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                  <text>Defence Liaison (1)/J.A. McCordick/j.J. McCardle/
th

I-HJ

DEPARTMENT OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS

MEMORANDUM
• • •••

The. Under-Secretary

TO:

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i

FROM: . . . . .

Defence Liaison (1) Division

REFERENCE:

Security

SECRET

Date

May 1 3 , 1957-

File No.

lo

a

.Atomic Weapons Policy and the "Fourth Power" Problem

SUBJECT:

It would seem desirable to clarify further some
of the major arguments employed in the Draft Memorandum for
Ministers on atomic weapons policy and the "Fourth Power
problem. With this object in mind, the following brief comments occur to us. We should like to have an opportunity
to elaborate them orally.
Strategic or Tactical Weapons
2.
It is our understanding that the most recent
technological advances in the nuclear weapons field make it
likely that soon it will be possible to produce nuclear
weapons which are small in bulk, high in explosive effect
and low in radiation effect. We understand that some
defence scientists at least hold the view that it is artificial and misleading to attempt to distinguish between
"strategic" and "tactical" nuclear weapons; in their view
there are simply nuclear weapons which can be used in one
role or another. The draft paper does not seem to reflect
fully this concept. It leaves the impression that, while
great care should be taken to keep "strategic" weapons out
of Fourth Power hands, it might be possible at some stage
to extend the ownership of "tactical" weapons. The paper
might deal more distinctly with the war-head and the range
of weapons. Is not the effect of any nuclear war-head so
devastating as to make the qualifier "tactical" somewhat
inaccurate, no matter how limited the range?
3.
If it is true that small and "clean" nuclear
weapons can be produced (and relatively cheaply), the
...2
A0027623 101-000101

/ y- . C i/us)

�SECRET
- 2 distinction between strategic and tactical
no longer valid and if we are to be guided
of the draft memorandum, we shall be faced
blem of keeping all nuclear weapons out of
Fourth Powers.

weapons is
by the philosophy
with the prothe bands of

Canadian Objectives
4.
We are inclined to believe that Ministers should
be made clearly aware that at best a Canadian policy of
the type recommended in the draft memorandum would only
delay the programmes of Fourth Powers who were desirous of
possessing nuclear weapons, since such a development seems
to us to be almost impossible to prevent in the long term
unless a general agreement on disarmament is achieved.
Canada's Self-Denial
5.
We tend to believe that Canada's willingness to
deny herself the right to manufacture nuclear weapons will
not appear to other countries as much of a self-denial.
Whatever Canada does in this field, we know that in the
final analysis we shall be protected by United States
nuclear armament. We have no worry of the kind that France
might have, for example, that we would be left without such
nuclear protection, nor are we afflicted with the same
prestige yearnings.
The Problem of National Prestige
6.
In paragraph 20 this problem is stated but we feel
» it should be given much greater emphasis. In fact, it is
our fear that there is a real risk in the proposed Canadian
policy of offending and alienating the French to such a
dangerous degree as to threaten the whole future of NATO.
This problem may not be insoluble but the face-saving
devices suggested will need the most careful thought and
elaboration. We are not sure of the meaning of the last
sentence in paragraph 19, but we are inclined to doubt that
some of the more important NATO members, specifically

...3

A0027623 102-000102

�SECRET
- 3 France and Germany, will readily accept the logic of
the policy. It follows, therefore, that every effort
must be made to make this logic even more convincing
and acceptable.

y

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CrS-ejt—^

Liaison (1) Division

Delence

A0027623 103-000103

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