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7

DEPARTMENT OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, CANADA.
NUMBERED LETTER
Security:....^STRICTEP..

TO: •-"•"?, UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR
EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, OTTAWA, CANADA.
FR0M.

NO:

THEtCANADIAN EMBASSY,#,t,
PARIS,

¥7. fee

Date:

France,

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Enclosures:

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Post File No:
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References

One of the questions asked Daridan this week during
the National Defence College visit to the Quai d'Orsay
related to French policy concerning the manufacture of
nuclear weapons in the light of recent developments. Daridan
replied by referring to the recent decision of the United
States to supply short range missiles to its NATO partners
^\°l
and also to proposed arrangements whereby United States'
nuclear warheads would be stored somewhere in Europe with
the understanding that the decision to use them in case of
emergency would be made by the United States. He went on
to say that France had taken the lead in attempting to have
these arrangements modified to that the decision to use
nuclear weapons in case of Soviet aggression should be
1
made by the NATO Supreme Command and not by a single meiribe^
of the Alliance. Only thus could Western European membersj
have the feeling that their territories could be effective!
defended from the start instead of being liberated after :
-W«&gt;
having been overrun and occupied. The French Government, "
Daridan went on, would continue to pursue this aim. Franc*
be in a position to make nuclear weapons
7~&amp; * would in any case
in a few years1 time. The ultimate decision whether or
not French nuclear weapons should be made would be taken iri
the light of prevailing conditions at that time*

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2. ^
Daridan's remarks are in line with the stand taken .
by ta&gt; Mollet Government last summer during the Euratom
debate in the National Assembly. You will recall that one
of the conditions placed by the majority on their approval,
of French continued participation in Euratom negotiations
was that the treaty should in no way preclude the carrying
out of a weapon programme by France and the pursuing of
preparations already begun for atomic explosions. The
members of the Cabinet who shared this point of view i*#*^
Radicals and ex-Gaullists, conceded to their Socialist
colleagues that France might commit itself vis~&amp;-vis ita
Euratom partners not to have atomic explosions before 1961
by which time it is believed French technological research
will have come to fruition. Since last summer, there have
been persistent indications that the French attitude on the
subject of nuclear weapons has remained unchanged and
Daridan's answers this week constitute a further
confirmation of this attitude. The French position on
this issue is reflected in their approach to the question
of the prohibition of the manufacture of nuclear weapons
in current disarmament negotiations. As-you know,
M. Pineau reiterated this approach in Bonn when he said
that the French could hardly be expected to renounce the
manufacture of these weapons unless there were definite
A0027623 47-000047

Kxt. l«2A(Bev.2/52)

�w 2 -

indications that the three nuclear powers were accepting
similar obligations leading to the reduction and destruction
of their stock of nuclear weapons.
3»
The French position on this matter should be
considered in the light of what has been called the French
"white paper" on defence which was outlined orally by the
Minister of National Defence, M. Bourges-Maunoury, during
his press conference of May 11. The position which he then
announced was clarified in the interview which he and a
number of defence officials gave to LE FIGARO on May 21st.
There had been indications even before the release of the
British White Paper that the results of the reappraisal
of French defence policy which has taken place during the
last twelve months or so, would be the subject of a State
paper but so far the only announcements made are those
referred to above. The Government may have come to the
conclusion that the final shape of the new defence
programme can hardly be put in black and white until the
impact of the present economic crisis has become more
apparent.
h+
The Defence Minister recalled at first that the
French military establishment had three main objectives
which were 1) the protection of French territory
against
external threats in accordance with France r s commitments
as a member of the NATO Alliance; 2) the maintenance of
internal security in the metropolitan territory and
3) the protection of French overseas territories against
external threats and internal subversion. Having said
this M« Bourges-Maunoury proceeded on the assumption that
French forces would have to be equipped for three kinds of
emergency namely 1) a nuclear w a r / 2) conventional
hostilities and 3) revolutionary warfare. It thus appears
that the French have definitely decided against relying
unduly on nuclear weapons and consequently reducing their
conventional and armed forces on a mass scale. Judging
from the remarks to LE FIGARO of General Ailleret in charge
of "special weapons", the French decision seems to have
been taken on objective military grounds. While he
discarded vast military formations such as those used in the
last war, the General argued that Wte some kind of a
"shield" was still required in any circumstances, M. Boi
Maunoury however did not hide the fact that a drastic
dismantling of its conventional military establishment ws
beyond France's means both from a social and financial
point of view, bearing in mind the range of activities ai
the number of men involved and also the compensations whicT
would have to be paid for breach of arms contracts*
5*
This led the Minister to underline the difficulty
of revising the military establishment in view of the
current economic situation. The consequences of the
Algerian war and the tremendous expenses involved in
providing modern weapons made the task much more difficult,
A choice had to be made and those concerned with this
choice had come to the conclusion that a satisfactory
compromise could be found within the limits of a normal
military budget which in the French view should represent10$ of total expenditures i.e. some 130# billion francs as
of today. This compromise would involve savings amounting*] \
to appradmately 70 million francs as part of the economic
drive undertaken by the Moilet Government.
6,
In essence the new French programme consists in t*if-^
creation of highly mobile mechanized units assisted by a/
tactical air force. The number of these units would be/
"much less than the 200 divisions of 1939", They wiOjf
A0027623 48-000048

�. 4
...

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• ~

*- 3 serve in the case of external threats and will be used at
the same time as a reserve to be drawn upon according to the
needs of the Supreme Command. There will be in addition
"territorial" units especially adapted for internal
warfare of a subversive nature.
7*
The new mobile units will be armed with nuclear
weapons. The freneh air force will also of course be
furnished with these weapons* The Minister did not commit
himself on the question whether or not these weapons
would be French made*
8,
In the field of armaments, the new programme will
give absolute priority to weapons of reprisal (within
certain limits as to size) over defensive _yjms» M. Bourges*Maunoury pointed out that the latter were'wrthin Freneh
financial and technical capabilities. Additional reasons
for concentrating now onwapons of reprisal are that the
possibility of counter-attacking with nuclear weapons is
after all the best insurance against war; furthermore
defensive weapons are yet inadequate and are likely to be
for some time. Another consideration in French military
thinking is that missiles are likely for all practical
purposes tq take the place of aircrafts within the next
decade or so,.
9*
With all the above factors in mind including France's
financial and technological means, French experts and
industrialists have been instructed to devote theii
immediate attention to the production of a light bomber
to be used in nuclear counter-attacks which would be
adapted from the latest heavy fighter aircrafts. Priority
will at the same time be given to the study of a special type
of "semi-ballistic" ground to air missile capable of
intercepting strategic bombers on any part of French
territory. It is hoped that the special missile will be
ready by 1965* Upper limits of fifteen tons for the
aircraft and thirty tons for the missile have been placed
'
in order to keep in line with economic capabilities. A good
deal of attention will also be given to the building up of
a large fleet of transport planesf The fact that priority
will be given to means of reprisal and that the new
programme will proceed on the assumption that missiles will
in due course replace aircrafts does not preclude the use
for some time to come of supersonic fighter aircrafts or air
to air missiles. These will be put into operation in the
near future.
10 t
While pointing out that the new programme would
involve a complete over-haul of the military call up,
'^
neither the Defence Minister nor his advisers dealtg with
the possibility of a reduction of the present level ef
French manpower which the new programme might permit, and
to our knowledge the press has not alluded to this possibili:' ^
M„ Bourges-Maunoury referred however to the eventual return
of "Nato units provisionally sent (to Algeria) for the
^
duration of the crisis"*
/A
11,
The new programme was announced on the eve of the
political crisis and the interview to the FIGARO was
actually published on the day the Mollet Government fell,
To our knowledge there has as yet been little if any reactior
to the programme and the only press comment we have seen is
that of LE MONDE \tfhich remarked incidentally that the Bourg&amp;j
Maunoury programme which seemed altogether sound could hard]
become a reality as long as the Algerian problem remained at1
dead centre*
*^

Yl

1

A0027623_49-000049

A Ttiff Embassy*

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