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COUNCIL

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B U R E A U D U C O N S ii l L P R I V E

OFFICE

/

CANADA

Ottawa, June 6 t h , 195

J u l e s Leger, E s q . ,
Under-Secretary of State for External Affairs,
Ottawa.
Dear Mr. Leger:
I have now had an opportunity to
study your letter of June 4th on the 'Fourth Power'
problem as well as the first instalment of suggested
amendments enclosed with your letter of May 29th on
the same subject.
I am writing to suggest some means of
reconciling the views of your department as expressed
in these letters with those of the rest of our group as
proposed in the third draft of the memorandum dated
May JOth, and with which I had thought you had agreed in
general substance at our earlier meetings.
There
is such a radical difference between the views of
your department and the views we had reached in our
previous meetings that I thought it would be
desirable to have another meeting, but before the meeting
I think we should explore the possibilities of some
reconciliation.
I suggested to General Foulkes
that he might discuss with you the substance of
the problems relating to the use of the weapons and
the NATO arrangements.
I gather that he has not yet
done so.
The first problem we should consider,
I think, is that of timing.
I do not want to rush
consideration. either by officials or Ministers, of
what is a most important problem and of a proposal that y

A0027625 133-000290

*7.loajt(Oa$

�- 2Canada should take some initiative on it.
On the
othW hand, there is a good deal of activity going
on in this field, not only at the Disarmament
Sub-Committee but in NATO and in the capitals of
our allies, and I am not sure whether any ideas
that we might put forward would be much less effective
in September and October than in June and July.
I think we should consider this time element on Monday.
If we cannot get this subject before the Cabinet
Defence Committee next Thursday morning, we have not
much hope of getting any proper collective Ministerial
consideration of it before late August or early
September.
Perhaps, however, it would be wiser
to leave it for further discussions of substance
between officials during the next few weeks and not
try to get anything to Ministers until late in the
summer.
In regard to the substance of the
proposals, I get the impression that you have in mind
a SACEUR-Council control that would have to be
exercised at the time of any crisis before the
weapons were used, although this is only implied
rather than stated in your draft.
I think that
such an arrangement is impractical in regard to the use
of nuclear anti-aircraft weapons and I vrould think
that is probably the case with regard to others as well.
Your own suggested paragraph 20 recognizes this
possibility.
I would suggest that we propose
that the Council would instruct SACEUR, inadvance as
to the clrclMstances "under' which these_va^iousspe£ific
types of weapons^ouWT^e used - there may be different
circlMstah'Fe^TC
weapons than, say, for
HONEST JOHN.
SACEUR in turn would then delegate
his authority, subject to the U.S. law if necessary,
to his subordinate commanders to the extent necessary
to get it to a practical operating level.
This would
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A0027625

134-000291

�- 3 preserve the principle that you appear to have in mind
and could be covered; and I think it is worth some
effort to achieve.
In fact I think this could be
covered by reasonably modest changes in the wording of the
new paragraph 15 you have proposed and to which I am
suggesting amendments below.
Your draft is not clear as to whether the
U.S. and the U.K. tactical nuclear weapons would
also be under ^ACEu^'ahd^ouncil^H^rgTOr-r" "TKe
^mpTlca,El6h^^TS~TKa,t•""t'he-^"woulQ™-^^";-""•"—"I would think we should not
be firm on this point in discussing it with the U.S. and
the U.K.
If the Council is going to lay down
policy and a general instruction to SACEUR in advance,
this would surely be one which would be consistent
with what the U.K. and the U.S. will be doing in
regard to their own units on the continent and
those units will in any case be under SACEUR command.
Consequently it seems to me that one would not need
to be specific that the formula you are suggesting would
apply to other than those weapons that are provided
on loan or as mutual aid.
Perhaps, however, this
is a vital point in the view of your department
which will require discussion in substance.
I may
say I find it hard to believe that a decision of
France on this major issue would really be dependent
on the nature of the arrangements between SACEUR
and the Council in respect of U.S. and U.K. weapons
which they themselves produce.
In regard to procedure, I would
much prefer one single memorandum along the lines
our group has had in mind than to have a separate one
on uranium export policy.
The immediate issues
with which Ministers are faced are those in the field
of uranium exports but they are now well aware of the
relation of it to this 'Fourth Power' problem.

A0027625 135-000292

�_ 4 It seems to me that a single longer memorandum makes
more of a logical whole in this field than would two
separate ones.
I have not yet seen what your officers
have in mind on the export situation, however, and
until I do I am not familiar enough with what they
feel is deficient In the group draft and needs to be
spelled out separately.
In regard to the form of the memorandum,
your department has suggested so many changes, some of
them so radical and so many of them admonitory rather
than leading to recommendations, that I am somewhat
at a loss as to what to suggest in reaching agreement on
a text.
I find myself unconvinced of the need for
a number of the changes in detail, but perhaps the others
in the group whom I have not yet been able to consult
will be prepared to accept them subject to
consideration of changes in the substance.
I have
no serious objection to many of the changes in form,
provided that we are in substantial agreement on the
substance of v/hat we want to recommend on this important
matter.
After studying your suggestions in
detail, I would make the following proposals for a
compromise draft which I hope you can consider
before our meeting on Monday.
I shall have a
revision along these lines prepared for consideration then
if you think well of it.
The following comments
are related to the group draft of May 30th and refer to
the suggestions in your two letters as read together.
Paragraph 1
I do not see the need for watering
down this paragraph as you have suggested when it is our own
secret internal memorandum in question.
I do not see
why it is injudicious to discuss the relative stability
of some of our allies when that Is central to the issue
that is troubling us. .

A0027625 136-000293

�- 5Paragraph 2
No change suggested.
Paragraph 3
I would prefer to leave in the last
two sentences and hksve re-drafted- the later paragraphs
on Germany taking this into account.
Paragraphs 4, 5 and 6
No changes suggested.
Paragraph 7
To be changed as you suggest.
Paragraph 8
I would accept your first suggestion
but I would prefer not to accept the others.
Adding the words "or manufacture" in the context
you have suggested in the first sentence changes
the substance significantly here.
If you prefer,
we could add at the end of this sentence something
to the effect "and might well avoid a fourth power
entering upon the manufacture of nuclear v/eapons".
I would prefer to keep the last two
sentences notwithstanding the comment in your letter
because I cannot see that the Council-SACEUR proposal
that we are making will really remove the French
and German objections and I think we should make
Ministers aware early In our argument that we are
proposing something quite serious that v/ill encounter
difficulties.
Paragraph 9
To be changed as you suggest.

A0027625 137-000294

�- 6Paragraph 10
Again I would like to retain this
reference to lack of stability in France and to lack of
full confidence in our recent enemies.
This
memorandum is a purely domestic document asking
Ministers to approve a difficult initiative which is
bound to get us into some difficulties with our
French and German allies and it seems to me we should
not pull our punches in arguing for It.
If the argument is wrong in substance, that is another matter
and we should discuss it on its merits.
Paragraph 11
To be changed as you suggest.
New paragraph following paragraph 11

,

Your suggestion here for a new paragraph
11 is acceptable to me if its first two sentences
can be put positively and constructively rather than
the way they are, and also if the third sentence
which I consider highly_djjig^rous is eliminated.
As paragraph 20 oTThe group draft recognized, we
are asking Canada and other NATO countries, apart
from the U.S. and the U.K., to remain second
class powers and we think that we and they should
remain such for good reasons.
On the other hand, I
would not throw in a provocative group of catch words
like this without arguing the matter in its context
as we have tried to do.
The last sentence of
this new paragraph should not be necessary now if
we retain the present paragraph 18 which I am suggesting
below.

Paragraph 12
This should be revised as you propose
(in your first letter) but I hope that you would agree

A0027625 138-000295

�- 7to -omit the fifth and sixth sentences which I think
are unnecessarily critical of the conclusions that we
reach.
I would also suggest that the last sentence
of this paragraph should read as follows:
"Particular
consideration has been given to a possible
system which might serve to prevent or dissuade any
NATO member becoming a fourth power manufacturing
nuclear weapons."
Paragraph 13
This should be changed as you suggest
but without the word "small" in the first sentence
which is unnecessary.
I think "might perhaps be
possible" Us weak in the second sentence, but if your
department does not feel more convinced than that, I do
not want to ask you to say more than you believe.
It is possible that the last sentence will
have to be changed in view of what Mr. Zimmerman tells
me about MATADOR, both because it is a ground-to-ground
missile and because it seems to me it has a large
enough range and potential size of yield that may make it
the type of weapon we would not wish to have
possessed by a fourth power.
This we should discuss
in substance.
Paragraph 14
I think your suggestions here are satisfactory but I would eliminate the sentence you put in
brackets as being unnecessary in view of what we say
later about Germany.
Paragraph 15
This of course is the central point.
I would be prepared to accept your proposal of substance
that we should not ask NATO to declare that no member
state should become a fourth nuclear power, if you
feel that this would better achieve what we have in mind.

A0027625 139-000296

�-8
I would also accept your proposal in regard to the
role of the Council if It is changed in substance in
accordance with what I have said above.
I would therefore suggest that your
revision be further revised to read as follows:
"15. Specifically it is proposed
that, if the U.S. and the U.K. agree after
consultation, Canada crystallize this new policy
&amp;
by proposing at NATO that certain specified
nuclear warheads for specified air defence
"^^
and ground support weapons should be made available ^V
on loan by the U.S. (and to a nominal extent by the
U.K.) to other NATO members who require them..
These
nuclear warheads would be stored in "B'trockpiles
under the formal custody of SACEUR.
They would
be used only in accordance with the specif!
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he remainder would be as you

propose.)
Extra paragraph following paragraph 15
I would include here your proposed
paragraph 16 revised to read as follows:
"Under the policy proposed,
NATO countries, other than the U.S. and the U.K.,
would be free to make nuclear weapons if they decided
to do so, but it would be understood that they would
not be assisted in any way in this endeavour by their
allies.
Indeed the supply of U.S. (and to a
nominal extent U.K.) warheads under a loan
arrangement would be designed to discourage these
other NATO countries from manufacturing nuclear
weapons themselves.
Whenever any other NATO
country began to manufacture its own nuclear weapons,

A0027625

140-000297

�- 9it would cease to receive warheads on loan from the
U.S. or U.K. and would, be obliged .fc&amp;.JZgj^rn, forthwith
what they have already received on loanT '"^fiTsT""""
PSTLCTWW^S^
to ensure that
all warheads provided on loan were kept in the form
provided and for the purpose for which they were
provided and under SACEUR control.
This inspection
would be carried out by a joint NATO inspection organization
or possibly by the MEU armament control agency on behalf of
NATO in the WEU countries."
Paragraph 16
I much prefer to keep this than to
incorporate your suggested paragraph 18, but I would be
prepared to discuss what advantages you see in your
approach rather than what we have suggested.
Paragraph 17
I prefer our group draft to your
suggested paragraph 17.
I think this is also an
illustration of how desirable it is that we should not
separate the export problem into a different memorandum.
Paragraph 18
I would like to retain this paragraph in
general subject to amendment.;
Paragraphs 19 and 20
I think these are still worth retaining
unless you disagree v/ith. the substance on which you have
made no comment.
Your proposed paragraph 19
The changes in weapons that are now being
foreshadowed may blur but need not, I think, destroy the

A0027625 141-000298

�- 10 -

i

distinction we are trying to make if, as proposed, the
policy is implemented in terms of specific warheads
for specific weapons, retained subject to inspection.
I have been over the technical aspects of the
problem with Mr. Zimmerman, Dr. Longair and Dr. Arnell
and I think it is not necessary to recount these
technical difficulties to Ministers at this time.
Perhaps Ministers should be briefed on the technical
problems when there is an opportunity.
If we
officials agree in substance to do what we have in mind,
let us take the responsibility for advising Ministers that
we believe that the technical difficulties can be
surmounted.

Your paragraph 20
What is now proposed for paragraph
15 would make this unnecessary and indeed it is
the consideration indicated in this paragraph which
it seems to me makes the revision of 15 essential
even at present.
Your paragraph 21
I think this detracts from the
essentials of the arguments and does not contribute
to the argument as a whole.
Paragraph 21
I would agree with the suggestion that there
should be a separate paragraph about Germany and that this
one should end after the third sentence.
New paragraph 21A
I would suggest the following
concerning Germany to cover the points In your three
paragraphs 22, 23 and 24:

A0027625 142-000299

�- 11 "Germany presents a special and
difficult case.
Presently bound by the Paris
Treaties not to manufacture nuclear weapons
and rent by arguments as to whether or not her
forces should even use tactical nuclear weapons,
she will undoubtedly wish within a few years to
use at least the tactical variety.
Her
circumstances seem bound to lead to this conclusion.
Her frontiers merge with the East;[her planes
are the traditional invasion route;*) upon her
will fall the main initial burden of both
air and ground defence; she will shortly be much
the strongest Western military power on the
continent.
On the other hand, she has a delicate
problem in her relations with East Germany
where the use of even tactical nuclear
weapons might easily convert an insurrection
or border incident into a major v/ar.
Moreover, Russia would be apt to view with
a special concern the possession of any nuclear
weapons by Germany unless there was convincing
reason to believe these could only be used in a limited
defensive role.
Many people in the west
also feel strongly that Germany above all must
be prevented from using her great technical
capacity to arm herself with weapons which
would enable her or provoke others to start
a major war.
The policy proposed in this
paper should"make it more possible than any
other that has been suggested to maintain the
treaty limitations on Germany, to give her the
anti-aircraft and ground defences she needs in order
to be an effective member of NATO and yet keep
her from acquiring the types of weapons which
neither East nor West would wish her to have."
Paragraphs 22 to 26
I would retain these rather than deal
separately with the countries outside NATO in a
different memorandum; otherwise Ministers might well
feel our consideration was incomplete in this respect.
A0027625 143-000300

�t
- 12 Paragraph 27
To remain
Paragraph 28
I cannot understand the suggestion
that this accumulation of the whole should be
deleted and should be put in a memorandum on sales
policy where it simply does not belong.
7v.tr

r^t^o

Paragraph 29
As I have already indicated, I would prefer
to keep this rather than have a separate memorandum
on export policy.
I will be glad to discuss this with you or
with any of your officers on Friday or during the
weekend if you so desire and will let me know so that I
can come in to the office for this purpose.
V

^

Yours sincerely,

t^rns

47-H^f'.

*c'

\&gt;

A0027625 144-000301

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