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                  <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

DRAFT

SECRET

CANADIAN POLICY ON NUCLEAR WEAPONS

Canadian p o l i c y must t a k e i n t o a c c o u n t
the g e n e r a l p i c t u r e , which i n c l u d e s t h e f o r e s e e a b l e
A^&lt;rf &lt;*^l

napor-t of technology on the development of Western
and Communist military systems, the policies which
other powers are likely to pursue, and the degree
of freedom of choice Canada can have in deciding
its own policies;

and the Canadian picture, which

must include an assessment of our own international
objectives and the extent of our resources.
The General Picture
The most important single factor is the
likely deployment in the near future of the "pure"
deterrent which will replace or at least overshadow
the present "impure" deterrent.

The "pure"

deterrent is characterized by its unvulnerability to
destruction by pre-emptive attack.

The United States

will have this deterrent in the form of Polaris submarines, of which the first, it is reported, will be
operational this month and about twenty by late 1963.
(The assumption throughout is that the nuclear submarine is for all practical purposes, invulnerable to
detection and destruction). We must assume that the
Soviet Union will achieve a similar weapons system
about the same time or a little later.
The development of the invulnerable deterrent
will improve the general security position by creating

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

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a condition of stability we do not now have. The
present deterrent situation is unstable because the
vulnerability to an unknown degree of the retaliatory
forces constitutes a temptation to pre-emptive attack
and because this vulnerability demands

as its conse-

quence the maintenanceof an excessively large delivery
system at a dangerously high level of alertness. The
situation can be described as "nervous", and with the
decrease in warning time occasioned by the advent of
long-range missiles the problem is made much worse. The
invulnerable deterrent which ensures a capability for
retaliation despite any action the enemy can take reestablishes stability, but this stability will be of a
high order only if two cdnditions aremet.

First of all,

the old unstable elements of deterrence (strategic aircraft, ICBM.'s and IRBM's) should be dismantled lest
they provoke a strategic exchange, through miscalculation
or misunderstanding of intentions, which might or might
not involve the use of the Polaris-type weapons as well
as the older strategic weapons. Secondly, both sides must
accept that the invulnerable deterrent is valid to prevent
strategic attack only;

to threaten its use in any

situation less than a major attack against thehomeland of
the country that possesses it would not have any credibility,
because the country making the threat is totally deterred
from using it by the certain knowledge that it cannot knock
out its enemy's strategic force and that it will suffere
retaliation.

,

The invulnerable deterrent is a perfect

deterrent against the deliberate use of an enemy's
strategic force against the homeland of the possessor;

it

&amp;s not useful as a deterrent against any lesser attack nor
against attack by error or miscalculation.

It is obvious,

... 3
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- 3 SECRET
however, that if the older deterrent weapons are
dismantled miscalculation will be extremely unlikely
because each country will know that if it miscalculates
it is certain to be Retaliated against.
In this situation the command of the Polaris
pAA$Zzsi^^

•sAJtua^i-etr. should remain solely with the United States
and not with NATO, for the defence of any area but the
United States cannot be assured by the system. At the
same time, this -situation may, while protecting the
USSR and the United States in a condition of mutual
deterrence, tend to increase the likelihood of war
elsewhere;

both the USSR and the United States may

feel secure enough to follow more provocative policies
than they do now in promoting their international interests,
while at the same time

each will know that the other

cannot use its major strategic forces to protect its allies.
The future of NATO and the defence of Western
Europe in the years ahead appears therefore in a different
light.

It is likely that the present concept of a
J[^£iAAyscAsY$i

shield in Europe backed by a strategic o-fratomont in the
hands of the United States will -fe©*e its validity.
what should it be replaced?

With

If the new deterrent

situation has the effect of removing Europe from the
strategic protectionof America^, then the defence of
Europe must be achieved in Europe, with or without United
States assistance.

The problem for Europe will be to

devise a system of security which will reduce the danger
of a European war or,lacking this, at least minimize its
effects.

The central question is whether Europe should

in this situation have nuclear weapons.

Such a decision

must be made by the Europeans themselves, but the wiser
course would surely he for them to renounce nuclear weapons.
The Soviet Union would not likely be willing to see a nuclear

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

- 4 SECRET
deterrent created in Europe, particularly since Germany
would be pre-eminent on the continent once United
States powert had been removed;

the Soviet Union would

be strongly inclined to attack Western
strong deterrent could be created.

Europe before a

And the adoption of

tactical nuclear weapons would only have the effect of
calling forth the use of similar weapons by the Soviet
aUnion in any war in Europe, with the result that greater
destruction would be caused.

It is hard to avoid the

conclusion that in the foreseeable strategic situation
Western Europe will be essentially indefensible against
the Soviet Union, if the latter should choose to attack,
unless Western Europe can create a "pure" deterrent force
of its own before the Soviet Union achieves one and
effectively removes Western Europe from the strategic
protection of the United States.

Since political union

in Europe would be necessary to make the deterrent power
of nuclear strategic force credible, it seems doubly
unlikely that there is time for Western Europe to achieve
this position.

In the circumstances, the best defence

policy for Western Europe would seem to be a large
conventional

force which would protect it from threats

elsewhere than from the Soviet Union and would tend to
minimize the damage in any war with the Soviet Union.
It is likely that in the future the United
States will consider itself secure from China because of
its possession of an invulnerable strategic force, although
the United States may, of course, think it necessary to
provide other types of forces for the protection of its
interests overseas which may be jeopardized by China.
is questionable whether China will feel itself deterred

It

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SECRET

by United States strategic power, although it is hard
to believe that the Chinese would,on -biological grounds , |
seriously risk nuclear bombardment of their country.
They might feel, however, that they would be free from
all -e-thffr attack from the United States so long as they
took aggressive action short of an attack on the United
States itself.

It is likely that the Chinese will con-

tinue to work towards the development of nuclear weapons,
both stratetic and tactical, but will not achieve

a

"pure" deterrent situation in the foreseeable future.

Canadian Policy
The questions are:
1.

Is it useful to contribute Canadian defence forces
with nuclear weapons in Europe, given the situation
there
that is likely to develop/within
years?

the next few-

If it is not, what are the possibilities of

disengaging ourselves from the commitments to provide
these weapons if other members of NATO do not see
the future in the same light as we do?

If we do not

provide nuclear weapons in Europe, how long should
2.

our forces remain there?
In the period before the development by bothjUnited
States and the USSR of. invulnerable strategic forces,
or even after this period if old deterrent forces continue
to
/exist and therefore provide some risk of attack on
North America, will nuclear weapons in conjunction with
any foreseeable air defence carrier system (Bomarc's,
aircraft) reduce the effects of an attack on Canada
to a worthwhile degree?

This can only be decided"

as the result of a military of scientific judgment

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om the prospects of defence against bomber or
ICBM attacks with nuclear weapons.

Is the

probable acquisition by China in the period,
say, 1963-19^0, of a nuclear bomber strategic
force, as distinct from a missile force, likely
to provide a sufficient threat to Canada to
justify the maintenance of an air defence system
to meet it?
3.

Istthere likely to be a period in the future in
which ICBM will represent the only significant
threat, that is a period after the bomber has
gone out of use and before development of a
situation of "pure" deterrence renders an attack
on the United States very unlikely;

in such a

period is it likely that Canada would have an
immunity from attack because any strategic attack
on the UnitedStates with missiles would over-fly
Canada?

Should

we seek to create such a

situation of immunity by refusing to have the United
States and the United Kingdom strategic retaliatory
forces stationed in Canada?
4. What is likely to be the position of Canada when
the Soviet Union and the United States, both having
acquired invulnerable strategic forces, are immune
from attack by each other and incapable of defending
their allies by the threat of using strategic power?
There is some question whether in this situation the
United States would consider even a nuclear attack
the
on Canada sufficient justification for/launching of
a strategic assault on the Soviet Union, but if the
...

7

if

•»
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- 7 SECRET
attack on Canada were from China, who did not
have a invulnerable strategic force, the United
States would almost certainly retaliate.

If

the attack on Canada took the form of an invasion
on our territory by any major power including
the Soviet Union, the United States could be
expected to assist in ©spelling the invasion
without launching a major attack on the Soviet
Union.

It is questionable in any case whether

Canada is likely to come under major attack from
any country except as part of an attack on the
United States;

if the United States possesses

an invulnerable strategic force, a strategic
attack of this form on us is most unlikely, and
as long as the United States and ourselves
maintained adequate defences of the conventional
un
kind against invasion, the/likelihood of an
attack of this kind on the continent is likely to
continue even if in the future the physical possibilities of intercontinental invasion increase.

000178

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