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                  <text>TOP SECRET
ARMY HEADQUARTERS
OTTAWA, 3 Sep 52
The Minister
Comments on the UK Strategic Concept
Presented by Sir John Slessor
1
The United Kingdom strategic concept presented
by Sir John Slessor is not new and was discussed
frequently between Commandants and Directing Staff at
the Imperial Defence College during the tenures of
command of both Field Marshal Sir William Slim and
Sir John Slessor. The main point of departure from the
strategic concept accepted until recently is the case for
United Kingdom participation in the strategic bombing
counter-offensive. Since the cost of this form of warfare cannot be borne by the United Kingdom in addition
to the build-up previously planned, it is proposed that
it should be effected at the cost of reducing the buildup in other directions.
2
Before examining the UK views on their
participation in the strategic counter-offensive with
atom bombs, it is desirable to review the factors upon
which the whole conception of the atomic counter-offensive
is based.
Basic Factors Affecting the Concept of
Atomic Counter-Offensive Action
3
Theoretically, atomic attack directed against
the industrial heart of a country can destroy the war-making
power of that country, providing five conditions are
fulfilled:
(a) The attacker must possess sufficient atom
bombs to ensure destruction of a vital
target system, making full allowance for
wastage and the inaccuracies, uncertainties
and hazards inherent in war as opposed to
theoretical assessment of capabilities.
(b) The attacker must have developed aircraft
and bases, techniques of navigation, and
ability to penetrate the defence to ensure
delivery of the bombs upon the targets.
.../2

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- 2 -

(c) The attacker must be able to determine
and select a target system, the destruction of which will paralyze the capacity
of the enemy to wage war.
(d) The attacker must know the geographical
location of the individual units which
together comprise the target system
mentioned above.
(e) The individual targets must be
susceptible to destruction by aerial attack.
4
In regard to (a), there is little doubt that
for some time the United States has possessed enough atom
bombs to destroy every important city in the USSR.
5
As regards (b), there is less certainty that
the aircraft at present available to the USAF can
penetrate the defence and accurately navigate to the
target areas. Better aircraft are shortly becoming
available, but as the means of attack improves, so does
the means of defence. It was certainly a lesson of
bombing operations in the last war, that it is not the
range over which bombers have to operate which determines
the loss rate but the depth to which they must penetrate
to reach their targets after bombers have entered the
zone of hostile interception and are exposed to the
various forms of air defence. The long ranges which
bombers must cover to reach all the important cities in
the USSR will probably result in a very high loss rate
with existing means of delivery. Nevertheless, this
is a factor for which allowance can be made and there
is little doubt that the USAF would be prepared to accept
a very high loss rate in order to effectively deliver their
atom bombs in the pre-selected target areas.
6
It is in respect to (c), (d) and (e) that real
doubts are raised as to the ability of an atomic
offensive to paralyze the war-making capacity of the
USSR. In 1942 when the German invasion of Russia reached
its greatest depth, between 60 and 70$ of the industrial
capacity of the USSR as it was known in 1939 and 1940 was
in German hands and completely denied to the Russians.
Nevertheless, with the addition of mutual aid, the
Russians were able to withstand the German blows and build
up their strength to retaliate with a series of crushing
defeats of the German armies and tactical air forces
disposed in the east. To my knowledge we know very little

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_ 3 _
of the actual location of the plants in the Urals which
provided the main components of the war equipment to
the Russian armies and tactical air forces. We have
an exact accounting of what was delivered to the USSR
in terms of mutual aid and the total is surprisingly
small. It is known that much of the equipment delivered
as mutual aid to the Russians was still stacked on
sidings on the railways leading from Murmansk and the
Persian Gulf when the war ended. Where mutual aid was
decisive was in providing critically important items at
a time when the Russians were operating under the greatest
stress. I have not seen the latest US target intelligence.
Generally speaking, I think the UK Intelligence Services
have been both more complete and more accurate in their
military assessments than similar reports emanating from
Washington, and certainly the lack of really accurate
target intelligence has been regarded with serious misgivings by UK Intelligence Staffs. Even assuming that
every city in the USSR is obliterated, with the limited
intelligence at our disposal what assurance can we have
that this, in fact, has destroyed the war waging capacity
of the USSR? Russia's post-war industries have been
built in the atomic age and the "Iron Curtain", which
has denied us accurate information of her modern industrial
lay-out, is probably one of the most effective measures
of defence against strategic bombing that could have been
devised. Destruction of oil installations appears to be
one of the most promising target systems, but the latest
joint intelligence study concludes that the USSR already
has stockpiled sufficient finished oil products to carry
her through many months of war,
7
Since the USSR will hold the initiative in the
decision as to whether or not World War III is to be
launched and is fully aware of the potentialities of atomic
warfare, it is more than likely that she will have stockpiled all the materials which she considers necessary to
the successful prosecution of her plans. In fact, the
build-up of her material for her army and air force give
clear indication that that is her intention.
&amp;
Even assuming the atomic attack to be 100$
successful in destroying all Russian cities of any
consequence and the loss of war potential to represent a
critical proportion of her war-waging capacity, there will
be left deployed upon the outer borders of Russia and the
satellite states large, well-equipped and undefeated armies
and tactical and bombing air forces. The destruction of
Russian cities and plants might have the effect of completely
paralyzing a further Russian war effort after twelve months,

...A

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- 4but it will certainly have no immediate effect. The
bombing of German industrial cities in World War II
certainly did NOT achieve the predicted results. Germany
reached the peak of her war production in the autumn

of 1944.

The United Kingdom Strategic Concept
9
It is a combination of these considerations
which led to the conclusion on the part of the United
Kingdom Chiefs of Staff that participation in the atom
counter-offensive should play a major part in British
strategy. They envisaged the United Kingdom, with her
sea lines of communication severed, subjected to atomic
bombing in retaliation and probably reduced to destruction
long before the effects of the destruction of Russian
cities would paralyze the military power of the USSR's
forces in being. The United Kingdom felt the need for a
means of counter-attacking Russian strategic air bases
and submarine bases which would give some immediate
alleviation to attack on the UK and Western Europe. If
the UK had no participation in the strategic bombing
effort their views would be unlikely to carry any weight
with the United States who might well be inclined to the
view that the important thing was to ensure Russian defeat
at some time rather than immediately countering the
Russian offensive power. I offer the opinion that the UK's
general endorsement of the US strategic bombing policy is
influenced less by any overwhelming confidence in its
immediate effect upon Russia's war-making capacity than the
simplest argument with which to support their own
participation in the atomic offensive.
10
When this concept was discussed four or five
years ago, there were two real factors legislating against
its adoption. Firstly, the UK had not the atomic bomb,
and, secondly, they had not in sight at that time a vehicle
in the form of a high performance aircraft which they were
confident could deliver the expensive atom bomb accurately
on a target in the face of likely air opposition. They
were dependent upon agreement on the part of the US to
provide them with a number of atom bombs. They considered
their prospects of successfully persuading the United States
to allot them a proportion of atom bombs extremely slender
unless they had developed a vehicle conspicuously advanced
In performance. They had hoped to persuade the US to give
assistance in developing the atomic bomb in the UK and some
progress had been made when the Fuchs incident led to a
complete shut-down of any further information on atomic

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_ 5energy. The two conditions which limited the previous
adoption of this British strategic policy are now removed.
The UK has developed the atom bomb and in the Valiant
bomber they feel that they have a bomb carrier far
exceeding in performance anything that is likely to be in
service at the time at which the Valiant can be operating
with squadrons.
11
I consider that the argument produced in the
new strategic concept in respect to a diminution of the
danger of war is a little spurious. Ever since 1945, the
point of highest danger is no more than a matter of
.speculation, for Intelligence, in attempting such an
assessment, is trying to read the minds of the men in the
Kremlin. I have personally been of opinion that the
programme outlined for the two Five Year Plans following
the war was a better guide than any other of Russian
intentions in respect to timing. Planning is the whole
basis of the Communist Russian political theory and they are
unlikely to deviate from long range plans except as events
or opportunity may lead them. The real danger rests in
the fact that with any authoritarian political system such
as that operative in the USSR, the survival of the regime
transcends any other consideration of humanity or national
welfare and it is a system which cannot stand still.
12
I am in wholehearted agreement with the arguments
of the UK Chiefs of Staff in regard to the urgency of
global planning, but I think their appreciation is a little
inconsistent in this respect. In effect, their argument is
that as they consider the atomic counter-offensive will be
decisive, and a decision is likely to be reached in the
first few weeks of war, the UK should contribute to
strengthening the atomic offensive at the expense of building
up forces which could not be deployed in the first few vital
weeks. I consider this argument over-simplifies all the
imponderables and hazards of war. It seems to me that the
argument that second line build up formations are of lesser
importance is inconsistent with the argument regarding the
global nature of the cold war and the emphasis placed upon
the importance of the Near East, Asia and the Far East in
relation to Western Europe. If the British concept is
accepted, new "Koreas" outside of Europe can only be met by
detracting from the minimum front line strength regarded as
essential for the defence of Western Europe and failure to
build up a second line will leave nothing to fill in behind
land forces or tactical air forces which would have to be
moved from the defence of Western Europe to meet the threats
envisaged elsewhere.
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�TOP SECRET

- 613
I have made no attempt in this paper to examine
the wider implications of seeking victory by atomic
attack against the centre of civilian population of an
enemy. In our present circumstances it is academic to
discuss the subject - allied strategy in World War II
which regarded victory as an end in itself instead of as
a step to establishing a better peace, has left us with
no alternative as a make weight in the military balance
of power.
14
I hold the strong conviction that the threat
of atomic attack is a greater deterrent to war than
actual atomic attack will prove to be a weapon of absolute
decision in war. The threat of massed bomber raids
against inadequate air defence paved the road to Munich
and Godesburg. The actual blitz on England did more to
strengthen the determination of the English people to
fight to a finish than any other single factor, and in
its actual execution, proved far less terrible than even
the objective calculations of cold-blooded planners had
expected.

(signed)

G. G. Simonds

(GG Simonds)
Lieutenant-General
Chief of the General Staff

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