
413
’*-z
VOLUME
THE INTERNAL SECURITY SITUATION IN
CANADA
SUBJECT
SUJCT
HIST
Bl-214
40 VOL 1
rief #413 - The Internal Security Situation in Canada
o
o
o
o
co
CH
1975-04-01
1975-04-01
�SECRET
CANADIAN EYES ONLY
8
€
THE INTERNAL SECURITY SITUATION IN CANADA
000086
�SECRET
CANADIAN EYES ONLY
8
<§
0
@
1?
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
FOREWORD
1
II.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
2
III.
INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM
4
IV,
QUEBEC SEPARATISM
10
V.
PRO-CHINESE COMMUNISM
17
RACIAL EXTREMISM
19
TROTSKYISM
22
PRO-SOVIET COMMUNISM
24
NEW LEFT
25
RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM
26
LABOUR RELATIONS
29
1.
VI.
VII.
VIII.
IX.
X.
XI.
000087
�SECRET______
9
CANADIAN EYES ONLY
s
@
THE INTERNAL SECURITY SITUATION IN CANADA
I.
FOREWORD
The purpose of this paper is to outline briefly the
activities of various movements and organizations which threaten
or could in certain circumstances threaten the national unity and
the internal stability of Canada. The paper does not deal with
espionage activity which is, for the most part, directed against
targets in Canada from outside the country.
This paper presents an overview only. Should additional
details on any movement or organization be required for operational
purposes, inquiries should be directed to the Director General of
the RCMP Security Service.
000088
�- 2 -
SECRET
CANADIAN EYES ONLY
II.
SMARY ARD COUCLUSIOnS
S
E
c
R
E
T
The internal security situation in Canada remains rela
tively quiet and is expected to continue so throughout the year.
The threat level posed by violence-prone and subversive organiza
tions which subscribe to political ideologies inimical to the
Canadian democratic system has not noticeably changed from the
moderate threat previously reported and the risk of any increase
in the capabilities of such groups to foster unrest is assessed
as slight. Of more immediate concern is the prospect of increasing
but locally-inspired unrest in the labour field and among the
native peoples as a result of inflation and inequities in Canadian
society.
International terrorism, perpetrated mainly by Palestin
ian groups and their supporters such as the Japanese Red Army, is
a threat haunting the civilized world. Canada, with its sizeable
Arab community, can expect to see the growth of groups providing
support for the Palestine liberation movement.
Given the political, economic and social conditions in
Quebec, the situation in the province is likely to continue to be
relatively unstable but the indications are that violence and
terrorism have given way to political action. The FLQ barely
survives and no longer presents a measurable threat. The revolu
tionary action groups are largely concerned with rallying support
and with disseminating information and propaganda. The labour
movement continues to maintain its militant position and can be
expected to undertake a more active role in the socio-political
life of Quebec.
The Communist Party of Canada (Marxist/Leninist) continues
to be the most radical pro-Chinese Communist organization in Canada.
The Party has neither the numerical strength nor the means to become
a significant threat and with its current efforts to achieve res
pectability and political legitimacy it is less likely than hereto
fore to pose problems in terms of law and order.
The black extremist movement is primarily concerned with
fostering revolution in the Caribbean and with promoting Pan
Africanism. Although not without influence, it has not attracted
significant support in the indigenous black community. The inter
national connections of black extremists in Canada merit close
attention.
Indian activism continues to be an area of concern,
particularly since the most determined leadership is now being
provided by Canadian militants. Sporadic acts of protest, usually
peaceful but not necessarily excluding violence, can be expected
to continue as the native peoples seek accelerated action to solve
their problems.
000089
�- 3
SECRET
CANADIAN EYES ONLY
Militant Trotskyists continue to be active in both local
and national issues in major centers. The movement is about
equally divided into two groups — one of which does not
condone violence, while the other is prepared to use armed
struggle as a tactic. The latter is a comparatively recent
phenomenon and may well affect the future viability and behaviour
of the Canadian Trotskyist movement.
S
E
C
R
E
T
The Communist Party of Canada is little more than
a Soviet pressure group or propaganda outlet, largely ignored by the
Canadian public. Its membership is aging and it has failed to
attract the youth. Its emphasis continues to be directed toward
the trade union movement, and Communists are in a position to
exert influence at the top executive level in two trade unions as
well as a number of trade union locals and labour bodies but, on
the whole, they have behaved in a responsible manner.
The New Left has reappeared in the International Caucus
of Labour Committees, an international organization of revolution
ary socialists. Although its following is small and violence has
not been part of its program in Canada, it has indicted several
prominent citizens for crimes against humanity , a development
which has had an unsettling affect on the persons named.
The right-wing groups in Canada vary in their militancy
and will continue to be of concern primarily in a law-and-order
sense. For the most part, these groups are small and their
activities are inspired by events outside Canada. The unstable
nature of some of these people could, however, result in violent
or embarrassing incidents, particularly in relation to diplomatic
missions in Canada and visiting VIPs.
Labour relations are generally outside the scope of this
paper, but as inflation and unemployment increase, some thought
must be given to the prospect of increased industrial strife.
In this regard, the trade union movement can be expected to provide
its own momentum to achieve its objectives without relying on
the subversive left-wing for support or direction.
000090
�- 4 -
SECRET
CANADIAN EYES ONLY
s
E
c
III.
1HTFRMTTMAI TERRORISE
International terrorism, perpetrated mainly by
Palestinian groups and their supporters in different parts of
the world, is a threat of increasing concern to Canada because
of its sizeable Arab community which, in part at least, is
prepared to espouse the Palestinian cause. A brief r^sumd of
the various Palestinian organizations in the Middle East will
assist toward a better understanding of the alignment of the
different Arab organizations in Canada:
R
E
T
THE PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION (PLO) was formed in
196'4 when tine various Arab states agreed on the desirability
of creating and supporting a unified Palestinian organization
and a conventional Palestine Liberation army. Since 1970,
the PLO has been under the leadership and control of Yasser
ARAFAT of AL FATAH, and has become known as a political
umbrella organization for the various terrorist groups.
In October 1974, the leaders of the Arab States designated
the PLO as the only legitimate political representative of
the Palestinian people. On 22 November 1974, the PLO was
invited to attend the various functions and sessions of the
General Assembly and other organs of the United Nations in
the capacity of observer.
The organization is at present attempting to establish a
government-in-exile for Palestinians and acquire land from
within the Israeli-occupied territories of the West Bank
of the Jordan River and the Gaza Strip.
AL FATAH is the largest and most important Arab guerrilla
organization in the Middle East. Its aim is the destruction
of Israel by force and its objective is to return Palestine
to Arab rule.
BLACK SEPTEMBER ORGANIZATION <RSO) was organized from within
AL FATAH as a covert terrorist arm and has committed major
international terrorist acts. It is believed the BSO has
been disbanded as an entity within AL FATAH and is now in
parts an entity adhering to the Marxist "Rejection Front".
REJECTION FRONT is a loosely organized political faction
corp rising mainly the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine (PFLP), the Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine - General Command (PFLP-GC) and other Marxist
factions which completely reject any type of negotiated
settlement between the Palestinians and Israel and are
committed to the armed struggle for the liberation of all
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| Palestinian land from Zionist control. The Front is
I believed to have complete backing from Iraq.
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THE POPULAR FRONT FOR THE LIBERATION OF PALESTINE (PFLP)*3
a Marxist-Leninist terrorist organization whose aim is the
destruction of Israel as a military, political and economic
entity. It has committed major terrorist acts in the name
of the Palestinian cause.
Palestinian Connections
I
in
Canada
PALESTINE 1 IRERATION ORGAN17ATI ON
Al FATAH
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After Yasser ARAFAT and a PLO delegation appeared at
the UN General Assembly on 13 November 1974, three members of the
delegation unexpectedly visited Toronto, London, Windsor, Ottawa
and Montreal. Their function in Canada appeared to be a good-will
tour to provide first hand information of the organization’s policies
to the Arab communities and to solicit their support for the PLO.
One of the delegates,
. the PLO represent
ative in Cairo, was concerned about the potential of Jewish organiza
tions in Canada to commit violent acts against Arabs and expressed
his opinion that the kidnapping of prominent Jewish businessmen
throughout the world would be effective in disrupting Jewish support
for Israel.
A public meeting held by the PLO delegates at Carleton
University, Ottawa,
Other PLO delegations can be expected in Canada this
year to attend the Canadian Arab Federation (CAP) convention to be
held in Toronto in May, the International Workers’ Solidarity
Conference (IWSC) in Montreal in June, and the Fifth United Nations
Congress on Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders to be
held in Toronto 1-13 September 1975.
POPULAR FRQNT^EQR-IHE. UB£fiATJON OF PALESTINE (PFLP.)
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C ANADIAN A R AB FEDE RATION ICAF J
Originally established in 1967, the CAF was a co-ordin
ating body for the various Arab groups in Canada. It was a non
sectarian, social and non-profit organization interested in promot
ing better understanding between Arabs and Canadians. In 1970, as a
result of an ideological split, a breakaway group consisting of the
older and more moderate members formed the Federation of Arab
Canadian Societies. The split continued until October 1974 when a
conference was held in Hamilton, Ontario to amalgamate the two
groups under the name of the Canadian Arab Federation. Louis
AZZARIA, a Laval University professor, was elected president.
Resolutions adopted by the conference included:
(1)
that all Arabs become politically active and thus
in a position to get help for their problems;
(2)
that pressure be put on the government to stop
RCMP investigation of Arabs;
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(3)
that the Palestine Liberation Organization be
recognized as a legal organization;
(4)
that Arab countries use the oil embargo against
any government sympathizing with Israel;
(5)
that the CAF solicit financial assistance from
Arab governments to publicize their problems
both here and abroad.
9
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V
Although the objective of uniting the two former
federations was achieved, the present policies of the CAF have
changed the original concept of the organization from a co-ordinating
and social body into a political pressure group. It also became
obvious at the conference that several splinter groups would be
formed within the membership. The main one will include the
supporters of Yasser ARAFAT and the PLO; another, the supporters of
the PFLP and the "Rejection Front" in the Middle East.
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©
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Q
CO-OPERATION BETWEEN ARABS AND NON-ZIONIST JEWS
A new trend which has arisen recently is co-operation
between a group of Jewish individuals, described as "socialists”,
■who belong to the Non-Zionist Jewish Alliance in Toronto and local
Arab leaders
This development is being watched with interest.
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IV.
QUEBEC SEPARATISM
Front de Liberation du QuEbec
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0
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The FLQ has suffered a notable diminution of its numer
ical strength during the past year. Its failure to attract new
members, the lack of spiritual leadership, and the inability of
the various groups to co-operate and co-ordinate their activities
have reduced the effectiveness of the FLQ to the point where it
no longer presents a serious threat either to law and order or to
political stability in the province of Quebec. Intensive police
surveillance has, in addition, been instrumental in preventing the
FLQ from engaging in acts of violence, with the result that the
original groups have largely ceased operation.
Notwithstanding the reduced level of FLQ activity,
attempts to restore the organization to its former prominence
are evident in the recent release of a clandestine publication
known as L'Amorce. Although the new publication calls for a
return to violence find the reactivation of terrorist cells in
Quebec, it states that such revolutionary activity is impossible
without strong public support which may take many years to foster.
A resurgence of the FLQ cannot be discounted in view of the forth
coming Olympic Games in Montreal which would provide an appropriate
stage for terrorist activity.
Liberation Cell
0
Cuba
The five FLQ members who were exiled to Cuba in December
1970 following the kidnapping of James CROSS have relocated in
France since June 1974.
A request by two of the exiled members, Jacques and
Louise COSSETTE-TRUDEL, to obtain full refugee status in France
has recently been refused. They could effectively prolong their
stay in France by renewing their 3-month "permis de sSjour"
which were originally granted on the condition that they would
not participate in any anti-Canadian or anti-French activities.
Five FLQ members have thus far complied with the wishes of the
French Government but what course of action they will take in the
future in view of the French Government’s recent decision is at
present a matter of conjecture.
DElEgation ExtErieure du FLQ (DEFLQ)
The DEFLQ, consists of about five self-exiled Quebec
terrorists resident in France and Belgium.
In October 1974, Raymond VILLENEUVE, ostensible leader
of the group, met with two members of the FLQ Liberation Cell,
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Jacques LANCTOT and Marc CARBONNEAU, to discuss plans to carry
on the struggle for the liberation of Quebec from abroad. Due
to the uncertain status of the LANCTOT group and a conflict
in ideological beliefs between LANCTOT and VILLENEUVE, a co
ordinated plan of action is unlikely to be achieved.
Agence
de
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Presse Libre du Ou^rfc (APLQ)
The Agence de Presse Libre du Quebec (APLQ) was estab
lished in April 1971 as an information and communications agency
acting on behalf of the revolutionary separatist community in
that province, since 1973 it has been a viable business, owning
a $26,000 building in downtown Montreal and some $40,000 worth of
printing equipment. The mortgage on its building is held by the
Confederation des syndicate nationaux (CSN), and equipment was
purchased with an interest-free loan from Service Campus (a
university of Montreal student organization) and $10,000 from a
financial canpaign. Money for APLQ salaries has largely been
obtained through a complex system of abusing Federal government
funds although, recently, the termination of outside subsidization,
both legitimate and fraudulent, has caused the APLQ to disburse
$1,200 weekly in salaries from its own funds.
The APLQ publishes a bimonthly newspaper. Bulletin
populaire with a circulation of 10,000 copies. It contains
reports concerning the activities of the labour movement and
includes material on various citizen, student and separatist
groups as well as articles on revolutionary, terrorist and inter
national liberation groups. This publication harbours political
ideologies similar to those promoted in the Equipe du journal’s
En Lutte. The APLQ employs a network of field reporters in
Quebec and has a paid correspondent in Lebanon. A formal agree
ment on the exchange of information reached in February 1974
between the APLQ and Prensa Latina, the official organ of the
Cuban Government, is no longer in effect and Cuban influence in
the APLQ can be expected to decline.
The APLQ has, in recent months, begun to collaborate
with other like-minded groups in order to gain a wider base of
support within Quebec’s revolutionary milieu in hopes of eventually
establishing a workers political party. Ideological differences
and struggles for leadership may, however, prevent the formation
of an alliance among these groups.
Equipe
du
Journal
Formerly referred to as the Parti proletarian, the
Equipe du journal (EDJ) was founded in Montreal in September 1972
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by Charles GAGNON in an attempt to unite elements of the revolu
tionary separatist community and the working class in Quebec and
to inspire them to form a revolutionary labour organization to be
known as the Parti proletarian. The EDJ together with its regional
wings in Quebec City, Rimouski and Rouyn-Noranda, comprises some
50 members. Activities are concentrated on the distribution of
propaganda in industrial establishments and the formation of
committees to analyze the conflicts facing the workers in their
respective places of employment. One such committee. Atelier
ouvrier, in a document published in December 1973, calls for a
radical change in Quebec’s trade union system in order to improve
the lot of the working man. It aims not to destroy the major
trade unions but to provide an alternative to them by regrouping
the workers according to their places of employment.
©
8
The EDJ publishes a bimonthly journal, En Lutte, which
has a strong labour orientation and deals with issues of concern
to the workers, citizens’ groups and revolutionary elements
throughout the province. It is one of the primary means by which
GAGNON hopes to develop an ideological base and provide a common
framework for action by all the groups concerned.
Two members of the EDJ organization were recently
elected to the executive of the Association G6n€rale des
Etudiants du Quebec en France (AGEQEF), an association of Quebec
students in Paris which claimed responsibility for the occupation
of Canada House in October 1970 during the FLQ crisis. This link
with the AGEQEF represents a concerted effort by Charles GAGNON’s
group to catapult the EDJ cause abroad.
Mquvemfnt Quebec Francais
The Mouvement Quebec frangais (MQF) was formed in 1971
primarily as a pressure group. Its aim is to achieve the
recognition of French as the sole official language in Quebec,
and to ensure its implementation in all aspects of Quebec life,
including the fields of labour and education. The member organiz
ations of the MQF are the CSN, the FTQ, the CEQ, the Union des
producteurs agricoles, the F€d£ration des soci£t€s Saint-Jean
Baptiste, the SociGtS Saint-Jean Baptiste de Montreal, the
SociStSs nationales des QulibScois, the Association qufibgcois des
professeurs de frangais, and the Alliance des professeurs de
Montreal. The MQF is in the vanguard of those groups which are
opposed to Bill 22, the controversial language bill recently
passed by the Quebec Legislature. In an effort to exert pressure
on the Provincial government to withdraw the legislation because
of certain restrictive clauses, the MQF has staged a number of
demonstrations and has threatened to use disruptive tactics, such
as strikes and boycotts, to paralyze the Quebec school system.
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Centre de Formation Populaire (CFP)
@
The CFP was established in 1971 to provide citizens’
groups, trade unions and co-operative organizations with a
permanent and systematic source of information. It has since come
under the control of Marxist revolutionaries who are dedicated to
an independent and socialist Quebec. Its most popular concept is
"participation", the idea being to motivate the workers to seek
election at decision-making levels on such bodies as administration
boards of hospitals, schools, and social welfare agencies. To
this end, the CFP provides lecturers to and does research for the
various groups to promote understanding of the workers' situation
in a socio-economic context.
7
Two CFP members, including Director Louis FAVREAU,
resigned from their positions in September 1974 to travel to Latin
America as part of a research tour. The purpose of the venture
was to study the area of community co-operatives and development
of Mexico, Peru, Argentina and possibly Chile. The group requested
financial assistance from a number of partially government-subsidized
organizations to finance the tour but was granted funds only by
the Catholic Organization for Peace and Development; however, it
has not been determined whether these funds were in fact granted.
Four of the eight members of the group have since returned to Quebec.
Those remaining are known to have discussed the possibility of
meeting with leftist groups during their travels in Latin America.
Labour
COMMON FRONTS
Although the Confederation des syndicats nationaux (CSN),
the Federation des travailleurs du Quebec (FTQ) and the Centrale
de I’enseignement du Quebec (CEQ) remain committed to the concept
of a united front as the most effective vehicle of direct
political action, inter-union rivalry has compromised any collec
tive systematic action since the Common Front of 1972. Attempts
to re-establish a common front to fight for mid-contract wage
increases were nullified in the wake of an outbreak of inter
union violence at the site of the James Bay power project in
March 1974. The formation of a new common front as a viable
entity is not foreseen in the immediate future insofar as labour
issues are concerned; however, concerted action may be undertaken
in the political arena to oppose unpopular government policies,
such as the recent language legislation.
The common front known as the Comitd regional intersyndical de Montreal (CRIM), which was formed in April 1972,
continues to survive and flourish as Quebec’s most active inter
union organization. It comprises such Montreal-based groups as
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the CSN’s Conseil central de Montreal (CCM), the FTQ’s Conseil
du travail de Montreal, the Alliance des professeurs de Montreal,
the Association des enseignants de Le Royer, the Syndicat des
enseignants de Champlain and the Association des Educateurs de
1’ouest de Montreal. CRIM has taken a decisive stand on a number
of mass-appeal issues and has sought positions on decision-making
bodies within legitimate institutions, such as hospital and school
boards, through the electoral process. In April 1974, CRIM
launched the Rassemblement des citoyens de Montreal (RCM), in
conjunction with the Montreal North and Montreal Centre regional
associations of the Parti qu€b£cois and the Quebec wing of the
New Democratic Party, to contest the November 1974 municipal
elections in Montreal.
The RCM succeeded in winning 18 City Council seats out
of a total of 55, thus providing the first significant opposition
to Mayor DRAPEAU’s Civic Party since 1960. The new municipal
party is firmly committed to a radical program of social reform
in the areas of housing, public transportation and recreation.
With the support of Nat ARONOFF, elected under the banner of the
Democratic Montreal Party, the RCM has sufficient numerical
strength to defeat major municipal legislation which requires a
two-thirds majority approval.
ComitE
de
Q
@
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o
SolidaritE des Luttes Ouvrifrfs (CSLO)
The CSLO was established in early 1973 by the Equipe du
journal in conjunction with the Centre de formation populaire and
the Comitd d’information politique1 to inject political content
into employer-employee conflicts and to strengthen worker
solidarity in Quebec. It was instrumental in mobilizing province
wide support for striking workers at the Shellcast company in
Montreal, Firestone in Joliette, United Aircraft in Longueuil and
Gypsum in Montreal and Joliette. The CSLO has demonstrated an
ability to select exploitable issues which appeal to all workers
regardless of union affiliation. Relatively inactive at present,
the CSLO could play a role in consolidating the leftist/socialist
element in Quebec.
ComitE DE SolidaritE QuEbec-Chili (CSQC)
Founded by members of Quebec’s trade union movement and
left-of-centre groups after the September 1973 military coup in
Chile, the CSQC consists of a province-wide network of solidarity
committees. Its main objectives are to provide financial and
technical aid to the Chilean resistance movement? to assist
Chilean refugees; and to influence public opinion against the
military junta. The Montreal-based CSQC provides generalized
^’Established in 1967, the Comitfi d’information politique produces
and distributes propaganda films.
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leadership, a function acknowledged and supported by nine other
CSQC's known to exist in Quebec. The Montreal CSQC is adminis
tered by a central committee composed of prominent trade unionists
and leaders of Quebec’s political left. The dominant figures in
the executive are Jean MENARD, who returned to Quebec in March
1973 after ten years in Chile as a missionary, and Suzanne
CHARTRAND, daughter of Michel CHARTRAND (self-proclaimed Marxist
and president of the CSN's Montreal Central Council). The main
thrust of CSQC activity has been directed towards the establish
ment and promotion of a fund with a target of $50,000 ostensibly
to finance the Chilean resistance movement.
Despite a recent $20,000 grant from the Canadian Inter
national Development Agency and the promise of a further $15,000
the CSQC is unable to provide such financial assistance. Never
theless, the Montreal CSQC can be expected to continue to function
as a propaganda outlet for anti-junta forces.
Confederation des Syndicats Hationaux (CSfl)
The CSN continues to maintain its militant position
but has been forced to curtail some of its union activities,
such as political action and educational services, because of
escalating administrative costs and a depletion of its strike fund
caused by continuing labour unrest. Because of these financial
difficulties, the CSN membership has become increasingly critical
of the executive's performance, in particular that of President
Marcel PEPIN.
£
The CSN's Conseil central de Montreal (CCM) held its
16th Annual Congress in Montreal in April 1974. Michel CHARTRAND
was re-elected by acclamation as President of the Council for a
two-year term. The remainder of the revolutionary-influenced
executive was defeated and replaced by elements less inclined to
accept CHARTRAND'S pronounced Marxist views.
Since assuming power, the new CCM executive has under
minded CHARTRAND'S influence. All political activity by the union
has been suspended and funds initially allocated to political
action have been diverted to other union projects. In addition,
the President's proposed International Workers* Solidarity Congress,
an international gathering of representatives from prominent
socialist countries, international liberation movements and like
minded trade unions tentatively scheduled from 12 to 15 June 1975
in Montreal, has become a target of increasing criticism from the
executive. If this situation persists, it is unlikely that
CHARTRAND will complete his tenure as President.
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F£d£ration
des
Travaillfurs
du
QuErec (FTP)
In response to its demands for greater autonomy within
the Canadian Labour Congress (CLC), the FTQ was officially accorded
"special status" at the CLC convention held in Vancouver in May
1974. Although the principle of joint leadership will continue to
prevail, the FTQ will now assume responsibility for several CLC
departmental functions in the province of Quebec, including educa
tional services and regional labour councils. Removal of these
jurisdictional constraints will enable the FTQ to undertake a more
active role in the socio-political life of Quebec.
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T
Evidence of criminal activity by FTQ personnel,
including extortion and fraud, was recently presented at the
Cliche Commission, a provincial inquiry into union violence in
Quebec. These disclosures resulted in the resignation of several
FTQ officials, most notably Andr£* DESJARDINS, President of the
Conseil provincial du Quebec des metiers de la construction, an
FTQ affiliate. DESJARDINS, who is believed to have been responsible
for much of the labour unrest in the construction industry, is
currently attempting to regain his former position.
Centrale de l'Enseisnfmfnt
du
Quebec (CEQ)
Resolutions passed at the CEQ annual convention continue
to adhere to a Marxist interpretation of prevailing social and
economic conditions; however, CEQ activities in the field of
political action have been very limited in the past several months.
Since the autumn of 1974, the Commission d’enqufite sur le r61e de
I’ficole et de 1’enseignement, a research group established by the
CEQ in 1973 to explain and promote the CEQ’s new socio-political
perspective, has reduced its level of activity and the Comit6
d’action sociale, a CEQ committee which has provided leadership
in matters of ideology, has declined in prominence. In light of
the CEQ’s recent change of status from a professional association
to a union central, the CEQ’s political commitments may be in
creasingly overshadowed by "bread and butter" considerations.
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PRO-CHIHFSE COMMUNISM
V.
The Communist Party of Canada (marxist-leninist)
I
I
The Communist Party of Canada (Marxist/Leninist) with
its ancillary groups continues to be the most radical pro-Chinese
Communist organization in Canada. Led by Hardial Singh BAINS, a
landed immigrant from India, the CP of C - M/L claims to be the
political party of the proletariat and advocates the overthrow of
the Canadian ruling class and the establishment of a worker
dictatorship. It consists of about 350 members and supporters,
of whom approximately 50% are Canadian.
Late in 1971 there emerged a new dimension in CP of C M/L tactics, referred to as the a oft line. Initiated by BAINS
following his return from a trip abroad (during which he visited
London, England, and the USSR), this tactic reflected, at least
in part, the Party's recognition that the previous line of
violence for the sake of violence only further isolated the
Party from the masses. Consequently, there has been an attempt
on the part of CP of C - M/L members to reduce violent acts to a
minimum, and for the most part, the Party is engaged in efforts
to achieve social respectability and political legitimacy.
References to MAO Tse-tung, the People’s Republic of China (PRC)
and Communism have, for example, been toned down.
Since the beginning of 1974 the CP of C - M/L has become
active for the first time in the provinces of New Brunswick and
Newfoundland. Activity is minimal at present but it is expected
that the CP of C - M/L will attempt to seize on local issues,
especially where it feels it may gain credibility. At the same
time it is concentrating its efforts on a peaceful campaign
aimed at the labour force across the country; however, gains
have so far been negligible. The Party is also seeking to
establish credibility with the general public. In this regard,
it has become more open in its publications, staged numerous
press conferences, and involved itself in the July 1974 Federal
Election. The CP of C - M/L ran 104 candidates in the Federal
Election, No candidate was elected nor did any make significant
gains at the polls. Nationally, the Party polled just over
17,000 votes, representing less than 1% of the total vote.
The CP of C - M/L continues to maintain close contact
with counterparts in the United States, Great Britain and Ireland.
Links continue to exist with the Communist Party of India (Marxist/
Leninist) and there is evidence that the CP of C - M/L is finan
cially assisting the Naxalite faction in India.
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Recently, the CP of C - M/L has shown interest in
the activities of native Indian groups (see page 21).
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The Canadian Liberation Movement (CLM)
The CLM is a non-militant, anti-US imperialist, pro
Chinese Communist, Marxist-Leninist organization comprising about
80 members in branches in Ottawa, Toronto, Thunder Bay and Victoria.
Since its inception in 1968, the CLM has promoted a line of Canad
ian nationalism and has directed most of its recruitment activities
towards Canadian trade unions and educational institutions; how
ever, it has had very little success, The CLM is not known to be
linked with any other organization
The Canadian Party
of
Labour (CPL)
Led by Phillip Sherman TAYLOR, an American by birth and
a former National Committee member of the Progressive Labor Party
(PLP) of the USA, the CPL pursues a line of non-violence in an
attempt to gain sympathy and support from Canadians. Party members
and supporters number approximately 110.
Prior to August 1971, the CPL promoted a pro-Chinese
Communist line. It has since denounced the Peking regime and now
professes to be an independent Marxist/Leninist Communist Party
dedicated to the formation of an international anti-imperialist
Communist movement. The CPL maintains close links with the PLP
which appears to provide the guidance for most CPL policy.
Through its front organization, the Workers’ Action
Movement, it has formed small rank and file caucuses within
various trade union locals where they have had some influence
in wildcat strikes and in fomenting inter-union dissension.
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VI.
RACIAL EXTREMISM
a
Since the destruction of the computer center at Sir'
George Williams University in Montreal in 1969, which involved a
number of West Indians, there has arisen an active black extremist
movement in Canada, comprising approximately 30-40 hard-core
members, mostly West Indian, concentrated in Toronto and Montreal.
These extremists seek to polarize political opinion in the black
community by exploiting local and international racial issues.
Through their participation in local community organizations,
they have tended to dominate the moderate leadership which has
been unable to offer a viable alternative to the charisma of the
black extremist leaders and their image as champions of the inter
national cause of self-determination and equality for blacks
around the world. Despite their efforts, the extremists have not
succeeded in attracting any significant degree of support but
they are, nevertheless, not without influence in the mainly
uncommitted black community in Canada. At the present time,
however, the indigenous black groups, mainly in Halifax, Montreal
and Toronto, continue to pursue a moderate course toward alleviat
ing their problems and improving their living conditions.
In recent weeks there has been a noticable trend
among black extremists to define their cause as a Marxist class
struggle, one that embraces all minority groups, rather than
just a black nationalist, or Pan-African, movement. Roosevelt
Bernard DOUGLAS, a leading black Marxist extremist recently
released on parole from the LeClerc Institute, claims to have
established a working relationship with 15 white leftist groups
and is head of the newly established Black Workers’ Alliance in
Toronto. Charles ROACH, a black Marxist lawyer, is chairman of
the Toronto Committee Against Racism (CAR) which has chapters in
major centers across Canada. This organization, which is dominated
by members of the Marxist Canadian Party of Labour (CPL), is
committed to active resistance including demonstrations against all
forms of racism, particularly immigration policy. Although
Marxist ideology is not calculated to appeal to the black community,
the Green Paper on Immigration could spark some support for
demonstrations mounted by an organization such as CAR, involving
both black and white dissidents and, given the nature of some of
the elements involved, peaceful protest could well lead to more
disruptive forms of protest.
Black extremists in Canada, mostly West Indian,
have collaborated closely with their compatriots in the Caribbean
in the formation of groups capable of overthrowing, by violence if
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necessary, the present neo-colonialist regimes, particularly
those in Grenada, Dominica and Antigua. Franklyn HARVEY, an
internationally kncwn revolutionary Marxist from Grenada now
living in Toronto, is one of the major protagonists of revolution
in the Caribbean. During the disturbances in Grenada in early
1974, he took part in planning the strategy of the New Jewel
Movement which spearheaded the move to overthrow Premier GAIRY’s
regime. HARVEY and his supporters are attempting to establish a
Pan-Caribbean revolutionary movement capable of providing co
ordination, leadership and training to the various revolutionary
organizations in the Caribbean. Raffique SHAH, a labour leader
and ex-Army officer who led the 1970 revolt in Trinidad, maintains
close contact with black extremists and supporters in Canada and
has admitted receiving support from Cuba. These activities are
designed to provide moral and physical support for revolutionaries
in the Caribbean where they envisage the formation of a federation
of socialist states in alignment with Cuba.
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Although Canadian black extremists active in support
of external revolutionary causes do not constitute a direct
threat to Canadian security, most view themselves as members of
an international society of black revolutionaries working towards
a common goal, be it under the banner of Marxism or black national
ism. As such, and particularly through their close association
with violence - prone U.S. leaders, black extremists in Canada
may well be persuaded to adopt violent tactics in response to
some international racial issue. There are indications that
black extremists have been involved in an underground movement
that brings fugitive members of U.S. terrorist organisations into
Canada for sanctuary.
Association with U.S. extremists has led to the estab
lishment in Toronto of a branch of the Nation of Islam, a militant
black Muslim organization with headquarters in the USA. It is a
semi-religious organization that preaches a distorted Islamic
doctrine in which uhitea are regarded as devils. It advocates
the formation of a separate black state and in the advance of
this cause is more disruptive than subversive. It is, however,
served by a very tough and hardened cadre which, if past experience
in the USA can be taken as any sort of indication, is cause for
concern.
A further potential danger arising from the inter
national links of Canadian black extremists is an alliance with
Arab terrorist groups, some indications of which have already
been observed. Close attention therefore must be paid to the
activities of black extremists in Canada, from both a national
and an international viewpoint, if Canada is to be spared the
racial conflict experienced in other parts of the world.
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Indian Activism
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Although the susceptibility of the Canadian Indian and
M6tis people to outside influences continues to be an area of
concern, the most determined leadership is now being provided by
Canadian militants themselves. Inspired by the example of the
American Indian Movement (AIM) in the USA, and encouraged by AIM
field workers who have organized branches in Canada, a small
minority of Canada's 750,000 Indian and M6tis population is
currently leaning toward hard-line confrontation tactics and
policies in seeking redress of grievances. Subversive influence
from Communist and other left-wing groups is of no particular
concern as the overthrow of the present political system is not
part of the rhetoric of the native Indian; however, there are
indications that a few may be falling under the influence of Third
World revolutionary movements and methods. At the present time,
because of the dispersal and isolation of native groups in Canada,
no concerted movement is expected to arise in the immediate future
but sporadic acts of protest such as sit-ins and occupations of
government property, usually peaceful but not necessarily excluding
violence, can be expected to continue and increase as new groups
enter the arena and follow the examples set by the earlier mili
tants ,
The Communist Party of Canada, Marxist/Leninist (CP of
C - M/L) continues to flirt with native extremists. In the Ottawa
and Toronto areas, forums sponsored by the CP of C - M/L concerning
native matters are not uncommon. Their appeal, however, remains
restricted to a very small minority of natives.
The American Indian Movement (AIM) Canadian faction,
convened a national AIM conference in Edmonton, Alberta on 27 and
28 February 1975 but support for the venture fell far short of the
expectations of the conference organizers. Any tactical or
strategic plans on future courses of action considered by the
conference are not known at this time.
The Union Carbide building in Ottawa, known as the
Native People's Embassy, was occupied during the winter by a small
group of natives, the residue of the Indian Protest Caravan which
travelled from Vancouver to Ottawa last fall. The building was
gutted by fire on 21 March 1975 and the occupants have since
dispersed.
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TROTSKYISM
The Canadian Trotskyist Movement (CTM) comprises
primarily two main groups: the League for Socialist Action/Ligue
socialiste ouvrifire (LSA/LSO) and its youth arms; and the Revolu
tionary Marxist Group/Groupe marxiste rfivolutionnaire (RMG/GMR).
These two groupings each have about 200 followers. A further 50
Trostkyists are divided among 5 inconsequential splinter groups.
The LSA/LSO and RMG/GMR are recognized sections of the Brussels
based United Secretariat of the Fourth International; however,
the LSA/LSO supports the minority viewpoint of the Fourth Inter
national and the RMG/GMR supports the majority, i.e., the use
of armed struggle as a tactic. The characteristic strains and
ambiguities associated with the international Trotskyist movement
are also reflected in the CTM. Despite its problems, the CTM has
militant, competent cadres which are locally active and which
carry out the movement’s operational programs with a reasonable
degree of dedication.
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The LSA/LSO and the RMG/GMR have well-defined organiza
tional structures and, although they appear to be financially
solvent and fulfill their international obligations, they operate
on a tight budget and continually face financial burdens due to
declining organizational loyalty and related fund-raising
activities. Maximum use is made of the limited number of cadres
by penetrating target organizations and by shifting key personnel
nationally to take advantage of exploitable situations.
Currently, the CTM’s principle areas of interest are
the trade union movement, the women’s liberation movement, educa
tional institutions and general conditions in Latin America. It is
noteworthy that most major centers have militant CTM supporters
who consistently become involved in any local or national issue
which may promise results, if only as a disruptive force or
propaganda group. A case in point is the CTM’s present and most
recent involvement in protesting Canada's so-called racist immigra
tion policy and, in particular, Canadian government action against
Roosevelt DOUGLAS and the Haitians.
There has been soma Trotskyist penetration of the New
Democratic Party, and CTM members in some areas have combined with
left-wing elements within the NDP in an attempt to influence
provincial policies through various constituency committees. The
CTM is anxious to covertly develop and encourage a left caucus
within the NDP which would allow the Trotskyists greater freedom
of expression and movement. Although the CTM is deeply committed
to penetrating the NDP, and some local successes have been
attributed to zealous Trotskyists who hold NDP membership, for
the most part Trotskyist influence has been negligible.
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Although the CTM seeks to aggravate discontent and bring
out the potentially disruptive element, the use of violence and
extreme tactics has always been contrary to the LSA/LSO's policy
for building the movement. It is noteworthy, however, that the
emergence of the RMG/GMR is a comparatively recent phenomenon for
the CTM and may well affect its future viability and behaviour.
The CTM's strategy, and the behaviour of its activists, has been
reasonably predictable in the past. This has changed in relation
to the RMG/GMR which has employed extreme tactics in pursuit of
its goals. It is not anticipated that the LSA/LSO will engage in
or condone precipitous acts of violence but it can be expected
that the RMG/GMR will continue to employ increased militancy in
line with the majority viewpoint of the United Secretariat of the
Fourth International.
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VIII.
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PRO-SOVIET COMMUNISM
The main instrument of pro-Soviet Communism in Canada is
the Communist Party of Canada which with its youth arm and Quebec
counterparts has a combined membership of some 1,800. The Party
seeks to establish a Marxist socialist (and ultimately Communist)
society in Canada based on the Soviet model. Essentially lawabiding, it is currently trying to attain power through the
electoral process. In the July 1974 Federal Election, the Party
unsuccessfully contested 69 seats, 38 more than in 1972, and
polled 12,000 votes, as against 6,000 votes in 1972.
Organizationally, the CP of c is elitist and autocratic,
highly structured, rigidly disciplined and slavishly pro-Soviet.
In return for its loyalty, the CP of C receives financial and
material support.
The Party operates mainly as a pressure group and propa
ganda outlet for Soviet policy. It uses various vehicles in
Canada for this purpose, including the Communist ethnic and front
organizations and non-Communist groups. In this respect, although
the Party’s publications are not particularly effective due to
their limited circulation and lack of appeal, they do provide a
fairly accurate indication of Soviet concerns and desires.
As in the past, the main emphasis of the CP of C is
directed toward labour in general and the trade union movement in
particular. Currently, Communists are in a position to exert
strong influence at the top executive level in two trade unions.
In addition, they hold executive positions in a considerable
number of trade union locals and labour bodies. In this role,
they have, for the most part, behaved in a responsible manner.
At the present time the Party seeks to gain support by
exploiting current domestic issues such as inflation, unemployment,
the energy policy, and Canadian independence from American finan
cial interests. International issues of concern to the CP of C
include Canada’s withdrawal from NATO and NORAD, the overthrow of
the Chilean government, support for national liberation movements
and world disarmament. Detente and peaceful <3o~ezi8 tence
provide the Party with an opportunity to create an image of respectability thereby widening its area of influence.
None of the Party’s activities, and this includes its
agitation within the labour movement, poses a significant threat
to security. Its membership is aging and it has failed to attract
the youth. At the CP of C’s 22nd National Convention in May 1974,
it was evident that, unless there is a substantial change in the
leadership of the Party, it will continue to maintain a low
profile similar to that of the previous decade.
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IX.
NEW LEFT
International Caucus of Labour Committees (ICLC)
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The ICLC was formed in the United States from remnants
of the Students for a Democratic Society. In Canada since 1972
it is represented through committees in Montreal and Toronto,
with adherents also located in Niagara Falls and Vancouver. It
describes itself as an international organization of revolutionary
socialists. Total membership in Canada is believed to be about
twenty, but the organization also has an unknown number of
supporters.
Since its appearance in Canada, the ICLC has attempted
to consolidate and legitimize its position on the left of the
political spectrum by directing its attention toward other left
wing organizations. Late in March, however, the ICLC, through
telephone calls and printed material, claimed that it has indicted
several prominent individuals and was investigating others for
Crimea against humanity under Count 4 of the Nuremberg Trials.
These individuals include labour leaders, a police chief, political
figures at all levels including the Federal Cabinet, and persons
involved in drug-addiction research and mental health.
Although the ICLC following is small and violence has
not, to date, been a part of its program in Canada, these develop
ments have an unsettling effect on the persons so named, particu
larly in view of recent events in California and other parts of
the United States.
Two ICLC candidates1 unsuccessfully contested seats in
the July Federal Election, their platform consisting of attacks
on the policies of the NDP and its leader, David Lewis.
I
Richard SANDERS of Toronto, an unemployed, Dutch-born, natural!
naturalized
Canadian contested the Toronto riding of York South and Andre
Paul DOUCET of New Westminister, British Columbia, an un
employed, Canadian-born school drop-out contested the riding of
Burnaby Seymour.
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X.
RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM
East European Nattcnai ist Groups
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There are several right-wing extremist groups, organized
along cultural and linguistical lines, whose members are of East
European origin and who advocate independence and self-determination
for their homelands currently under Communist rule. They, at
times, present a truculent anti-Communist front in reaction to
Communist governments, their representatives in Canada and related
issues, and they are particularly militant on anniversary dates
of their respective cultures. The most militant are certain
groups whose menbers are of Yugoslav, specifically Croatian and
Serbian, origin.
CROATIAN
Croatian nationalists in Canada are grouped in a number
of disparate organizations and to date have been unable to recon
cile their views to form a cohesive front. Some measure of
cohesion was attained when a number of Croatian groups in Toronto
combined to host the Croatian World Congress held in Toronto in
February 1974. The Congress was attended by representatives of
the Croatian Councils of North America, South America, Europe and
Australia and it was agreed that unity is necessary before there
could be any hope of establishing an independent state of Croatia.
The representatives intend to meet again this fall with a view to
unifying all nationalist and extremist organizations into one
force which, if achieved, could be disruptive but, as in the past,
there seems little likelihood of success.
The majority of Croatian groups in Canada believe that,
with TITO reportedly in ill health, any action they might take
against the regime in Yugoslavia would only create bad publicity
and hinder any chances of attaining their ultimate goal of an
independent state of Croatia. As long as some hope of achieving
their goal exists, the Croats will maintain a low profile and
avoid potentially damaging incidents. Croatian extremists maintain
close and responsive liaison with Croatian terrorists in Europe
and Australia.
In March 1975 arms and explosives, some of which were
smuggled in from the United States, were seized at the home of a
Croatian nationalist in Hamilton, Ontario. Five persons have been
charged. One of them, Vlado BAOTIC, was associated with a proposed
assassination attempt against the Yugoslav Foreign Minister who
was scheduled to attend the spring session of the United Nations in
New York. The assassination attempt was allegedly backed by the
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Croatian Social Democratic Party of the United Kingdom and was
being organized by BAOTIC who was said to have volunteers at his
disposal in Canada and the United States. In the event, the
Yugoslav Foreign Minister’s visit passed without incident.
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SERBIAN
As represented by the Serbian Chetniks (Ravna Gora) and
the Serbian Youth for Freedom Movement, an international terrorist
group suspected of having members in Toronto, the Serbians have
always been considered the most violence-prone element in the
6migr€ community in Canada. Although still possessing the potential
for violence, they have been relatively quiet the past several
years. With the situation in Yugoslavia remaining static, the
Serbs will probably continue to follow their current peaceful course.
Western Guard
Formerly the Edmund Burke Society, this ultra-right-wing
action group, based primarily in Toronto, is militantly opposed
to Communism, Maoism, the New Left, Black Power groups and, latterly,
homosexual groups. Consisting of between 35 and 50 members, the
Western Guard (WG) is not opposed to violence and will endure
physical abuse to create publicity for its cause.
The WG has links with right-wing groups in the USA such
as the National Socialist White People’s Party (Nazi Party), the
Ku Klux Klan, the National Youth Alliance, the Minutemen and the
Breakthrough.
There continues to be contact between leaders of several
U.S.-based right-wing extremist groups and members of the Western
Guard, in an attempt to form a coalition or working relationship.
All of the groups involved could be classified as hate groups —
they are white, anti-Semitic, anti-black, intolerant and prone to
attempting to force their views on others. It is not expected
that anything meaningful will emerge from these contacts.
Jewish Defence Leaeue
The Jewish Defence League (JDL) represents the radical
element of the Jewish cultural community in Canada. It has
chapters in Montreal and Toronto claiming from 30 to 50 members,
respectively. The JDL advocates peaceful protests and demonstrations
in opposition to anti-Semitism, but is prepared to retaliate
physically against what it considers to be oppression.
Several militant members of the Montreal Chapter of the
JDL were, over the past year, involved in plans to harass members
of the Soviet and Arab missions in Canada. Police action in May
1974 resulted in the arrest and prosecution of two JDL members
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and had the effect of discouraging others. Despite these
activities, the JDL in Canada is not considered to pose a threat
at the present time.
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Cuban
There are no known Cuban right-wing extremist groups in
Anti-CASTRO
Cubans operating out of the USA and Mexico
Canada.
launched a campaign of terror against Cuban diplomatic missions
and personnel. Bombs were received by mail at Cuban establishments
in France, Peru, Mexico, Spain and Canada. A bomb received at the
Cuban Embassy in Ottawa in January failed to explode because of
defective wiring. It was postmarked in Mexico. The two groups
primarily responsible for these operations are the Cuban National
Liberation Front (Frente De Liberacion De Cuba (FLNC)) and Cuban
Action (Accion Cubana).
Ku Klux Klan
Chapters of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) now exist in Toronto
and Calgary. Each is numerically weak and operates independently
of the other. Despite claims by Black Power activists and some
left-wing groups in Toronto of general harassment by Klan members,
the KKK has been relatively inactive and is not considered to be a
threat to law and order.
000115
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LABOUR RELATIONS
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Canadian trade unions continue to be under severe
pressure frc«n their rank and file members due to problems of in
flation and to continued high expectations. In 1974 these factors
contributed to a record year for work stoppages with a significant
portion occurring during the life of collective agreements. 1975
is a very heavy bargaining year with 421 major contracts covering
over 1,200,000 employees, exclusive of construction, expiring.
In the construction industry agreements covering 125,000 employees
mostly in Ontario and Alberta also expire.
The militancy of organized labour is expected to continue
as long as the spectre of high inflation remains. This militancy
has been brought about by economic and not ideological consider
ations and the Canadian subversive organizations such as the
Communists, Trotskyists and others have been unable, except in
isolated cases, to take advantage of the situation.
000116
�CLASSIFICATION
SHEET
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t No.-f.’ulftu .V'-
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A<iore*o« Adrasse
Occupation
Date ano place of 8i<tn*O«re st lieu ae neissanca
Citizen Certificate No.
de eetlifkst de cHeyennet*
Arr.von tn Coiioaa
Gate d’artivric to iCanada
Name o’ Parent- Vom rfur pertnt
SJ.N. u* S-S-W.-M* d'A.S cvM>Ue5.S.
Mtic. Data- Reaseignernents divers
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Data
C<3«&tt>e'
Cfassifica'fiur
Amendment■>
Modifiea'.tcns
ledger Kceoer
Priposi »q grand livre
Date
Cioa&iftc*
Ciassificoieur
ledqe' Keener
Preecse su Qiund UvrQ
3;
2)
File Requested by • Demondeur du dossier
Classifieds tn^oitfenc Date
In.titlos du cll„Xc,^u. m <;<*! Jg 2
4
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lodger Reeoe'*s Initials and Date
In itis/es du orioosi an grand livre «/ dote
A-4OO* IREV. 6/71)
000117
�
Dublin Core
The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.
Identifier
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CDAI00070
Title
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A-2013-00620 Release
Source
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A-2013-00620
Creator
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Library and Archives Canada
Rights
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Canadian Crown
Description
An account of the resource
RG146 vol. 5345, File Number Hist B1-214 Brief #413, File Title: The Internal Security Situation in Canada 1975/04/01 – 1975/04/01; RG146 vol. 5561, File Number Hist B1179 Brief #308, File Title: The Internal Threat to Canada – Joint Intelligence Committee 1-12 (71) – Final – Copy # 156 1971/03/16 – 1971/05/19.
Publisher
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Canada Declassified
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Access Informal
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PDF