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DEPARTMENT OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS
MEMORANDUM

MR. REECE

TO:

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REFERENCE:

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YOtJft"Kfi-t&gt;'RA'PT' OP "PARAGRAPHS 1 3 TO 2 7 OP THE
SUBJECT: .MEMpRANDIjM TO. CABINET. ON .SHE. kEJJ. P.QWER.. PROBLEM...

We are still unhappy about the general trend
of the memorandum. Basically it appears designed to
impose on our allies restrictions from which our
prospective enemies and other non-members of NATO would
be free. The original paper seemed to have as an essential
premise the theory that it is the manufacture and not the
possession or operational control of nuclear weapons by a
Ij.th power which would constitute a danger. Par from
seeking to restrict such possession or control by a 2j.th
power the main inducement to forego manufacture was to be
the prospect of early acquisition of certain nuclear
weapons. Another b asic premise appeared to be the contention that there is a valid distinction between tactical
and strategic nuclear weapons. It also appeared to be
assumed that it is more likely that the U.S. Senate would
agree to a system for providing nuclear weapons,for
example to Prance and Germany, which would be acceptable
to them than that the Soviet Union would set its hand to
a partial disarmament agreement and that the time factor
involved would be shorter. We have the impression that
the basic philosophy of the paper is still affected by
these premises and we have
substantial doubts as to the
first two.

2.

Some specific points are as follows:

3«
In paragraph 13 the first sentence might read,
"It does not appear reasonable to refuse to assist the
smaller NATO partners in streamlining...etc.". The

e e ed.
A0027623 59-000059

�-2-

second sentence might begin, "It might perhaps be possible
to limit...etc.". It may be desirable to add at the end
of^the paragraph something to the following effect:
/"However, it should be borne in mind that in" a "further ' ^--^
/ stage of devolution the nuclear warheads might come into
•
/ the possession and full control of other national forces.
'
,' The possibility would then exist that they could be used
,
' with other means of delivery than those originally provided y /
and that their component materials might be refabricated
' into fewer but more powerful warheads".
_
•"" '''-vij..
In paragraph llj., following the first sentence
it would seem appropriate to enter a caveat about Soviet
concern over the possible arming of Germany with nuclear
weapons.
5«
In connection with paragraph 15* we have an
impression that there was some discussion at the Bonn
Ministerial Meeting early this month about the kind of
functions suggested for Saceur.
6.
In connection with paragraph 17, it seems to us
that once the uranium is acquired by another power it loses
its previous identity. It would not be easy to ensure that
Canadian supplies were devoted solely to short-range
defensive weapons. There is also the question of the
procedure for defining such weapons and keeping the
definition up-to-date. We are inclined to think that any
scheme for Mutual Aid would have to be based on a rather
general undertaking to provide at Canadian expense stated
quantities of uranium for processing by the United States
and the United Kingdom.

L»

at*

7.
Although we are not at present prepared to
propose alternative wording, it seems to us that the
questions of control and decision dealt with in paragraphs
18 to 21 require further review so that Saceur as an
individual*would not be placed in a position to limit the
rights of a government which was the victim of aggression
to take immediately all measures of self-defence-available
to it.
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A0027623 60-000060

�-38.
In connection with paragraph 22, we are
doubtful of the validity of the distinction even at
present. We are unaware of any designs of weapons which
j
are in a range of power which is of a lower order of
o
7^°%.^- magnitude than those used at Hiroshima and Nagasaki
**j . ,^X which strike us as having been used strategically.
»

9.
We are aware of no proposals for
agreement with the Soviet Union on controlling and
limiting long-range nuclear weapons such as are suggested
by paragraph 2ij.. The U.S. scheme for gradual reduction
of stockpiles has no reference to the nature of the
weapons which would be removed. Any such scheme would
probably involve insurmountable complexities.
10.
In connection with paragraph 25, it seems to
us that the means of delivery being developed for nuclear
warheads and some of those now existing are so costly
that their use with ordinary high explosive would be of
doubtful soundness,at least on a large scale.
11.
A final general reflection is that Prance in
particular, because of her experience last November, may
not wish to be bound formally and publicly not to use
nuclear weapons except with the consent of the NATO
Council. She found her freedom of action in Suez
compromised by her incapacity to respond to Soviet threats
of assault by a reference to her own rockets and nuclear
weapons. Whatever may have been the exact part played by
the Soviet threats in the decision to halt operations at
the preeise stage which was the case, it seems probable
that in retrospect it will appear to Prance that she could
have risked another day or two of fighting in order to
secure the canal had she possessed a counter-threat and
been under no restrictions as to its use.

United Nations Ui vision
c.c.

Mr. Holmes
Mr. Matthews
European Div.
Economic Div.
D.L.

(1) DiV.

A0027623_61-000061

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