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                  <text>Document disclosed under the
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Dear Jules,

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We were very glad to Have an opportunity of
reading the able Departmental paper entitled "Distinction
between Large and Tactical Weapons", a copy of which you
sent with your letter of May 6.
1

2,
I might first make a few remarks about the
original United Kingdom paper, although this will add
little to our original comments in telegram No. V/A-633
of April 20. .While no doubt it is misleading to discuss
small bombs as precision instruments, we do see some
distinction between these tactical weapons and the vastly
more destructive strategic bombs. Such information as we
have on the tests of the relatively small bombs in the
United.States suggests tnat the amount of fall-out is not
serious or comparable to that found in hydrogen bombs. In
the second place, we are unable to.understand the emphasis
placed on the argument that recent American remarks on
tactical weapons would lead the Russians to believe that the
deterrent created by tne t tare at of hydrogen bombs is no
longer vaiid. This seems to be the main point in the United
Kingdom paper and we find it hard to imagine the value of
an approach to the United States authorities based on this,
to us, slim argument.
3.
Your own Departmental paper is, it seems to us,
of a different calibre and without attempting to remark on
all the many points made, we might comment on a few of them.

J. Leger, Esquire,

2

Under-Secretary of State for External Affairs,
Ottawa, Ontario.
000296

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�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en verty |tje&gt; la^^jjfj^jocce s a I'information

- 2 -

(a) Para. -9. Last sentence.
The conclusion here would seem to us equally
valid if only conventional weapons were involved
and is not peculiarly applicable to nuclear weapons.
(b) Para. 10.Surely the conclusion here is a matter of degree and not of absolutes, Indian opinion would be
shocked by any United States intervention in the
affairs of the coastal islands. It is then hostilities
between the United States and Communist China which
would bother Asian opinion, it seems to us, rather than
nuclear or non-nuclear fighting.
(c) Para. II. Last sentence on page 4.
We doubt the truth of this argument. The problem
of the use of nuclear weapons would arise just aa It
has done in NATO if there was agreement on policy in
the Far East between the various allies.
(d) Para. 14.
It does not seem to us that the British paper
is justified on the question of the effect on the
deterrent of nuclear warfare of the employment of
small nuclear weapons. We do not see how the use of
small nuclear weapons would tend to throw any doubt
ontiielikelihood of the employment of all nuclear
resources in the event of global war.
4,
The portion of your paper included In paragraphs
19 to 25 seems to us to lead into the more general considerations that should apply in considering the use of atomic
weapons. The points that you make concerning conventional
and atomic forms of attack in paragraphs 24 and 25 strike
us as valid, and I might carry this general line of thought
a little further as a result of our discussions here.
• * *O

000297

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu $@&amp; LfitJSQlffigQtes a I'information

3 -

5.
The Government of the United States has long
since announced its decision to emphasize new weapons and
to give priority to them. The policy of not maintaining
as large conventional forces as existed at an earlier date
is not, we think, due to any lack of economic capability
of this country, but rather to a political decision to
allocate a certain proportion of the budget to defence and
a further decision that, within that budget, emphasis was
to be laid on new weapons.
6.
The result of this United States policy is that
the Western allies are relatively weak In conventional
forces. At the same time, however, the very recent information on the development of theSoviet Air Force,
combined with the earlier knowledge of the possession of
nuclear weapons by the Soviet Union, suggests something
approaching equality between Eastern and Western states
in capacity to produce and deliver atomic bombs. We have,
therefore, moved a long way from the point at which the
great Soviet land forces were compensated by unique atomic
capacity on the part of the United States.
7.
The power of destruction by each side, therefore,
is such as to provide a powerful deterrent at least to a
major war, and by a major war is meant one in which the
Soviet Union takes.a direct part. The indications of Soviet
willingness to negotiate, although it is too early to estimate their validity, add to the evidence of mutual apprehension of atomic warfare,
8.
The greatest danger now is probably found in the
risk that a local or a minor war might so affect the main
interests of the great powers as to lead to a general conflict. It is difficult to envisage a local conflict arising
in Europe, but the same, of course, is not true of the Ear
East, We would entirely agree with the suggestions In your
paper that first consideration must be given to preventing
warfare, however waged, from developing in the Far East,
9.
Hostilities between the United States and Communist China could with difficulty be confined to the
coastal area, in spite of the fact that the objective from
the United States point of view would be the defence of
Formosa (and related to this, of the Quemoys and the Matsus).

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vjejtjp d g ^ ^ y j s j r r I'acces a I'information

4 -

It may be, as officials here have told us, that the United
States forces would not be permitted to carry on an unlimited warfare into inland China any more than they were
allowed to cross the Yalu River. To observe this distinction, however, would never be easy, nor do we fully
share the confidence here that the risk of the Soviet
Union being drawn in in defence of China is minor.
10.
We find it difficult to make any assessment of the
extent to which the use of small atomic weapons would'
exaggerate the danger arising out of such hostilities. There
is a general public feeling throughout the world - one which
United States spokesmen have sought to dispel - that there
Is an absolute distinction between conventional' and nuclear
weapons. The effect on tha? uncommitted countries of Asia of
any hostilities between the United States and China would
be serious. It would no doubt be more serious if nuclear
weapons were employed. There is also a consideration that,
just as there would be a temptation to destroy by large conventional bombs the main sources of production within China,
so there would be a temptation, if tactical atomic weapons
were used, to go further and drop larger bombs on industrial
targets.
11.
The NATO countries have made their decisions on
the use of atomic weapons in the event of a war in their
area. This decision was virtually unavoidable, bearing in
mind the extent to which the Western powers have become
dependent on atomic weapons. The position in the Far East
is hardly comparable if we are right in suggesting that as contrasted with Europe - there could be a local war in
the Far East,
12.
It does seem to us, however, that any conversations
which might be initiated with the United States would be unreal
if confined to the issues raised in the United Kingdom paper.
Surely they would have little reality if they did not go to
the heart of the question, which is in the initiation of
warfare itself, rather than the type of weapons only. The
Canadian view on the risk of any warfare on the Chinese coast
has already been made clear to the United States Government,
as has the United Kingdom view. It seems to us that to pursue
this theme further would tend to have the effect of drawing
from the Americans enquiries as to the willingness of the

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vgVflfdeSIKS^fgfl?" I'acces a I'information

- 5 United Kingdom and Canadian authorities to find an alternative to the United States method of protecting Formosa.
In short, it might bring forth a request for a joint
guarantee. '

13.
We are s t i l l uncertain as to the reason which led
the United Kingdom a u t h o r i t i e s to propose a b i l a t e r a l
approach t o the United S t a t e s . We are a l s o , as we have
suggested, equally puzzled as to the r e a l significance of
the limited issue which they have r a i s e d . You may wish to
consider the p o s s i b i l i t y of seeking c l a r i f i c a t i o n of the
United Kingdom p o s i t i o n before reaching any conclusions as
to what steps might be taken to arrange for discussions
with the United S t a t e s .
14.
F i n a l l y , i t does seem to us that the question
that has been raised - however i t may f i n a l l y be formulated i s of such a major nature t h a t there i s some doubt whether
i t could usefully be discussed at a l l except at a very high
level.
Yours s i n c e r e l y ,

lWv(J
( A. D . . P . Heeney)

000300

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