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                  <text>*r

bj^fi

&gt;'
DELEGATION OF CANADA

TO T

..•'

^NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL

1

!/'•

DELEGATION DU CANADA
AU CONSEIL DE L'ATLANTIQUE-NORD

,7/6/*'

9$

a r i s , May 7, 1963

PERSONAL AND SECR
Dear R o s s ,

gballl-fll)

"Tfitscussiofi on the multilateral
In
force I thought that you ought to see the attached paper
entitled n The Control of Western Strategy" which has been
prepared by Alastair Buchan and his staff in the Institute
of Strategic Studies. It was sent to me privately as a member
of the institute. It may be that others have received it in
the Department, but as it is my only- copy I should be grateful
either to have it returned or have photostat copies made.
I do not agree with all the ideas contained in this
paper, particularly that of transforming the Western European
Union into a European defence authority. I think however
that the analysis of the problems raised by the multilateral
force is very helpful.
I was concerned to see in
of May 3 that Rostow is reported as
Kennedy is now completely convinced
validity of the MLF. I do hope the
precipitately on this one.

Washington telegram 1326
saying that President
of the importance and
USA does not move too

The main question to be decided before this project
can Be expected to have much support in the Alliance is, as
stated in the paragraph at the foot of the left-hand column
of page 10 of the attached paper, the folloxving: "The multilateral plan seems to raise the question of whether political
confidence can be enhanced by creating a force for which
there is no obvious military requirement and whose operational
employment might be hamstrung by a system of multiple vetoes."
Put in another way, it seems to me that instead of
trying to sell participation in this force on a bilateral
Ross Campbell, Esq.,
Assistant Under-Secretary of State
for External Affairs,
Ottawa.

....2

000772

�- 2 basis, rather like the shares in a new stock company, the USA
would be well advised to put to the Alliance their views on the
answers to two questions. First, what is the military justification for the proposed multilateral force, i.e., is there a need
for more strategic nuclear x^eapons to meet the Soviet threat in
missiles, or will this force merely add to the American margin
of strategic superiority ? The second question relates to its
political justification. If there is to be a political justification, then presumably it would be that the force would increase
the political unity of the Alliance and give all its allies a
greater sense of participation in the control of nuclear weapons.
How does this square, v/ith the idea that the force would be
controlled by a new executive body consisting of representatives
of four or five countries all of which would have a veto ? If
the force is not controlled by a small body but by the whole
Council, with each country having the right of veto in accordance
with the traditional interpretation of the North Atlantic Treaty,
would such a body be any change from or improvement over the
present situation ?
My own view is that the ansvrers to these two
questions are unlikely to be convincing and we should therefore
be well advised in the Alliance to go slowly. Perhaps the most
sensible thing to do is to proceed with the kind of exercise
envisaged by the Secretary General in the paper I referred to in
my telegram No. 646 of March 22 and forwarded to the Department
under transmittal slip on the same day. Thus, before deciding
whether a multilateral force was necessary or desirable, the
Council would examine its strategy and consider what further
forces, nuclear or conventional, if any, are necessary to meet
military requirements.
It may well be that the seaborne strategic force,
particularly if based on submarines, would provide a more
invulnerable deterrent than land-based MRBMs and aircraft to
deter the use of the Soviet capability in missiles. But if this
is so, I vrould have thought that the case for such a seaborne

a a f a 3

000773

�77
- 3force should be based upon a Council review of the NATO defence
problems as a whole, rather than being based on assumptions
put forward in Washington and which are by no means generally
accepted in the Alliance. Of course if there had been a really
enthusiastic response in Europe to the multilateral force idea
(which there does not seem-to have been except perhaps among •
some Germans), then the force might have been justified on
political grounds.
I hope to be able to have an opportunity of
discussing these questions further once I am in Ottawa.

&lt;^V

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