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OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, CANADA"

NUMBERED LETTER
CONFIDENTIAL

TO: THE UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR
EXTERNAL AFFAIRS, OTTAWA, CANADA.
FROM:

Security: ...............•....•..........
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ITALY

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Reference; ............................... · . · · ...... · · · · · · · · · · ·

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July 29, 1963

THE CAI'JADIAN EMBASSY
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The Italian Navy and the MLF

SubJect: ..................................................... .

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Date: ........................••....•....
Enclosures: ..... -:- ............. · .. · · ... .

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Air
Ai r or Sur f ace Ma1 1: .................. , .
Post File No: . •..•.....•...•.... • .... ·
Ottawa File No •

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I
References

On July 18 President Segni, in his capacity as
Supreme
of the Italian Armed Forces, reviewed the
entire Italian fleet at anchor in the Bay of Taranto, shortly
after Naval manoeuvres had been held involving 48 surface
vessels, one submarine and ASW aircraft.

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2.The significance of this event assumes more than
symbolic importance in the light of changing power relationships
in the 1Jedi terranean and also with regard to the proposed fuul tilateral Nuclear Force. Taranto, the site of Italy's largest
Naval base, is located on the Ionian coast in the centre of the
Mediterranean; President Segni reviewed the Fleet from aboard
the missile-launching cruiser naaribaldi 11 , and was accompanied
by Minister of Defence Andreotti,
Under-Secretary DeMeo,
Chief. of Naval Staff Admiral Giurati, Naval Secretary General
Admiral Ghe, Commander-in-Chief of the Naval Squadron Admiral de
Pelligrini, the Chairman of the Chamber and _of the Senate Defence
Committees Italo Giulio Caiati and Senator Giovanni,
Cornaggio-:.

It

in

[ \)\I _, J\f\ Italy since 1938 when a review took place in the Bay of Naples
.n . Jlv/&amp;;) to honour Hitler's visit to Italy. Of interest also in this ____\..:..-·_Vt&gt;_..,..,.'"Y \ll context is that the manoeuvres fell between the twentieth anni··Internal
Circulation

Distribution
to Posts

NATO Paris
London
·washington
Bonn

versaries of two important events: the allied landings in Sicily
(June 10, 1943) and Mussolini 1 s.resignation (July 25, 1943)
which marked the end of
2.
Since its surrender i:rlm 1943 the Italian Navy has made
a slow but impressive comeback; 172 new or remodelled vessels
totalling over 75,000 tons l1ave been put into service since Italy
joined NkrO; 15 vessels amounting to 22,000-tons are now under
construction and another 12 amounting to 16,000 tons are on the
drawing boards. These figures do not include an existing 16,000
tons of landing craft and 80,000 tons of auxiliary vessels, three
groups of
aircraft and the helicopters assigned to the new
frigates and light cruisers. The Italian combat fleet will shortly
reach a target of 5 missile-launching cruisers, 2 large
launching torpedo-boat destroyers, 21 frigates of several types,
25 corvettes, 12 submarines, 94 minesweepers of several types,
and 10 gunboats.
3•
"While the Italian Navy is making steady progress towards
becoming the largest (although not the most powerful) naval force
in the Mediterranean, as far as vessels are concerned, they are
faced with a serious
shortage particularly in specialist
000391

Ext. 182A (Rev. 2/52)

-

�2

personnel; The Navy is undoubtedly the best of the three Italian services
and attracts officers of high calibre and considerable devotion who have
been successful in creating a creditable degree of esprit de corps within
their service. However, service efficiency is impeded by competition from
the expanding Italian economy for the permanent cadre of specialist Petty
Officers. Of 2500 places subject to entry by examination only 500 could
be filled at the most recent competition, largely because of inadequate ·
pay scales. Similarly at the end of their 18 months compulsory training,
80 per cent of the conscripted sailors leave the service. A programme is
now under study to rectify this situation and we Understand new terms
of service may be submitted to Parliament in 1964.

4•
Despite the gravity of manpower difficulties the most serious
problem facing the Italian Navy is its search for a meaningful role in the
nuclear age. As a member of NATO Italy has certain duties of defending
coasts and trade, and in ensuring the availability of Mediterranean seaways
to the West which are not without importance to the present balance of power
within the compass of a nuclear stalemate. Moreover the weight of the Italian
Navy within the confines of the Mediterranean has not only been increased
by its ambitious building programme but also by the diminished significance
of the British Navy in this area after Suez and by the effect of Tunisian
and Algerian independence on the French Navy.

5.

Given this situation the most serious competitor (if one can put
the question in such terms) to Italian Naval hegemony in the Mediterranean
has been the American Sixth Fleet which has an offensive and peacekeeping role
in contrast with the predominately defensive and ru1ti-submarine role
·
assigned to fhe Italian Fleet. Several years ago the Italian Naval Staff,
perhaps looking forward to the day when the Sixth Fleet might be deployed
in other waters and perhaps also anticipating modified conditions for the
control of nuclear weapons, began experimenting with· apparatus for the
launching of ballistic missiles from surface vessels, Italian missile vessels
being only armed with "Sea Slug" surface to surface and with anti-aircraft
missiles.
We understand that considerable technical success was achieved
by installing compressed air tubes of Italian design vertically in the hull
of the "Garibaldi" which made it possible to carry and launch Polaris
missiles. In November 1962 the "Garibaldi" visited the U.s. Naval· Base
at Norfolk where trials were conducted with dummy Polaris missiles.
According to our information the "Garibaldi" impressed the American Naval
authorities with its ability to pop these simulated missiles. into the air
under a variety of trying conditions a...'1d the Italian Navy seems to have
assumed first steps l1ad been trucen towards a surface Polaris missile force
then being discussed in NATO circles by the so-called ::Snr:Ltb: technical group.
American cautioning about political barriers to the assigning of Polaris
missiles to other powers, about Congressional regulations for the control
of nuclear warheads and about the technical problems and expense of attempting
to adapt the 11 Garibaldif' to accommodate necessary electronic guidance and
navigational gear do not appear to have been regarded by the Italians as
insuperable obstacles.

7•
The Nassu meeting of
President Kennedy and
Prime Minister Wmcmillan which followed so quickly after the successful
Italian experiments seems to have reinforced Italia...'1 expectations on the
possibility of enlarging their naval and nuclear role, although accompanied
by something more than disappointment about Italy's exclusion from the
discussions. Prime Minister Fanfani, motivated by.domestic political
considerations not entirely connected with defence, sought an interview
with President Kennedy and visited Washington in January 1963 where he
learned of the withdrawal of Jupiter missiles from Itali&amp;'1 and Tuxkish
territories and their replacement
Polaris submarines operating in
the Hediterrru1ean. Prime Minister Fanfani at that time gave his approval in
principle to the Nassau decisions on the understanding that details would
be discussed in NATO and by means of visiting experts.
000393

••

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3

There seems to be little doubt that at that stage the Italian
Government, despite the neutralist tendencies implicit wHhin -the "opening
to the left", hoped the Nassau agreement would contribute to
parity
at least within EUrope where the German Army had already attained predominant
size and where France had separately achieved a measure of nuclear
The Defence and Foreign Ministries displayed noticeable anxiety about being
able to make an acdeptable contribution to the Inter Allied Nuclear Force
so as to gain admittance to whatever control body was established. So far
the IANF has proved to be both a· source of satisfaction and a disappointment
to Italy in achieving these ends.

9.

However the greatest disappointment has been with the l\1LF. Shortly
after Mr. Fanfani 's Washington visit the 'Roreign ML"listry began seeking
technical clarifications of American views on the many imprecise factors
devolving from the Nassau decision. Foremost among these was the possibility
of installing Polaris missiles and related equipment on the four cruisers
being constructed in
shipyards. Little progress was made and thevisit- of :Mr. Livingstone Iv1erchant, accompanied by Admiral Ricketts and Mr.,
Smith,to Rome in J,furch proved to be a further disappointment in that they
expounded the adva"ltages of a multi-national mixed-manned force of merchant
type vessels and claimed to be without authority to discuss the possibility
of employing missile-equipt warships.
10.
Thereafter the Italian Government displayed little enthusiams for
the .American version of the IvlLF. The national election on April 28 and the
succeeding political crisis made temporizing conveniently expedient but the
Foreigij Ministry was not reticent in questioning the cost, efficacity and
other factors involved in using surface ships. Here, it was generally assumed
that the Italian Navy preferred missile submarines and it may be that for
tactical reasons they hoped to obtain terms similar to those offered to Britain
at Nassau. It seems evident however that the Italian Navy
not opposed
to missile-carrying surface vessels per se; they had·gone to considerable
lengths to develop surface cruisers for this purpose. We suspect, without
having specific evidence, that the Italians are merely opposed to the mixedmanned principle although we imagine they would probably be prepared to accept
the two-key arrangement for warheads (which had previously applied to the
Jupiters) provided the missiles were located in Italian vessels - probably
cruisers, possibly submarines and parhaps merchant vessels.11.
A new phase has begun in these negotiations following President
Kennedy's visit to Rome on July 1. The. .American Embassy informs us that the
President came prepared to suggest renewed discussions on the MLF in Washington
under a
umbrella so as to make it easier for the interim Leone Government
to participate. However Prime Minister Leone surprised the President not only
by immediately agreeing to resume discussions on the MLF but also by spontaneously suggesting that Admiral Ricketts visit Rome for the purpose.- One
implication of this gesture was that the Italian Navy had finally agreed to
accept the American proposal for multi-national manning of surface vessels.
Hovrever, as you know, the Admiral's visit scheduled for July 25 has now been
postponed and the Italian Navy does not appear to have abandoned its previous
drive to obtain the nuclear fire-power which would significantly alter its
role and
In this, the Navy would seem to occupy a strong negotiating position.
It has influential political backing within Italy; is the dominant power in
the Mediterranean as witnessed by the Naval review held on July 18; and is
the only Italian service capable of assuming more than a tactical nuclear role.
!viore important, British hesitancy about the .MLF makes Italian participation
particularly valuable to prevent the force from being merely a German-American
sharing of nuclear capacity. There are·also indications that France would not
be disappointed if Italy remained aloof.

L1

000394

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4

The implications of the Italian policy decisions on this question
are of considerable magnitude involving several different solutions for
preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons while at the same time
meeting the growing European desire for more direct participation and control over some aspects of the nuclear deterrent on which their wellbeing depends. Italian delay apparently has motivations similar in some
respects to French policy for encouraging the regional diminishment of the
American presence, while at the same time preparing to assume the role so
far filled regionally by the United States. To our mi.TJ.d the objective of
the Italian Navy is to take over the role of the U.S. Nruzy in the Mediterranean.
t To accomplish this they need nuclear weaponry and see no reason why missiles
previously shared by the U.S.A. with Italy on Italian territory cannot in ·
effect be transferred under similar or improved conditions to Italian ships:

14.·

We will continue to keep you posted by telegram on their efforts
to achieve this end.

THE :ID.ffiASSY

·•
000395

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