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                  <text>DEPARTMENT OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS (PjU^^jU

MEM0RANDUM

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Security . . . S E C R E T

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i REFERENCE:

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File No.
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l)raf&gt;'€*Memorandum'on Atomic Weapons Policy

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SUBJECT: .?£?.• PJ9.G..!%.Ph: .??.¥£?..Ri*pblem"

The "i).th country problem" has been a consideration in disarmament negotiations for two or three years.
It has acquired special importance during the present
negotiations in London because of the U.S. proposal for
setting a target date following which all production of
fissionable materials would be for non-weapons purposes
under international supervision. Connected with this is
the further proposal that following that date powers
possessing stocks of fissionable materials should make
transfers from their national stockpiles to internationally supervised stockpiles which would be used exclusively
for non-weapons purposes.. These proposals together would
. not only have the effect of providing an answer to the
problem of production of nuclear weapons by "fourttpowers"
but also would serve to reduce existing s tocks of weapons
and weapon materials. There are two points in particular
to be noted, (1) Stassen has indicated that the United
States does not contemplate reducing their stockpiles to
anything like zeEO^agd (2) the question of the provision
of nuclear weapons/not now possessing or manufacturing
them is not covered.
2.
The Soviet Union position is a rather simpler
one and would ensure that no [(.th country would secure
possession of nuclear weapons either by transfer or
manufacture. The impression we have received from the
London discussions is that the Soviet Union is very much
concerned with the "lj.th country problem".
3.
One matter to which the United States is at
present addressing itself is that of making the
Ext. 326
(3/S3)

A0027623_104-000104

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renunciation of nuclear weapons manufacture attractive to
countries which have the capacity to produce them. This
appears to us to be a consideration of very real importance
to which Mr. Bryce's draft memorandum has not directed
sufficient attention. The attitude which has been taken by
Mr. Johnson privately with Stassen is that Canada would not
xtfish, by subscribing to an agreement concerning future
production, to arrive at a position where we would have no
access to weapons which the United States considers
indispensable for its own aerial defences. However, publicly
in the Sub-Committee general support has been given by Canada
to the U.S. proposals. Assurances have been given that
Canada is not being overlooked in U.S. defence planning and
it is conceivable that in future revisions of U.S. legislation preferential treatment might be provided for Canada
because of North American defence arrangements. It seems to
us that other countries may have other special problems of
defence which they consider can best be met by their
possession of nuclear weapons under their own operational
control. In this connection we recall that one of the
reasons given by the U.K. some years ago for embarking on
weapons manufacture was that unless they did so they could
not rely on the targets they considered of the first
priority being engaged in an emergency.
if.
It seems to us that more attention might be given
to this problem of attractiveness. Stassen spoke at some
length in the Sub-Committee on April 12 on this matter and
expressed the hope that a proposal to prohibit production
for weapons purposes might be viewed favourably by other
countries for the following reasons: (A) The fact that such
an agreement would improve the prospects of a lasting peace,
(B) it would reverse the present trend of the three countries
with nuclear weapons towards ever-increasing stockpiles, more
effective weapons and more effective means of delivery,
(C) if a sound agreement could be accepted other countries
vrould be saved the economic burden of developing weapons and
(D) the agreement could accelerate advances in the peaceful
use of atomic material. As one of the countries possibly
concerned we are perhaps in a good position to consider what
else might make the proposal attractive.
5*
We understand that the pressing reason for
approaching this matter is the need to establish- a uranium
sales policy. We wonder whether it is essential at this

..3
A0027623 105-000105

�-3s t a g e to connect t h e s a l e s p o l i c y c l o s e l y and d i r e c t l y
w i t h the i^th country problem. That i s , we wonder whether
the q u a n t i t i e s now involved i n contemplated s a l e s a r e so
l a r g e t h a t t hey would be of s i g n i f i c a n c e i n any weapons
p r o d u c t i o n programme. I f i t were a c c e p t a b l e t o e n t e r
i n t o d e l i v e r y agreements f o r e x p e r i m e n t a l r e a c t o r
q u a n t i t i e s i n the immediate f u t u r e w i t h o u t g i v i n g u n d e r t a k i n g s f o r f u r t h e r l a r g e - s c a l e d e l i v e r i e s i t would be
p o s s i b l e to make a f u r t h e r review of the ifth c o u n t r y
problem i n a wider c o n t e x t t h a n t h a t of an arrangement
w i t h i n NATO. Moreover, i t would then be p o s s i b l e to have
the advantage of any developments which may t a k e p l a c e in
the p r e s e n t disarmament meetings in London.
6.
There a r e a good many p o i n t s of d e t a i l i n t h e
d r a f t memorandum which appear t o us to c a l l f o r c o n s i d e r e d
comment b u t in view of t h e d e s i r e of t h e Under-Secretary
to make a r e p l y tomorrow we thought i t was w e l l to p u t
in t h i s p r e l i m i n a r y memorandum.

United N a t i o n s D i v i s i o n
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