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                  <text>StLe

(1) Div./ft-P- Caraeron/bm

3SCRST
September 10, -ItSf*
M03RMTOUM
Wll» 7amiiW*MliBWWiiPM

FRANCE Ml® KA3KJ—
II, SPAAK'S AIDE MEMORS

M* Spaak*s paper represents aa attempt
to saeet Seaeral de"0aaXXer« position by devising, few
arrangements for consultation within tho MkW fra®e*»
worfe»- He-- ale© jaaiees a piaa for American co-operation
tp France's efforts to make her own nuclear weapons.
Brief If stated his suggestions relating to NAfO ares
(3L| A special committee of NATO w M s k would fee
responsible for decisions relating to the. '•
• mo of strategic nuclear weapona |" therule
ef ima&amp;iMty, however* would aot apply*
The Goffiiaittee would be composed of member
states whieh have permitted the establish*
aient of strategie weapons on their territories*
C2) 3orae aachinery should be devised within
so that ateffiber states could be .tef craed* and
consultedfeythe nuclear powers, regarding
their intentions ia. respect- of using nuclear
weapons outside the HATO area*
131 Special committees on the Middle East, Far '
East, Africa and South East Asia, with '
restricted iaenberehip laight be devised
within HAf® to study thoroughly political
aad military problems arising: ia these
areas* Such eoisaittees might even formulate common policies which could in ^ihole
or ia part be submitted for the infonaatioa
of all iAf0 countries*
2*
While one cannot bub adn&amp;re H* Spaak* a
ingenuity and appreciate the solid reasons uadsrlyisjfcg
most of his suggestions, we are rather sceptical ©f
their practicability. Of the three ideas put forward
in the HAT© eonteiet, we are inclined to favour the
first.
S.
Ia considering the problem of Mf©'®
response ia the rather improbable eveat of a Soviet
conventional attack ia lurope, M. Spaak assumes *»
aad rightly so * that under present"defence plans,
NATO forces would have ao alternative but to use
tactical nuclear weapons in defence. He therefore
directs his attention to the question of the decision
which would have to be taken fconcerning the use of
MATO strategic weapons {IRBM s} * M e h would have the
effect of enlarging the area of nuclear conflict pos*
cibly to proportions of an all*»out nuclear war* Since
such decisions are presently on aa unsatisfactory bilateral basis, the Seeretary-£Iea©ral»s idea is that a
• • •X

�-

2

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special committee should be established so that the
members possessing such weapons on their territories
would have a direct voice (although not necessarily
a veto) in the important decision,
4*
This suggestion appears to have a number
of advantages from a political point of view, (Me
are not, however, convinced that his basic assumption
is within the realm of reality, i.e,» that the Soviet
Union would give up the advantage of surprise by
launching a limited war in Europe and risk provoking
a full scale nuclear bombardment of the USSR by SAGj
nor do we believe that a tactical nuclear response to
a Soviet conventional attack would not foree or persuade the latter to us© nuclear weapons,)
It would
provide for a greater measure of consultation between
the governments and prevent a decision being taken
bilaterally which iould have the effect of involving
the alliance in an all-out nuclear war, While it is
true that the present HAT© pattern with respect to
strategic weapons provides for joint decisions, which
in effect would mean the right of veto by the govern*
meats on whose territories they are located* the
present arrangement would not permit the United King*
dom, for example, to have a voice in a decision to launch
IRBM missiles from Italian sites* Second* the establishment of a special committee within NATO could give
treater substance to the claim that the IRBM*© in Italy
and later in Turkey) are part of the NATO defensive
arrangement. At the present time no provisions exist
for NATO political supervision or control over the use
of these weapons* Third, it would go part way. towards
meeting General de £aullefs insistence in a voice in
any decision to use the deterrent; France's eligibility
would, however, depend on their willingness to accept
IRBM's on French territory* The Spaak formula would
also avoid acceptance of French demands for unilateral
control over IEBM*s on French territory,
5*
There may, however, be a number of military
objections to such an arrangement* SACEUR might well
argue that he could not be restricted to the point
where he would have to await consultation between a
number of governments before proceeding to use such
weapons* Moreover, he might insist that IRBM sites
would be a prime target for attack by the Soviet Union
should it decide to employ nuclear weapons and eonse*
quently it would be necessary to launch such missiles
before the sites are destroyed* However, these ob»
jections might well be offset by the political advantages to be gained from the Spaak suggestion*
6*
From a strictly Canadian point of view we
would have to recognize that the Spaak formula, if
accepteds mi^it exclude us from such consultations,
unless it were possible or desirable to expand the
present rather restrictive definition of strategic
nuclear weapons (generally used to describe IRBM's,
SAC, and the United Kingdom Strategic Bomber Command)
• * •3

�t© encompass strike aircraft carrying nuclear air*
to-ground missiles* However, even if we-were not
included in such consultations within HATO, the
establishment of such a committee might meet our
present concern that so provision appears to exist
for a degree of political control within HAT© over
the use of nuclear weapons* Indeed it .is f#r. consideration, whether we might not .suggest that -a firm
understanding should be reached that,there should be
consultation in HATO between those countries whose
forces are equipped with tactical nuclear weapons and
where there is time such consultation should extend
to all members of the alliance whether they possess
atomic weapons or not*
f*
Spaak*s second suggestion for a system of
information and consultation relating to the use of_
nuclear weapons outside the NATO area (which has not
been precisely defined) makes a good deal of sense,
but we suspect that for reasons of security it is
highly unlikely that the major powers would be prepared to divulge their intentions to many other members
of the SATO Council* From a Canadian point of view the
implementation of this suggestion would not be very
advantageous since we are in. a rather privileged category in respect of present arrangements for periodic
"meetings of consultation". As far as General de Gaulle
is concerned, we are sceptical that the type of Consultation which would be possible in the MATO contest
would meet his frequently expressed wish to have a
direct vole© in any decision to use nuelear weapons,
t*
fhe Secretary^Cleaeral's critical analysis
of the disadvantages of a tripartite directorate meets
with our approval and should go some way towards convincing de Gaulle of the impossibility of his demands
in this respect* The solutions which M» Spaak puts
forward in a rather interrogative way are interesting
in the sense he is suggesting the formation of special
Committees in IATO, the membership of which would be
restricted to those countries with direct interests in
the areas concerned* This idea represents an attempt
to meet in a. practical way de. Gaulle* s repeated insistence that MATO is not capable of handling global
problems, but without going as far as his suggestion
for a wdirectoiretta. In strategic terms, it is based
on the assumption ~that the real threat to M T O is on
the flanks and that the Communist danger in such areas
should be considered in the NATO Context,
9*
While we must recognise the vulnerability
of the Western position in the areas mentioned, we wonder
Aether it is either possible (granted the geographical
area of the Treaty) or desirable tin the sense a number
of countries, including Canada, are highly sensitive
to suggestions that NAT©*s responsibilities should be
extended) to demise such arrangements. It seems to us
that such consultatinas would hardly achieve the Common
policies that M, Spaak may have in mind or that, from
de Saulie^s point of view, go much beyond the scope of
the ambassadorial talks in Washington* In other words,
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�«* .*%.

it would be. too little for the purposes of the French
and too •much for countries, like ©anada and the Seaa~
dinavian coiintries who are against steps to widen the
area of responsibilities. It might,, of course, fee.
argued that .such special committees would, not .commit
HATO as a whole 'to their, recommendations or agreed'
policies,.but it would seem to us inevitable that-the
Alliance would become more .and more concerned. withplanning outside. MATO:, especially insofar as many
areas outside are recognised as being especially
vulnerable. WOT our part, we would answer M* % a a k
by saying that we would, see some advantage .in closer
active consultation and planning between'the powers
directly concerned in. such areas, tat that such co**
ordination of activities #ight better take place
outside the framework of the Alliance* Me would at
the same time indicate, however, that it would be •
desirable wherever possible to keep the other members
informed regularly through the Council or on a hi*
lateral basis through diplomatic channels* On balance,
we feel the disadvantages of this third suggestion of
M, Spaak* s far outweigh any possible advantages,;
10»
.Basically the French leader appears to be
seeking recognition for' France as a great'power, .-His.
present demands are directed primarily to the United.'
States, and it woiild hardly seem likely that a re*
organisation of NftT0 along the lines he has suggested
would meet the French leader's aspirations*

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