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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

BEST AVAILABLE COPY

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DEPARTMENT OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS

£1.3.3.3-^

Subject.

Date

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Washington
Mr. Stassen and the 'Little'
Atomic War
By JAMES RESTON
WASHINGTON, April 23—Harold
Stassen made bis debut this week as
President Eisenhower's disarmament
chief by asking the nation's editors
for help in combating cynicism and
defeatism about the possibility of
disarmament.
"It is my view," he said, "that
cynicism — confirmed, congealed,
compounded cynicism — constitutes
one of the most serious handicaps.
* • • If defeatism became the rule
of the day in this problem, that in
itself would foredoom failure."
It is a good point. For the Communists have said so much about
disarmament in the last generation,
and have disappointed our hopes so
often, that defeatism and cynicism
are widespread.
Nevertheless, the greatest immediate threat in this country to the
objective of disarmament lies not
with the American people, who have
a dangerous tendency toward wishful thinking in this field, but with
the Government which Mr. Stassen
represents.
The Source of Defeatism
AH that needs to happen to put
an end to whatever small hope there
is in the world today for even a
limited disarmament agreement is
for this Administration to act on an
idea that is gaining ground every
day here among influential officials.
This is that tactical atomic weapons — small A-bombs and atomic
shells and guided missiles — are
now "conventional" weapons which
should be used on any military target whenever this country gets involved in war.
"I imagine," Secretary of State
Dulles told his news conference on
March 15, "that if the United States
Became engaged in a major military
activity anywhere in the world that
thoBe weapons [tactical atomic
weapons] would come into use because, as I say, they are more and
more becoming conventional and replacing what used to be called conventional weapons."
Mr. Dulles, In this exchange, did
seem to be drawing a distinction between "major" wars and "miner"
wars, and it should be emphasized
that on this ground there is no dispute. Obviously, in defense of the
United States or in a "major" war
in which the security of United
States forces or areas vital to the
defense of the United States were
involved, any and all weapons would
be used. Thi3 is not the issue.
President Eisenhower himself,
however, has not drawn this distinction.

7i
**•—

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"In any combat," he told the reporters on March 16, "where these
things [tactical atomic weapons] I
can be used on strictly military tar- I
gets and for strictly military purposes, I see no reason why they
should not be used just exactly as
you would use a bullet or anything
else. • * *"
Behind Closed Doors
Since then the debate has continued behind alosed doors, particularly
within the Joint Chiefs of Staff and
specifically in relation to the defense
of Quemoy and Matsu. Three of the
four members of the Joint Chiefs
(Gen. Matthew B. Ridgway dissenting) believe that if the President
decides to defend these islands he
should order the use of tactical
atomic weapons.
Moreover, there are not now
enough aircraft or conventional
weapons in the Far East to deal
with the defense of these islands,
and so far as one can discover,
there is no intention of reassigning
men, aircraft and additional conventional weapons in order to be able
to deal with the defense of Quemoy
and Matsu without the use of atomic
bombs.
In short, while the trend now is
away from a Presidential order to
defend the offshore islands, the actual position is that the Government
has put itself in a position where it
cannot defend the islands effectively
without atomic weapons.
In the light of this, Mr. Stassen's
chances of making progress toward
a disarmament agreement are not
very good. If all wars, even limited
wars for the defense of Quemoy and
Matsu, are to be atomic wars, what
nation is going to do anything except manufacture atomic weapons
as fast as it can?
A year or two ago, when most
people around here agreed that little
wars were better than big wars,
even if they were temporarily more
expensive, there was reason to hope
that limited wars could be fought
without atomic bombs—as the last
war was fought without poison gas
—but if almost every military action
ia to depend on atomic retaliation,
every nation is likely to prepare like
mad for the worst.
They Have A-Bombs, Too
In such a world little wars will
almost certainly become big wars
overnight, and nations do not talk
disarmament in the middle of war.
Tho trouble with using tactical
A-bombs to knock out an airfield in
Red China is that it invites a big
A-bomb on Formosa, to be followed
no doubt by an H-bomb on Shanghai.
After that the new Secretary of
Peafe, Mr. Stassen, would no doubt
j replace Mr. Stevens as Secretary of
the Army,

This is what encourages cynicism
and defeatism. Few observers here
think that a big war is inevitable or
that small wars are avoidable, but
almost everybody gets slightly hopeless when he sees top officials accepting the idea that atomic weapons will probably have to be used
in any war.

000012

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