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                    <text>LBP/U:

Ott~-a,

Jan'Wll"y 16, 19S4..

There 11 no doubt nov that tar-reacbinc
deciaiono have been made 1n Uishlngton

in i-eepect. of detence

·ur. Ou1lee'e 1peecb on Januru."112 in

policy and strategy.

Sew York sakes that clear.

The implementation of these doeieiono
will

ba e;radual and no dou'btc ev,u:-y effort will be ude

br-1-na t.bem n°t'out 1n c w1 t.o caueei leaot. anxiety

t,c

aeons triends

Ao ?:r. Ow.lee pute lt in N1,1w
Iort:

and alli.ea.

wa,

"It
imperative t.bat chsnge abould be accompan1ed
by undv8'tand1ng of' our true purpos•s, eUdden and
speci.cular ebnnt;e had to be &amp;'IOld•d• Otbemse there
micht bnvo been a panic aiaong our friend&amp; and miac:alculated 4ggroaeion by our enn1es."
Neverthaleae,

action

deaia1ons would
cppear.to be proceeding.
.· ..

to impl•ent

new

It will have tar-

reaching conH(ltiencosfw'.:Canada •
.

•,

: !'

•

One evidence of eh:1nr;0 in Onttted f'.tates
policy

t~ri.can

ia th.tit. IUSO c:ount.r1•• .r~ no J.~r

pressure tc&gt; .tn.crun• ~•f'once expenditures.

r..r. Dulles
lective
o.t. least

subject

now t.alke about "readJustmanta

security

effort"

to
Inde-ed• _

1:i' the fft.'70 col•

e.nd he mee.nareadjustment.

downwarde,

in t ems of cost tor both the United Ctatre• and 1 ts

llATOal.lie••

IUTO
000204

�It'i.TO de£nnce f'orcee

to be etabili•ed

at t.bout, fifty

in nu.rope are now

D:1v1sione. plus w~at.evur

Germon:,eMl produce •. Ybera 1s no longer any Pent;azon talkt
.ot;

lee.st 1n public•

about ninety

hundred.tl1v1s1onf&gt;t1.ebs1ng eacentinl

the defence

or peace

lo much tnlk. of tho nnew

On the c;t?1or bnnd• t~re

in Burope.

or one

or ninety-ti·ve

look" end tl1e "lor15 ooultt, ui~ econmnic etnb111ty

11&amp; the

.foundot14n £or da1'enct, '81".ful"t.. All tb-ase concc,p~n ,u·c new
put forward

by !Jr. Dulloa, speciflcallJ

at Va.rte in Decembor

and 1n bi&amp; r.ew·Yo~kspeeoh, as n nm, Jicarican
a nev

rn?o polloJ·•

d1eoo'V'ery

lo .fact, they b.:·u.'l~oviously

su:-;;est.cd t.it ut~t.J meetings

by llrit.t&amp;~1 tmd. ether

and etrona].y opposed by PJnor1candelo~at;ea.

and

b~en
dele5at(ls•

The hcer1enno

clao in those aare strongly deproca~ed talk ot more defence
for less cost by relyt.ns
all

on (!Ual1ty

end ttnew :wee.pons". Ct.'t

t.bia baa now cbs.i'tged. fbe.ra ie now no apparent

. to build

up fVi'i·Oforces in Europe to a point

.'!.~ricnna ootloiderod ooeessar,

a yeu

8t1t"Opewar, to be d•f'endad against

effort

Whlcb t.he

or so ~o it :'."'e&amp;tern

aggreaoion.

!he chnnse may be due to a genuine
defence·by

belie£ in th9 efficacy
in part

ot new method&amp;ot/retal1ot1cn;

to a £eel1n · tbat

t.he cr161s

ba aloo du.e t.o t,he oev A~erican policy
,,. '

ina;,ired

b30

eased.

But 1~ may

of "diseP~T-lCo~nt

p&lt;&gt;sa1blyes much by bUd5etnry. aa by stratenic

considerations.

olso

1t,

000205

�t

The present

pos1.t1on of the European

Defence CommunitJ has a beor1ns

on the new American policJ.

Though EDOnow see.ms to be stalled.
still

talks

about nm,c or notbing".

and disappointaent
.is one roason

focussing

.Americans ma¥ now arsu.e that

on this

The

not coma together

or certnin

be1na tho case,

should now become per·1pberal,

respons1.b1llt1ee

b7 atomic retaliation

a sea and eir

strateu
line
Spain

running
and the

1n case ot \.'ar • victory

line,

can be ech1eved.

of the prevention

achievement of victory

pr-edcalnantly

- and.Pakistan?

More and more stress
new doctrine

States

ltingdom through

to Greece ond Turkey
From this

United

holdinc

from ttorwny to the United

Mediterranean

put

policy •

defence which can, in eny event, now bG left

to the OeJ!'IISnst fbis

Dullea,

defence

delay my be a

as Europe trill

they are relieved

to det"end itself,

this

the BDOinto effect

in United States

attention

frustration

that

of, or evon. an excuse for thin shitt.

rationalization

rougbly

marbe

It

over the dela1 in bringing

tor the sbi.tt

.Alterna.t1 vely,

tor that

the Amer1oan·Government

by

developillg,

•massive retaliatory

power".

1a being placed on

of war or. it it coees,

tbe

to use the- words of Mr.
A&amp;the Secretary

ot State

1t in Sew York,
"The basic dec1s1.on wss to depend primarilf
upon a
great capacitJ to retaliate,
instantly,
bg means and
at plao.es ot our ehoos1ng."
This
000206

�,Thia

1s to be made possible

featuring

up a strategic

by building

atomic weapons and "highly

mobile naval

I

resorve

1

air and

a.mphibious units".

As a oonsequ.cnca of this new strateu
less emphasis 1s to be placed on \'ihat Rr. Dnlles calla,
phrase

that

mu.st sound ominous to Russia' a tree

ttlocnl defensive

To make this

l)OWer".

neighbours,,

sound a little

better,

n1ocal defence will alwa7s be important",

Mr. Dulles added. that
but then he spoiled

in a

the ette,et

somewhat by stating

detenco alone would never be enough to contain

tba.t

such

the mighty land

arm., ot the ~OJllffllUl.1st
worl4.
there ls such a large

The fact.that
stookp1l.e ot a to.mic bombs and that

increasing

in voltule and etteot1vonesa
to adopt th1s no.w strn.tas.,.

decision

believe

othor atomic weapons are

that

lt commends itnelr,

must ba•e aade easier
There 1s reaaon to

ls nO\'l becoming

the feeling
new otratety

The tact
cbcapor

that

perm.\ e "thinning

t'ilson,

as well as

that detence b7 those methods

than .1t otherwise

would bo contirms

there is a close connoot1on between the

and budgetary

reduction.

to Pentagon

espeo1ally,

:people like Admiral Redford and Charles
to the Treasury.

the

poller

Thia strategy,

Which 1s pledged, to tax

ot course,

out" of American toroea

will fllso
in

Burope,
000207

�.,J

_.J,·

, t:.urope•

of "br1.ng1ng boys boca

11,

which will

be popular

tdth

United Stotoa public op1n1cn.

It is no~ surprisina
becoru.ng 1norcaa1naJ.y unem3y ecbout thie

tbot Buropenno ore

new str.r.to6Y t1hich

rniees n dor,rosoina tco.r tbnt. the Americans may consider that
auropo,
etm
'

if no~ expondoblo,

toreee,

ovcroeea

1

tdll

h~vo .to bo de.fended by its

ueaJ.otca. · by t1oversttas. weapons.,, rot.her than by

toreos:

Europeans \dll

tinht

bloody, mon-to-mon way, while victory
by atomic t-otnli.atlon.

If

tn t,he old-.taeh1oned,

wlll con,e from t.bEt skies

such v1ctoi-y comes only after

oceupct1on nod des~ruot1on and liberation,

it bao little

Zo thlo the Acorieons m2y well reply

nppoal for iuropennn.

that- Guropean countrie_e a.re now st.i-onc enoU6h theoeelvoe,
tdt.b

some British

nnd At:erican help .. but not too mueb ... to

tr tboy will only unite I

hold tho Cuosicns off; especially
Naturally,
the Uni tecl ~t:..t 1s to r~e

every affort

will be mde by

thaao roars and tlml"'tl will

be

nothing liko erudo Qr ic.;mdi~to td.thn.rnvale from Uuropean
soil.

Indeed

Prosident

1

.ndhorener! t.o tMSO polialea

~1oenho~r

did, in .tact..

bis r.t'!to of tho tznion cpeech.
Operation

Disengagement

slowly &amp;u1 c.:-re£ull7

will

a1•e such

be re-ntfirnad.

roassuranea

Out J.t eeerui clear

io baGinntne,

dona no doubt.

thoue;i1 te will

th.11t.
be

in

�6.

of two Divisions

The announced uithdrawal
trom Korea and the great, interest

Pakistan

into tills

tit

now peripheral
In short•

the

and e.tamic-naval. strategy.
Americans a.re at.tempting

and ~e should be well adv1sod.

l think.

to re-exnm1.Jle our own

these 4evelopaenta.

Of

I am JlOt suggesting
· .Am.er1can policy

cannot

be made without

wenkening tho North Atlantic
will

roqu1re

skill

to

undertaken

oomm!.tments previously

free thot1Selves fro• certain
pol1oy 1a tbe light

1n strel16th-en1ng

in \:ashington

a.nd care

Cong:res.e of the issues

that

abandoning

collective

obn:nge of
or e•en

arrongeraents.

in t:ashilllJton

involved

this

But this

and en appreciation
end tenrs

end the teel1nss

by

of

allies.
It

polic1

th~se qualities

ere not shown, the new

ma7 be oe.r.ried out 1n. auob e way that

system, will be waallonec1amt e•en disappear.
gran.to4 that
wlll

the oomuniats,

in.terpret

developmonts

end exploit

the whole N.ATO

It ma1 be taken to~

tor whom NATOremains the olliet ena»J';
new American detence

so a.s to te.cilitate

and str•tegic

th.ts disappearance.

They will

undoubtedlJ

'try to show tba t the Americans are abandoning

end leaving

the Bu:ropeans to their

tete,

take refuge in atom bombs and oontinentnl

NATO•

While they the.mselYes

detenoe.
Ca.ne.d1an
000209

�'I.

Cana.d.1sn detenoe

and rightly,

pollo.v has been tirnl.y,

founded on :NATO,and we should do everything

can to keep thie foundation

atrons.

ie not going to be easy, polltloally,

on the other

to maintain at

Wlimpe:1rod stre!l(Sth our forces overseas,
are raducins

their

comltments

hand,

we
it

ruu

and

r.hile our neighbours

through these •new decisions",

the import of \Yhich botb Pros1dent Gisenhouer and Secretor1
Dulles hnve now made clear.
It aoy be tha.t the American sda!nletratlon

will not be the onl,y ones who will have to uke

:reappr1aise1• of rorelgn

an -'agonizing

pollcJr.

000210

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                    <text>_

..
.

_,
.

,;/;

.,,,

IMf~~

1

Arnol4

Sal.th/l,IB
TOP S~:a.?

--ADEIJ ·· ·.
,\, REDtJn
A S, 'RE'f•nuar,:v
£8, llltw,,
__
SECRET 5011 s-- P-Y
IH-JAORhJIDUl.FOU fflh Mil·lltiT$R

..

.i'ilf

You ••keel tor my oo•ent,,au.o~en4u.m. to t.he .Friae !~Water.

..)~

I

on th.• ~r•l\t

/

¥/ i,.·_yj

2.
There 1• eert•lnl.1,
1n at Y1ew, ao cloubt
that fer J.'eachin&amp; 4ec1alon•
&amp;&gt;ec taku in l1e•b1Qa;ton
••aardiA&amp; ~•fenoo pol1c1 and atr•tea,.

ha.,•

a.

'rhei-e ta oei-teinl.7 p .. t danger tll•t lhe aew
pol1c7 •1
1nterprete4 •• • retura to oonlineAtallaa;
but thla aight b9 ea uta1r ea.4 el'l'Oneou• •• 1t. woul4 be
4aqeroaa.
I am 1nol1n•4 to think tha, the cbaiaa•• 1Jl
pol1oJ are probabl7 d1ctate4 le•s bf bu4&amp;etary eona1derat1ona
than bJ aerioQ&amp; atrat•~i• analt•l•,
baee4 ~•rllaulerly
on
the 1Jnpl1cat1one ot new teehl11oal deTelep.aenta.
••
for ua, Jeers there hea been preeHure tro.a
aoientieta end othera to iut th• uin .. pba11a, in
4etenoe pol101, on the •x»loitet1on ot tb• technioal
and econollio a.ipe:riol'itJ ot tbe weat. Thi• wO\l.14••n
aor• e.aphea1• on expene1Y• •qu1paeat, an4 leae oa
Mnpower. ~1••nhowe:r•• budget--••••• 1••terda7 reintoroee the •in that th• new Aaer1o~• pol1c7 1• ••autiellJ
elona $he•• l1n$•, oonoentrat1q
•r• on th• new wnpona
ot air otrenoe aa4 e1r 4etenc•• 1nolQ41na •••11 wrniaa
network• end au14e4 a1aa11•• ot all aorta, than oa
infantry 41Y1eioaa. Sillilarly in th• naYJ there will ea
t1a• goea on be aore UlJ)baa1a on. aubllar1n••• eapeo1allJ
etoalo, an4 le•• on urge eurteoe •hlP••
80 tar rrom b•i.11&amp;1aolat1on1at, this new
tren4 1n Un1te4 Stetea ,pc,1101 may be more cn,loaoua
to tbat 01· th• Uni le&amp; IU.aa4oa in th• 19"11 oentw:.v, but
with th• ea.»lltaa1a now on a1r power rather then eN power.
Th•r• la• a1111lar eapka•1• o.n tlle eoqu1a1tion an4
develoJ&gt;Mat of b•••• at ••lecte4 apota • roWld th• worlt,
to allow maxs..».a tl•xl bill ti.
t.lnl t•4 sta tea pol101 tocl•J
and toao~row, lit• United. E1ogdo&amp; polioJ ill \he 19th centurr.
6.

•• I

000195

�'

- a.
i

lo lnvol••• la a4Utloa lo tuelan
,11.. tile proYla1on et eeo».Olllo
et.4 aa4 of a1U.tsia1 aa4 poll,s.ea 1 adv_lo• w alliu.

411 pJ&gt;onlti, •on.tin•

tJasoa, an4 troopa to d•t•nt

••
Bo oAe aooaaee lftb oen1u1 lnglalld of
iao1a,1ontu.. ans lt Ille.bl •• equU, alaleac:U.q to
1••1 tbla oaara•aps.aa, tu O'nltet a,a,ea. It .....
pc,eelble
th• uln t,atv•
1• J.aok ot atequl•
oouultat1oa bJ th• vat.,e4 State• 1d.tll bar olll•••
~•ther lllaa a rearn 10 eoatlnenlall••
or a.-n to•

,11a,

p•rlplleral

at.1tate,1 tllat

'•

X tb1Dk the •Jba•l•

out.

Wou.141••••

touUnental

iluope

ln Dllll••' a,aeob. on
untortum.te.
ln vi•• ot tile gJ'Ollling SoYiet ttoekp11•
ot atoalo an&amp; bl4ro&amp;•n veapou,
Ill• •Qba•l• '1411 ~b•lll.1
•• •• auoll on au detene• aa on alr ott••••
fte• •1
al .. be laoreaalng Vnlled Sta.lee aaphaale on the &amp;UJ.'0,-an
ooritln.ml on taolllll••
tor axplolbtlon
ot 11111
taotJ.oal
••• of atolllo ••apona aga11\st lnn41JJC lntan'117.
ntallat.lon

-,

al.80 be aoae¥fba'I Adalea41ng •• well ••

iiaaeni1a1i.,, tll•••
d.nelo1119a1• in tJB11•4 Sia•••
poll•i••
•1 NU l&gt;e etratsgioau,
aoun4. ••bJ•••
,o••
lapOrunt qualit1oat1oaa t•
••

(i)
It la •ital Ula\ •• Pollor b• a4equal•1'
Wl4aa,oo4 bl' V:nlta4 S\atea alll•••
hr tld.• 11
Will fla'f• to be •x»la1Jle4 a-aiav t;llan explalaa4
Un.ltd Slatoa 41ploaaot ••l&gt;al al tbJ.a.

••1'•
(11)

tu n•• pouo, -, au•

,u.,

1, .,.

111'.•1.f

tban lleretoton
aa, tlptiac
tnvolY•• Ul•
ua• ot ••••
weapou.
!Ida •1 aak• tl&amp;ll$lna
aor• ctltftollll
to looa11•••
rn "all or aotb.lnc,.
\en4one, eould be 4aagenu •

•

•

X

X

t.
Slne• tile tange:r ot alaua4ernan4lq,
wldell
eou.14 lead to aerioa• al.an aal pan.le ta auo,-, 1• a
real on•, lt wov.14 •••• panloulari,
•••S.nbl•
~•' 1b.•
PnM Id.mater utor• bl• tortb.ooalq tnp allov.14" taU1
b~l•t•4 OJI tba al tua\lu
•• tbal ln kl.a 41•••1ona
•l•ll

~uropean leader•,

I.II.• 0e.D&amp;41an
Sntl••n••

allou.14b• oa ••

•• I

000196

�- 3 -

aide ot reaGauranoe to th• extent peraltt-4
end our •
of th••

••••am.•Jtt
XSX

10.

Iacldentelly,

by the tact •

XXX

aJ.ght lt not be wcithwb1le to

••weeOAMt
oonvenl•nt op~ortucdty tor a ~eneal 41aauaa1on
w1tb DI.Ille• or Bedell 6a1th or i1aeahower, oa the ceneal
question ot atrategy?
be lntereatet.

It la raaoomable the t •• DhoUl.4

~uite apart from the iaplicaUon•
ct United state•
poltc1 to~ RA.TO,there will be• ~tiolillar
problea to~
Canad.a,
probable "oontinentel «•ten.••" eatalla
nee4 tor iJ:lor•• •ill&amp; 1n't'eatant
in Cana do or aon•1, aD4 or
a1J.' aqua4rona an4 11tu1»ower.It will b• l••• eaaJ to kMp
lerc• Cana41an tore•• etat1one4
11.

it••••-

ne•••••

A.o.u.

eo:

Aottna Uuder-s.e:reta,1
Defence L1•1aon (l) D1v1e1on

000197

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                    <text>u
~~i,4)•

.

un~_~,

vJ .~)

ut;
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.

Letter

No.......

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sf
SECURITY

CLASSIFICATION

SECRET

FROM:THE
CANADIAN
DELEGATION
TO THENORTHATLANTICCOUNCIL
.AND
THB 0EEC, PARIS
TO: THE UNDER-SE~RETARY
OF STATEFOR EXTERNAL
AFFAIRS, CANADA
,..----H;eference

......

-----ubject:

....

.

J:.ItlP.li~a.tiAOS
.. of. Jfaite.d. S.ta.te.s. 9.tr.at.egy..........................

.

In addition to political
consequences
of the first importance for NATO, the new United States
strategy will undoubtedly have effects
on Canadian
and also NATOmilitary
planning.

6

-1---1
7

_8_\___ _
'

I :
I

3 MAR1954
Copies Referred

To ..............

Y..QV.;r.
J ...
~:t:t;~;r..NQ-.,l;&gt;.~71.
P.f. :EehruarY...5., ..19.5&gt;+
.....................

.

2.
To the extent that the new United States
strategy
is to concentrate
power and to develop
ability
to retaliate
massively at points of United
States chosing, the protection
of this retaliatory
power
will assume progressively
greater importance and, in
the end, it will become inseparable
from the power itself.
In a figurative
but very real sense, the United States
and the North American Continent will become a fortress
as well as the power house of Western ability
to deter
and defeat aggression.
The strength and invulnerability
of the fortress
will be essential
elements of NATO
security.

No. of Enclosures

3.
Canada must inevitably
be part of the fortress
"America"; and it is not difficult
to foresee that a
greater part of our military
effort than hitherto
will
have to be devoted to the integrated
defence system of
the American Continent.
This will be a contribution
not
only to our own and to United States security but to the
defence of the Free World. If such is the case, there
seem to be implications
as regards the strength,
nature
and deployment of our forces.

... JJ.~l).~........•

4.

Post

No..

file

7/~(i~ .....

As regards strength,
the danger to America
and therefore
to Canada rises in proportion
to the increas
ofSoviet
power to wage unlimited atomic war. A few
years hence, the main front may shift from Europe and
centre in the armament competition between the offensivedefensive capacity of the Soviet Bloc and the American
Continent.
The race will not only involve better weapons
but also a redeployment of those weapons (i.e.
thicker
walls for the fortress).
Unless we can reduce our
commitments outside the American Continent,
our defence
bill in future years may therefore
be higher.

5.
Moreover, it seems possible that a re-appraisal
of the balance and the character
of our forces might be
necessary as the new United States strategy will almost
inevitably
bring the forces of our two countries
into
closer relationship.
By a fact of geography, our strategy
must be ins~arably
linked with, and follow closely,
that
••• 2

�•

'

·-,
- 2 -

of the United States •• So far, our strategy,
in common
with that of NATOas a whole~ has been based on the assumption
that the main danger was in Europe and that our principal
contribution
was to help to provide the shield for that area.
This resulted
in the development of our present force structure
which may not meet the needs of a different
role than the
one previously
envisaged.
It seems,
therefore,
that we should
also have a "new look" at our force structure.

6.
The deployment of our forces will probably create
problems.
In this regard there is likely to be a conflict
between political
and military
requirements.
It will now be
necessary to re-examine carefully
the allocation
of our forces,
within the NATOarea.
This is not a new problem, but it may
become more acute.
Hithertot
it was largely agreed that Europe
was the threatened
area and North American requirements
were
low in comparison.
The North American area, because of the
change in the United States strategic
concept, .and the development in Soviet atomic capabilities,
seems now to have a
relatively
higher priority.
Unless there is an overall increase
in the forces available,
it will be necessary to make some
reallocation
of existing
forces or perhaps a change in
the direction
of the defence effort.
Our European partners will
oppose any such suggestions,
and we must be careful not to
weaken the European front to the point where European morale
will deteriorate
in the knowledge that Soviet forces could
occupy Western Europe easily;
a new and delicate
balance must
be found between conflicting
European and North American
defence requirements.
The final decision will not be made on
military
grounds alone; for political
reasons,
it may not be
possible
for the United States and ourselves
to reduce our forces
in Europe as much as purely military
expediency might suggest.

7.

If these tentative
conclusions
are examined
in relation
to some of the problems now facing NATO, the results
are of interest.
- _,,-__

8.
Let us take first
the field of defence expenditures.
The general agreement that the curve should flatten
at
approximately
the present level, we feel, should be a tentative
one. Bearing in mind that there can be no absolute security,
defence expenditures
should, in general,
depend upon three
factors:
an assessment of Soviet political
intentions,
an
assessment of Sovi~t military
capabilities
(atomic and otherwise)~
and the defence strategy
that is employed.
These interdependent,
factors will not remain constant and must, therefore,
be the
subject of continuous review.
In practice,
we suspect,
that
as commitments cannot easily be reduced in Europe, and North
America becomes more exposed, defence expenditures
will go on
increasing.

9.
In connection with the "new look 0 concept, the
point has been made that it offers only the alternative
of an-..
atomic attack (global war) or the loss of~ local war, and is,
therefore,
much more likely to encourage p•ecemeal concessions.
In reality,
we doubt whether the "new look 0 implies such a
fundamental change.
As we see it, the arsenal of the West should
continue to be diversified;
it should continue to have both
atomic weapons and conventional
forces;
it should be prepared
both for atomic warfare and local aggression.
The proper balance
of forces is likely to be achieved by a series of approximations
rather than by a single formula, but in any case, it seems
unlikely
that the aggregate cost will be less.
• •• 3
000113

�.,,

- 3 -

1~-

10.
Further,
in modern conditions,
as the danger of
a lightning
attack increases,the
need for larger and larger
standing forces, with higher and higher standards of readiness
grows. Our "peacetime" forces are larger than they have ever
been.
Other factors being equal, it is difficult
to see how
we will be able to avoid having even larger forces if the
present trend continues.
11.
The conclusions
of this rather cursory
the implications
of the new United States strategy
to be that:
(a) NATOdefence burdens
availability
of new and more efficient
in the long run;

review of
would appear

in spite of the
weapons may increase

(b) there is likely to be a shift in the allocation of resources in favour of the North American as compared
to the European area (hence the fresh need of a German
contribution);
the Canadian

the nature,
structure,
and distribution
forces are likely to be affected.

(c)

of

THE DELEGATION

I

·•"

000114

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                    <text>Defence

Liaison/JGHHalstead/ga

r

1A

DEPARTMENT OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS

MEMORANDUM
TO: ........

'J:'.1;1!9
.. .i\&lt;?..R, ... !].\1;~.~':'"~~&lt;?;t:~~?-.~Y.
..............

.

·····················································"'~~ .....
.FROM:.... P.~:f
~r:i.q~
.. ~~~t~'?F!..\ ~) .........................
.
-

REFERENCE:

.....................................................

.

Security
Date ..

CONFIDENTIAL

..........................

M?:J?~.l:;l
..?,.. J ~.f?~....... .

File No.

~-0IIf_.

f- '-fo

.

We have prepared notes for the Minister
on United
States
defence policy,
as requested.
At the same time,
however, I think we should express our misgivings
about the
advisability
of making such remarks in a public statement
in
the United States
at this time.
2.
Although they have purposely
way that they comment on the new U.S.
larly on Mr. Dulles'
exposition
of it,
than directly
these views are bound to
Administration
and the public as being
aspects
of United States
policy (which

been drafted
in such a
strategy,
and particumore by implication
be taken by the
critical
of certain
they are).

3.
Such questions
as are posed in these notes can
and should be raised
with the United States
authorities
through official
channels.
There will undoubtedly
be
opportunity
to discuss
them at the forthcoming
Consultation
Meeting in Washington.
I think,
however, that it might be
taken amiss if the Minister
at the same time enters
into
public dis·cussion
on the subject.
It might be regarded as an
appeal to the American people over the heads of the Administration
or as outside
interference
in the lively
debate which
Mr. Dullest
statement
has set off.
Such a false
impression
might jeopardize
the chances of our getting
sympathetic
hearing
in private
talks with the Administration.

Liaison
Ext. 326
(2/53)

.

000104

�i '

Defence

~,·

Lj_aison/JGHHaistead/ga

?j/•t {--

A, )J!I) -f' • lfo

RESTRICTED

1, 1954

March

·--

Notes on United States Defence Policy for the
Minister 1 s Speech in the United States
Defence
importance
public

in this

to us all.

debate

of the free

It

recently
world,

part

in the lively

cerning

of course,
domestic

to do so.
timely,

But I think

controversy

For one thing,

for me to take

that

has been waged con-

words and the meaning

strategy;

point

of yours

and a national
under

\Jith

and I do not intend
and perhaps

in everything

you do and we feel

On the other

your shadow.

strategic

we are dependent

3.
freedom

as yours

importance.

across

the Atlantic.

the security
continuing
finds

our efforts

We take

partner

roughly

one-

of yours,

an active

interest

of all

of the

of

your

continent

and which is of great

and

In a very real

you and

sense,

on each other.

is our freedom,

and that

point

one-sixteenth

the consequences

We in Canada are also

our allies

a population

hand, we occupy an area

which is almost· as large
increasing

also

of view of a junior

income about

live

actions.

of

of view on some aspects

I mean the point

we inevitably

viction

striking

problem.

on the North American continent.

on the

countries

What do I mean v•J'henI speak of a "Canadian

viewn?

active

in New York in

it would be appropriate,

of our common defence

tenth

Mr. Dulles'

be impertinent

to comment from a Canadian

2.

and other

Relations

Sta.tes

of vital

has been under

States

of Mr. Dulles'

in the United

1'

that

since

on Foreign

the' significance

the 1hew look

is a matter

particularly

It would,

age is a matter

in the United

speech to the Council
January.

atomic

that

concrete
to promote

We are convinced
their

and stability

cohesion

aware of our dependence

of all

expression
cooperation

prosperity
of the free
the Atlantic

that

their

is our prosperity,
world depends
powers.

in our membership
within

on

This con-

in NATOand

the developing

Atlantic

community.

000106

�- 2 -

Another
our association
terms

factor

of varying

5.
sparse

population

natural

resources

only a limited

with its

·also

on active

service

mutual

sea-lanes.

and training

6.

several

inception

for this

All this

purpose
gives

questions

in mind three

The first
as a military
without

full

problem.
regard

In Europe
NATO
contributed

Sabre jet
for the defence

important

Canadian

to our NATOallies

quantities

of equipment

and

nav~gators

programme,

and

our Parlia-

'\
over $1
billion.

us the right,

I think,

- to express

considerations

but which sometimes

and

integrated

dozen warships

of common concern.

basic

States

of Canadian-built

of this

which

constitute

We have also

There is another

to the duty we owe to ourselves

evident

of the

in

destroyers,

forces.

in Canada for pilots,

Since the

on defence

Nations

command.

squadrons

aid in the form of large

ment has voted

has

Canada has

of the United

Like you,. ·we have provided

observers.

depends,

in the Korean theatre,

Gruenther's

and have earmarked

ammunition

the

we can be proud to the

which forms part

to NATOin Europe twelve

contribution.

relatively

to develop

and our three

Kingdom among the United

of the Atlantic

its

Nevertheless,

second only to those

under General

fighters

with

around the globe.

economic vitality

Our brigade

we have a brigade

forces

of friendship

heavy obligations

potential.

means in

two world wars and, more recently,

Korea and in Europe.

the United

of view is

that

distances,

of which I think

of freedom.in

a contribution

vast

on whi~h its
military

ties

and creeds

and its

made contributions

are still

and special

colours

Canada,

defence

point

with the Commonwealth and all

of common traditions

nations

in the Canadian

- in addition

our views frankly

In doing

so, I have

which are probably

self-

tend to be overlooked.

is that

defence

No military

to the political

is a political

measures
effects

should

as well
be chosen

they will

have.

000107
__j

�- 3 Irn1eed,

there

are occasions

be used specifically
numerous examples
stationing

to serve
of this,

of United

on the European

Continent

ganize

its

own collective
Community.

European

countries
to deal

withdravm,

it

integration
of petty

either

8.

plans

area

that

Europe to orthe

the

to their

own

aggression

If these

troops

the movement toward

were

European

and give way to the tragic

combination

and isolationism

that

y-ears.

isolation.

is that
Plans

defence

of other

areas

cannot

for the defence

of the world must obviously

for the defence

troops

,,,ithin

of Soviet

economic rivalry

the inter-'l.var

in geographic

particular

,entirely

of German militarism.

nationalism,

the

are a

of Western

a guarantee

with the threat

that

affords

being

and prosperity

not be left

is probable

History

These troops

in the ability

The second principle

planned

ends.

means may

Kingdom and Canaqian

They are also

would founder

characterized

United

security

will

or with a revival

political

in peacetime.

symbol of our faith

Atlantic

military

one of the most recent

States,

living

devices

when certain

take

into

be
of a

account

(and not only

000108

�- 4 -

,,

adjacent

areas).

related.
joint

It

The third

is that

consultation.

principle

joint

defence

This

principle

in NATO, where we have gradually
five

years

both

a habit

consultation

smoothness

and efficiency.

consultation

on defence

States

and certain

other

effect
take

of the

threat

ventional

of their

of atomic

actually

reduces

deterrent

is

determination

ultimatum,
master

be used if

atomic

weapons may involve

instead
10.
that

If

hostilities

the atomic

must be a clear
that

on this

these

sort

compelled

where it

the decision

of stopping

of conto aggression

is,

Where aggression

for

the use

is committed.

ourselves

unsuitable.

and limited

instead

aggression

proxy,

minor

First,

understanding

is placed

should

repercus-

of policy.

weapon in a situation

example,

political

there

for

a major

But

of permanent
to use the

for

one reason

is launched

or against

the possibility
into

the

Take its

measures

arise.

to be effective,

in

enormously

as a deterrent

flexibility

we may find

or another,

military

retaliation

strength

our whole reliance

a new factor

likely

and a clear

• weapons will

basis,

consultation

principles.

complications

military

the United

which complicates

that

Two major

the United

on a bilateral

introduce

on the principle
account

between

is unique.

of these

sions.

if

today

and

surprising

of multilateral

application

full

of close

and between

an example

Atomic weapons

practical

up over the last

is the closest

countries

which I think

planning

built

matters

of course,

defence

has been recognized

There

and Canada,

9.

require

which now works with

States

in peacetime

efforts

and a machinery

continuing

but NATOprovides

is closely

by

using

of turning
conflict

them.

The second
the use of atomic

complication

in this

weapons might,

respect

is

in certain
••• 5

000109

�- 5 -

circumstances,
as well

~ause

as in neutral

advantages

atomic

of a public
necessary,
couse,

opinion

might

might

were lacking

then be able

countries,

We should

also

visible

will

support

if

also

be met with

The enemy

the domination

but

with

of such
without

in the process

may alarm

reprisals

population.
reaction

but

in kind.

the knowledge

than

to the

that

rather

reassure

if

aggression
than

that

tion

is relatively

vulnerable

and inadequately

with

civil

measures.

These

defence

which should
political

1i.

on the

account

against

atomic

The factor

application

of atomic

in geographic

be on a global

however,
the world,

equally

nor can the

prepared

in weighing

weapons
that

the
advantages

basis.

also

defence

complicates
should

The threat

and plans

innnediate

popula-

factors

the military

isolation.

is world-wide

are all

local

deterrent.

of the principle

aggression
clearly

into

disadvantages

of reliance

plw..ned

be taken

The

power may

exposed

retaliation

rather

the people

from a friendly

of a country

atomic

of

if public

of the world's

of troops

of aggression,

is,

the weapon,

weapons may have if

the population

defence

on the

keep in mind the psychological

presence

threat

A

or we might ·successfully

have to reckon

reassure

gain.

neutralization,

proportion

which the use of atomic
concerned

wielding

from one quarter

a large

dis-

should,

countries.

their

force;

countries

Such support

be disastrous

to achieve

aggression

it

delay.

colllltry

or at least

alienate

that

in other

the use of military
defeat

must be based

be used without

the results
•

the military

convinced

in the

in allied

whose political

outweigh

retaliation

essential

support

reactions

countries

would far

policy-of

but

public

to meet

The threat
or serious

not be

of Soviet
it must

is not,

in all

parts

of

same means be used to meet it
•• • 6

000110

�-

6 -

.- -~.
everywhere.

Yet,

introduces

11all

an

necessitate

particular

~e'Wbe
area

of the master

is

11

vital

-

warning

concerning

an implicit

Perhaps

atomic

weapons

"vitaln

the use of atomic

share

t~sequences

arise

out of aggression

action?

to these

however,

that

they

be asked

and carefully

of that

on the full
are prepared

others?
which

the principle

of

for

or against

the

hand,

be expected

if
to

which might

of the world

questions

weighed

in the atomic

and free

with

where

I do not wish to suggest

are the kind

policy

is to

On the other

decision

in a part

issuing

complication

can allies

of a vital

they have no commitments?

success

in the

be reconciled

to be no consultation,

policy

without

can consultation

is

defence

areas

If the decision

and rapid

to be

are not,

retaliation?

there

what the answers

are

others

to decide

surprise

use

to the potential

relates~

need for

a

of consequences

while

to be given

Who is

whether

some areas

the most serious

involve

one,

.4nd if

decisions.

to justify

the chain

.
.
to aggression

consultation.

be a joint

vital

sense,

the

invitation

12.

joint

in this

-

how is a clear
aggressor

and painful

sufficiently

alone

which may

used to determine

in motion!

11

weapons

element

difficult

weapon and all

would set

labelled

on atomic

or nothing"

extremely

What criteria

that

reliance

should

be.

of questions

I think,

that

should

in any consideration
age,

depends
cooperation

particularly

- as I believe
of all

to make sacrifice~~freedo~

nations

of

when the
it

does which
they

share.

000111

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¥

/

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SECURI?:LASS~~ATION

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S E C R E T

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.
Ambassador, Canadi~ Embassy, WASHINGTON,D. C.

THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR EXTERNAL AFFAIRS,

CANADA

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Post File
No ...............

Public interest
in the United States has been
focused more sharply on the country's
new defence strategy
in the past two weeks than~
any time since the new
Administration
took office.
On the domestic political
front Mr. Stevenson and Vice President
Nixon debated
the merits of the "new look"; within the Administration
there were evidences of disagreement
between Admiral
Radford, the Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff,
and General
Ridgway, the Army Chief of Staff,
on the role assigned
to the Army under the new strategy;
last but by no means
least the international
implications
of the new strategy
were underlined
by Mr. Pearson's
timely remarks to the
National Press Club in Washington on March 15. Mr.
Dulles,
who, because of the demands on his time, has not
been in Washington for any length of time in the past
two months, was therefore
faced at his press conference
on March 16 with a number of searching
questions
on the~
new defence strategy
of the United States.
You will
~
remember that it was Mr. Dulles speaking on behalf of
the President
and the Administration,
who described
for
the public's
benefit
the principles
underlying
the new
defence strategy
in his address to the Council on Foreign
Relations
in New York on January 12. Mr. Dulles'
answers
to the questions
asked at the press conference
(copies of
the transcript
of which are attached)
taken together
with
his article
in the forthcoming
issue of Foreign Affairs
(our despatch No. 503 of March 18) go a long way towards
clarifying
the Secretary's
remarks of January 12 and
might even be considered
to restate
the policy outlined
by Mr. Dulles at that time.
~
2.
While we do not wish in this l·etter simply to
repeat the words of Mr. Dulles which are contained in
the attached
transcript,
we do think that more than usual
attention
should be devoted to this press conference.
From what I .ir. Pearson told us of his private
conversations
with Mr. Dulles last week it seems that Mr. Dulles made
many of the points at this press conference whi~h he
made in those talks.
We believe that it might also be
useful to relate
the views of Mr. Dulles·as
revealed
in
the attached transcript
to the comments which we made
on the new United States strategy
in our despatch under
reference.
11

.

• •• 2

I

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000065

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11)

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'000066

�-2-

3.
Much of the domestic criticism
which has been
made of the "new look" has centered on the apparent
decision
of the Administration,
as revealed
in Mr. Dulles
speech of January 12, to depend to a larger
extent on
the massive retaliatory
power of the United States and
less on the traditional
method of meeting aggression
on
the ground where it occurs.
It seems to us that in his
most recent reply to questions
from the press,
Mr.
Dulles has shifted
his emphasis, if not his ground.
He
asserted
that he had not meant to suggest in his January 12
tspeech that the United States would in every circumstance
/retaliate
instantly
with its massive retaliatory
power,
i.e. atomic and thermonuclear
weapons, but that what
the United States had to build up was its capacity
to
retaliate
instantly.
The questi9n
of whether or not
the United States chose to use that capacity
was a
matter,
he said, which would have to be dealt with in
accordance with the facts of each situation.
While
Mr. Dulles'
analysis
of what he meant to convey in his
earlier
speech is valid,
if one looks closely
at the
text of that speech, he must certainly
be aware that it
was not unreasonable
that those who did not have access
to his innermost thoughts might miss this fine distinction.
With this latest
explanation
of the point a major element
of the United States "new look" assumes much less novel
proportions.
According to Mr. Dulles,
the Administration
is simply determined
to keep United States defence capacity
in constant
readiness
so that if it is necessary
to meet
major aggression
the United States will not require
two
or three years to get ready to retaliate.
This is a
reasonable
decision
for the Administration
to take since
in fact on two occasions
the United States has been
unprepared
to shoulder its responsibility
immediately
in
the face of major world conflicts;
but when explained
in these terms it seems to be a much less startling
decision
than Mr. Dulles'
earlier
speech would have
led observers
to believe had been made by the Administration.
If observers
are still
left with some doubt in
their minds on the question made famous by the New Yorker,
"which paper do you read", !',tr. Dulles excuses himself
from further
clarification
again by the eminently reasonable argument that one should not tell the enemy in
advance exactly where, how and when one plans to retaliate.

t

4.
Mr. Dulles did go on to assure his questioners
that the new United States strategy
was not confined in
the event of an act of aggression
to the two channels
of an all-out
war or no resistance
at all.
He said that
in indicating
that there would be less emphasis. on local
defence power, the Administration
had simply made clear
its intention
not to be forced to meet aggression
at
the particular
place and by the particular
means which
the aggressor
selected.
There were areas of importance
to the aggressor--which
were not necessarily
either
the
front line of aggression
or the capitals
of Peking or
Moscow~~where United States retaliation
might be effective.
What Mr. Dulles seems to be saying indirectly
is what
Admiral Radford referred
to in our recent meeting of
consultation
as the "deep tactical
offensive"
use of
United States atomic weapons (c.f.
para. 35 of our report)
••• 3
000067

•

�l

-3Admiral Radford at that time explained
his terms to
mean the use of new weapons in a fashion which was something short of strategic
bombing and something more than
tactical
bombing in front of one's own troops.
We would
surmise that what is in the minds of both Mr. Dulles
and Admiral Radford is the sober realization
that
United States ground troops (and possibly
even the
ground troops of all the Western allies)
can never match
the potential
enemy, Russian or Chinese, in numbers
and that it is fatal
therefore
to plan to meet the
potential
enemy man for man on the ground.
The United
States aim seems to be to convince its potential
enemies
that their commitment of ground forces in any act of
aggression
will not necessarily
lead to a United States
response in kind.
Mr. Dulles freely
admitted the
element of bluff in this strategy
(although,
of course,
he does not use that word) when he told his questioners
that the capacity
to retaliate
is in itself
the great
deterrent
to aggress~on.
"1 believe that the original
Korean attack would not have occurred if it had not
been assumed either
that we would not react at all or
if we did react would react only at the places and by
the means that the aggressors
chose."

r

5.
Another set of questions
to 1~1r. Dulles were
directly
related
by the questioners
to Mr. Pearson's
speech of March 15, and concerned United States
consultation
with its allies
before a decision
was taken to
retaliate
in any particular
circumstance.
Mr. Dulles
replied
in forthright
terms that there would certainly
be consultation
in most of the cases that he could
conceive of, for it was impli~it
in the security
system
which has been built up among the Western allies
that
it operates
only with the consent and acquiescence
of all
the partners
who have helped to provide the facilities
"which create a sort of international
police system".
We understood
from Mr. Pearson that Mr. Dulles assured
him privately
that in his own mind a most important
element of the United States capacity
to retaliate
was
the whole-hearted
co-operation
of the allies
of the United
States and especially
of those upon whose territory
important
United States bases existed.
I think we can
be certain
that in Mr. Dulles mind at least,
and
probably too in the mind of the President,
there is no
lack of understanding
ef tne need fo~0 ~~Il§tant and
intimate
consultation/ijith
~t~n~~~~r ti!!I§s on matters
which concern the possible
use of atomic weapons and
the consequent likelihood
of the outbreak of a major
war.

6.

Finally Mr. Dulles dealt directly
and in the
circumstances,
we believe,
quite courageously,
with
questions
concerning
the President's
ability
to_order
instant
retaliation
without prior consultation
with
Congress.
At his press conference
on March 17- the President himself said that he had no intention
of violating
the Constitution
in any action he might have to take
with respect
to the outbreak of war and that he thought
"it was implicit
in the Constitution
that the President
had to act against
sudden unexpected
aggression"
(and
by inference
without prior consultation
with Con:.;ress) •

• • • •4

000068

�./e /
·

__

-4If one bears in mind that the Bricker controversy
on the
issue of the limitations
on the President's
power is
very much in the minds of Congress, Mr. Dulles'
replies
on this occasion can only be taken as stemming from
a strongly
held conviction
on the part of the Administration.
Mr. Dulles gave it as his opinion that in
any instance
of aggression
against members of NATOor
against
allies
covered by the Rio Pact the President
would have the authority
to order instant
retaliation
even though in every circumstance
he might not choie to
exercise
that authority
without consulting
Congress.
Mr. Dulles admitted that the Indo-China situation
would
not be covered by French membership in NATO, but he
said that he did not wish to imply that the United States
should do nothing if the Chinese Communists with regular
forces should cross the frontier
into Indo-China.
He
was of the further
opinion that the President
did not
have similar
discretion
in situations
which would be
covered only by the United Nations Charters.
He refused
to be drawn into a discussion
of what he called the "twilight zonen of the President's
power under the Constitution
as Commander-in-Chief
to take military
action without
a declaration
of war by Congress.

7.
The publication
of Mr. Dulles'
opinions dealt
with in this letter
constitutes
an important
bench-mark
in the development of the new United States strategy.
We have the impression
that the events mentioned in
paragraph 1 above have led to the necessity
for a
clearer
thinking
out of the Administration's
broad objective,
in this field.
While Mr. Dulles'
press conference
will
serve to clarify
the issues further
the subject
is by
no means finished
with, and we expect to hear a good
deal more of the "new look" both in and out of Congress
before this year is over.

r

\

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000069

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__

MARCH16, 1954

fID~rP/i\0011'i~~IJ
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ii'COrn
rPOOrn~~

PRESS ANJ?.RADIO NEWSCONFERENCE,TUESDAY,MARCH"
16, 1954
SECRETARYDULLES: I am glad to be back in Washingon,. aga:tn
after quite· a considerable
period of absences.
·L.have .two
or three· statements
which I would like to make before I
subject myself to questio~s.
I might say I ~ave just.come
from the meeting of the Canadian Foreign Minis.ters and
Ministe~s of Economic~, et detera.
There is a meeting going on,
We will have a com~unique i~sued this aft~rnoori sp l ~ill not
want t6.discuss
this at this ·particular.press
conference.
(See Press Release No. 140 ~ statement
of the Secretary
on
the death of Harold B. Hinton).
· '
I .have a· statement
to make about the Caracas Conference,
which ~ill be available
at the close -0f this pres~ conference
in mimeographed forni. · ( See Press Re lease No. 13'8) · ·

·r

will _be glad to answer any questioris.

Q. Mr. Secretary,
would you please give us'.the recon6il1ation
of, one, the concept of instant
retaliatioh;
two, the concept
of consultation
with our allies;
and, three,
the concept of.
involvement in war-ortly by ~n Act of Cong~ess?
·
A. I assum~ your reference· to "inst 9 nt retaliation"
posedly ta_ken from ·an address of mine. .
· ·

Q. And one. by the Vice~Presid~rit
Saturday night.

of the United
.

'

States

is sup~
en

'

'·

A. I cannot. oomment on what the .Vice-President
saidJ but I
will be glad to comment 0n w~at I said~
If you will read my
address of January 12, you will see what I advocated the~e was
a "ca pad i ty" to retaliate
fns ta ntly.
In ;no pla·ce did I say
:
we would ~~~talia·te instantly,
although we might indeed retali•
·atci ihstaritly
under cortditions
that call .for that.
The e~~entia1 thing is to have the capacity
to. retaliate
fnstantly.
It is lack of that capacity which 1ri ~Y opinibn ·accounted for
such disasters.
as Pearl· Harbor. · If we .had had the capacity
to.
ret~liate
instantly~
ih my.opinion,
there would have been no
Pearl Harpor .. But:it· to0k about.four
years to retaliate
against Tokyo .... I believe we should have that-capacity
·to retaliate instantly.
N~w, the question of whether or net you retaliate
instantly and whefe y6u retaliate
is a matter to be dealt with in
accordance with the facts of each situation.
I take it few
would have any question but what if there were an attack upon
the United States there would be instant
retaliation.
You have
questions
000070

�'

.
• •

NOo 14~

e~erit

questions
of retaliation
in the
,bi:a violation Ot' a~..
attack upon·a member of the North Atlantic Treaty and upon
other count1~1es with whom we have. treaty relationships!'

~

-

...

The que~tion of circumstances
under which you retaliate, where· ~{OU retaliate,/
how quickly ~rou retaliate,
is a ·
matter which has to be dealt with in the. light of the facts
of each particula_r
case.
One• thing I want to make clear
beyond.the.possibility
of doubt is that I don 1 t believe
you should tell the enemy in advance just where, how, and
when you plan to retaliate~
The whole essence of the program is that the action should be an action of our choosing
and he is not' to lmow in .advance what it is,j and that uncer~
tainty on his part is a lrny to the success of the policy.
Q. Sir# if I may pursue thato
You mentioned in the event
of an attack upon a member of the North Atlantic
Treaty_
Alliance ...-you say what would then be instant
retaliationg
Does that mean :1.n the event the concept of 1nvolvement.1n
war only by Act of Cong1•ess does not apply where there is
an attack either upon the United States or upon a member of
the alliance
of wh~ch we are a part?

Ae It means in all respects the United States acts in accordande wit~ its constitutional
processes.
·There is no way
in the world in which we can get away, or want to get away 9
or intend to get away from our constitutional
processes~
How long that will take 6 I dontt know. It did not take very
long after Pearl Harbo.r to get a declaration
of war.
The
trouble is it did not do any immediate good to get a declaration of war because we did not have the capacity to do any~
thing with it.
I have never advocated~ and nobody else in the Administration
has advocated any departure from constitutional
processes •. ·Jhe North Atlantic
Treaty has provided that an
attack against; one of those states
shall be deemed the same
as an attack against the United States~
We have other treaties
with language which is not precisely
the same as that.
Just
what action by the Congress is required is a matter to be
decided in each case 8 as it always has been a matter to be
decided in each case.
The fact that you advocate having a
capacity for instant
retaliatio~
does not change your constitutional
processeso
It means we don 1 t have to wait for four
.yea:r-s;after
somebody attacks us before we are 1n a position
effectively
to h1t back.
·
Q,,

Sir•

000071

�PR 142
Sir,.~q9es:.th.~ f~(&gt;td&gt;hat:·;the··Senate;;t&gt;:f' the .Urtited;States
has rat+fJ~4··.tl1~.t:N&lt;;&gt;r&gt;1;11
··A.ti.l-~nt!c Alliance
mean in the: event
of an attack on an ·Ally''we, .could,: within constitutional
procedures,
retaliate
against
that attack without further
action
in the Congress?
:;
·
· ·" ·
Q.

A. '.Pn~ti::Ls,:a:matter :which, 'as you,know,.iwas de'bated&gt;ve-x•y:
thorQi+.tshlY.·.in ·the Congres.s and· in ·the ·s-er.:ate ~ At the time ·
that ·Treaty was: .tatif:ted:··I
was ..in ·the ~s:enate ~: :rt is my- •
opinion that trie provisions
of the Treaty,
which state that
an attack upon one of the Allies
is :the :s.:ame· as· an:;attack'- ·.
upon all -- or in other words that an attack upon one of
our Allies
is the same as an :.attack -up•ori the· Uni t-ed states\
That is also, I ma.y say, in the Rio Fact.
That gives the
Pr:e.eJd·ent:.:of:.•,:the.United ~-s:tates·, :tne· same:.authorit"y ;t'o '.react·'
as he would have if the United States were attacked.
.

-~

-

.:Thank ,-.you,;,:_sir;·: ;c •:,-·• &gt; . ·:: -:

Q.

A. ':w:e:the~/~~- ·wo~ld~Se'
,..~tl~;t:_~~u:th~;·i:ty
.._1~..eve;; ·cas~. ~:s:
a ; · ;'.:.
rqc3:tJ:;er,
:for h,is '.-df.s:·cr.e.ti.on.,::.ilnsmy· 0p'inion; he' has· ·it'?· ..., &lt; :. &lt; •

Q.

He has the right?

A.,,.,.-cln rnY,.'OP.ini-on:.:'he;·Jiaa.the '.right,.;.•i'•Thatr
dc.e.s,:no:t··'nec·e:ss'aii1ly .-:,
mean in all cases he would use the right witnout; co:nsult;atkin
:':
by Congress~
It would depend on the gravity
of the attack,
whethe.~- Jt, •Wa$.:rob.::v;i0:u:s.&lt;the
a.t;ta~h;··me_an:t:ral.'1.;,:o:ut.:
w:ar_;,wti1ch &gt;
inev.;i.tably ,,.,,o.u'l:d:,
i.nvoJve ..un:'.' Many ,mat.te·rs ::W01.(Ld.:ha'vei·.to ·:be&gt;·;.··•
considei'.e;d .:and:;dou:btle:ss.: .:wou,ld;:be ~·011sider.ed. '.by, the: Pr-e,sid'ent .'. :
in ..qe:t.~r.m:i.n~ng,~:w:ne::t;liev·co:ri
no,t&gt;.·tcLuse ...his'.•di scre·t1onary ·-.•· · ··, · ·
authority.
1

Mr. Secret.ar.y:;\ qi±ght;-1' r.:ai.se ·a.-._question·.on- anbth~r- word.
in the reference
to capacity
to retaliate.
The sentence ends:
11
by means and at places of our choosing. 11 Now, Mb:. -Pear:s:ori
raised the question whether the word 11our 11 meant'the
United
Sta,te:s., or.'::wne:t.her d:-t.:meant _;the. f.re~' c·orrimun,ity :o:c. natfons'.". ''.
Q.

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you .read_: the ,who;le seht.ence :if'&gt;you: ..have ·±t: :before yoi:.i~
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000072

�.
"" 4

,

PR 142

··. ' ,,. .r

Yes. ,,(reading):.
IIThe. basic .. decision was to depend·
primarily upon a great capac{i ~y ~o .retaliate,
instantly,
by means; ::and at pla.ces of our. 'choosing O"
Q.

A. _ .Do-es':.1t use the word· If free world".?
Q.
.There were two· sentences~
One is:
"The basic decision -.::"
was to depe:nd •p1.;imar11y.tipon a great. capacity to retaliate,
instantly,
by means and at places of our choosing .."··
·. ·

A.

Is that

the whole.sentence?

Q.

That is the end of th~ senterice"

A.

Yes.

I would like

to have the first

part

of the sentence.

first part is: · 1iBut : beforJ ~iJ..:1t.~ry planning could ...
be :Chang.ea~~·-the Preside __nt a·na. hia .iidv~l3er.s,as represented
by
the .National Security Council, J-iad ,tO t·alr_e..some basic policy
decisidns~.
This has been· done~: T6~ ~a£ic.decision
was to ·
depend primarilY upo1~-•'
a:"tt1~~at
p·apacity &gt;k·o:,
~etaliate:,
instantl:/,
by means and at places'- \&gt;f'. our. choos.+ng/ 1 ·, There was another
': ·
sentence.
·· ·
'· · · ··· · · · · ·
Q..

0

The

I think there was a ..senterc~::L iµ.: tl;:le.itex.t there
about· the free world·.
· : ··· · ·

A.

whi-cih spoke·.

-~~t ,in tnat particular
Paragr~ph.,
There is an earlier·· ....
sentence -to this part which says~ "The way to·,deter aggre's.;;.: ·:::
sion is ,,for. the free community to be will;i.ng and able to
,
respond
vigorously
at places and .with means of its own ~hocis--~
i Dg II
.
.
.
.
,. ·, '

Q~ "'

~

A.

I thought

that

Q.

Which is it?

was what you wei-•e reading

from.,

A, Well, it would depend a good deal upon the circumstances.
'If there were an attack upon the United States and if we had
the capacity to respond from our own bases, we would certainly
do that
It is .:1 I think.~ we 11 mown that the bases which we
have in foreign countries
are in general not usable as a matter
of law and as a practical
matter are not usable except with
the consent of the countries where the bases are.
For example,
the bases which are available
to our Strategic
Air Force in
Great Britain are not usable as a base of attack except with
the consent of the British
Governmento The same is true in
general with all our foreign bases.
Therefore,
it is implicit
in our security
sy~tem that it operates with the consent and
acquiescence
of the other partners who have helped to provide
the facilities
which create a sort of international
police
system.
·
·
Q.
If I
6

000073

�.

.
-5-

PR 142

Q. ·rf I might go on. There were two other worps which
. Mr. Pearson raised. a· question to in relation
:to the point
· which' you have just made, the one being "instantly"
and the
· other be.ing 11means. 11 . · Does this mean the choosing of means
would lie with the free community or only with the United
States?
w.ould there: be consultation?
·

A. Yes, there would certainly
be consultation
in most of
the cases .that I can conceive of.
·I might say that I wrote,
some weeks ago, an article
for Foreign Affairs,
which is in
substance a. somewhat more pollsFiecf,;-Y-hope",;'"'"restate.ment of
my spEH;1chwhich was .made before the Council of Foreign
Relations,
whioh publishes
Foreign Affairs.
That l did while
I was flying back from BerlTn~---Y-under~"'"tand that is being
released
for publication
tomorrow ipNew York by the magazine
B orei!?a£ Af..fai:rs.,
That will elabo:;."'ate to so;ne extent the
thesis which I expr·essed in my address of January 12.
1

Q~ I would like to ask another question on this subject.
There has been some discussion
and speculation
to the effect
that reliance
on the capacity
to retaliate
instantly
as a
ma;Jor part of your defensive
system would mean 11 in the case
of a limited challenge
in some remote area.., you would have
the choice either
of an all-out
war 'or&gt; no resistance
.at all •.

A.· That is not a correct analyi:is of the thesis at all.
··Let us ta.ke, for example.s the declaration
which was made
by the 16 powers in relation
to Korea; which is one of the
ill~strations
I made in my spe~chi
It has been stated there
that if aggression
should be resumed that·the
reaction
would
not necessarily
be confined to Korea.
Now what does that
mean? That .does not mean necessarily
that there will be an
effort made. to. drop· atomic bombs on Peiping or upon Moscow.
It does mean that thsre are areas of importance to the aggressors
in that vicinity
which may have an industrial
or
strategic
relationship
to the operation
which would no
longer be wl.1.atGeneral MacArthur called a "privileged
sanctuary".
I :cannot imagine any policy more futile
or more apt to
create war than to adopt the policy that you will only react
at the particular
place, and by the means the aggressor
selects.
If anything would ever put a premium onaggression,·
it would .be that.
We want to' take away that premium on
aggress~on.
·· ·
Q. Mr •. $ecretary

000074

�.
6 ":""

-

..:. :PR 142 ,
. -·.:. ,.·

..

'

'

'··

Q •.. Mr. Secretary
that speech,; there
1 while. we a;re annotating.'
was a reference
:tn there to a ;l;es$er reliance ..:on local. defense,
and some at:estion
has been raised-as-to
whether:that
meant-·
less reliance
on. defense. by local,: :i,.ndigenous. forces which , i
we might aid~ for example, or less reliance
on local actions
by jmerican
forces,
in
local
sectora,of,tt~
long ~rontt .·
-,
.

.

say

A ... What I meant there~ when. I say. rir•1 ; L m:tght.
ihat
tha~ spe?ch wa~ -not jtist a .personal
speech 9: ,.-was-that, 1-f you ..
have the capacity
to. str.il{e-. an. aggressor at ,-the; points _which
wil;J: h~rt him,. _the dete:r.re.nt power of, that is .sufficient
so :
that you clo not. need. 'bo have loc·a1 · defens-e ~a-ll aromid. · the : :, ..
2Q.,__
OOO-miJ.e ,perlm~ter
of. the ..orbit of the _Soviet World· 'bacau-se
your oe-terrent- power.i, to ·a large extent.,o,reinforces.
your: · -· ·
local power- so that you .do- not. h_ave to depencLup_oh .havirig;'fn·.
place forces in being sufficient
to stop an attack
in its
tracl}s anywhere •where ..it. c.ould · occur because you rely .pr:LmarllY
upon deterring
that attack,.
not necess.arily
upon .being able
to stop ·1 tJI.
·
-·
.

.,

'

.

·,:

, With, the Soviet-Chinese.
Commun:is·tWor-la.~..:.with .:its ; .
8QQ.,·OOO"
00Q :Pe-Qpl:e occupying .a ,central_ :location.,
.with ·±ta
vast land armies--it
would be utterly
impossible
to have
local .oe:fenses 'all ·.around ,that -.20,.000-mi.le orbit. suffic.i.ent.
,_
to stop .any ·blow that. might come at whereve.r they might -c::.7'-i,::roa'e
to rr)ake i.t o., :So that YOU: have got ,t-0 f:i.nd some· way whereby
.
that _type of :local ground defense -:can be supplemented o And: ,.the
wc;1yto suppl~_me_nt 1t ·~Lsto· have:, a. capa:city t.o .re.tali.ate •at,_: .
times, pla,ce~; and witp me·thods .:of yo1...1r.ownc,ho:Qsing.
•

•

. .., Now. tr;i_a.t doesn

-

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'

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.

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t. mean ..tha_t' you. El.l.iminate wholly,· by ,any .·
means,. l.9nd forces·e
-It means you, d:0 not nece;1;:1sari1y mal-~e
them. y_our pr:irnaPy reliance
because., as. ·against the ~ind .of . , .
danger ~hich ,:;;o;,:(•f-Jatens.,:l,t if:; :impos·sible t.o match your potential enemy gt ,all points on :a -bases of man-for~-man; gun-fo:rgun and tank-for-tank.
If we try to do that,
we are -go:ing
to go "bust".
~

I

'-

'

.

qecretary.,
if· I may go back. to one point of
yours, .yoµ said that in Europe the Pre.side.nt had the same
qU1;;11or-ityunder the NATOa.nd. Rio Treaties
·to retaliate
if
the United States. was at-tack~clo; Well:i,.·.last WGdnesda.y he seemed
to give a pledge that he would not use that because he said
that there would be no involvement
in war without Congressional
approval.
. , ·Q_. Mr.

A. But if
a different

the. Senate
matter.

has given

approval

in advance.,

that

is

Q~ Well,
000075

�.

.

·,

,
... 7 ,_

PR 142 ·

Q.
Well, the specific
case ·was Indochina.
what some of us were
wondering
about.
,
.
.

.

- :t-think

that

was

A •. Yes, .there has been no ·congressional
approval
given in·
advance of ·a war in Indcichina to which the United Statea
would be a pa1~ty o , He certainly
did not me·an,' I think,
to
'imply that if the United States was attacked,
and if Congress
was not in session~
that he would wait unt11·congress
was
called
back into session
and make a declaration
of war bef·ore
we would react to a bombing attack
on New York City or Detroit
or Washington.
I think if any President
waited under those
circumstances,
he would certainly
not be carrying
out the will
of either
the Congress 01 the American people.
1

Qa S11;'.!fI'm a little
dense on this matter of Indochina_.
Would you clarify
this for me? France is our ally in tbe
No1th Atlantic
Alliance..
French tI•oops are fighting
in Indochina..
If the :Chinese Communists,· with the r·egular forces·
fr.om Chtna, ·should cross the f1"ontie1"' into Indochina 'and ..
attack
the armed· foi ces of our. all:\,, France» would our responsibilities
or obligations
unde1" the NATO allianc·e
come
into force?
If not~' why?
1

1

A.· No, they will not because the NATOalliance
does not apply to any- part of the·, world: except .the North Atlantic
area
as it 1s defined· in the :ti~eaty
That definition
in the. nipin
i's confined_ to Europe/ al thou'gl) it does cover a portion
of
French North Africa-·;;..I ·think Algeria
is cov~red by it.
_
But in the main 8 it -covers ·oi1lythe- Eutiopean area,
including
a slight
bit of North Africa:;·and,
of course,
the Asiatic
portion of Turkey.
:
.•: : · ·
·
.,
·
&lt;I

.... : f'f :

Q.

Mr. Secretary,

·:

.., : _:_. ' .

~

inthe·co11text-::..

A. Now, I don I t mean to,· imply -that if the event you spoke
of happened, we should -do nothing.
I myself have sa•io that
I believed
that if that happened 1-'le should do something.
But
that doesn 1 t mean we- should- db it without Congressional
app:toval or consultation.
In the context
of the 'ans·wer you just gave abo1:1t
Detroit 1 or. Chi'cago ih referring
to ·an- earlier
answer
gave, would it be fair to say that the.President
has
power to react in Europe in the case of a bombing of
or Paris?
Q.

A.

Yes,

New York.,
you : ·
the same
London,

sir.

Q. Sir, would it be accurate
then to say that instant
retaliation
in effect
is recognition
of the restraining
effect
of the possession
of atomic weapons--the
deterrent
power?
Is there a distinction
between instant
retaliation
and deterrent?
It is a deterrent.
A. Yes.,

000076

�PR 14~ -

-8-

A. Yes, I have said that

the capacity to retaliate
powerfully and instantly
is, in my opinion, the great deterrent,
and that when you are faced with the kind of potential
enemy, or. With the assets that this potential
enemy has, I
believe that a deterrent
of that sort is the most effective
way there is of preventing
a war.
Now I can imagine a 'different
world condition where
reliance
might properly be placed upon other methods, and
other means, but, as far as the present world condition·is
concerned, that capacity to retaliate
powerfully at places of
our choosing 1s.
in my opinion, what will serve as a powerful deterrent
to war.

I believe that the original
Korean attack would not have
occurred if it had not been asswood either that we would not
react at all, or if we did react would react only at the
place and by the means that the aggressors
chose.
I believe ..
that the Allied Sixteen-Powei" Decla.ration,
which now operates
in the case of Korea, will probably pre~ent ~ny rene0al of
Communist aggression
there~
Mr. Se~•retary, in order to clarify
something~ in my own
mind at least,
is it your understanding
that the President's
right to order instant
retaliation
applies only in the c~se
of an attack either on the United States or another North
Atlantic
Treaty power because of the understanding
that Congress
has given?
Q.

A. The United States has two treaties
that I referred
to:
One is the so-called
Rio Treatt of Reciprocal Assistance,
which contains the provision
that an attack upon one is the
same as an attack upon all; that same provision
is found in
the North Atlantic
Treaty.
In my opinion -- whatever it is
worth as a lawyer, and as one who was in• the Senate when the
North Atlantic
Treaty was adopte.d -- I believe that that
authorizes,
is a consent in advance to the President
reacting
against an attack upon one of our allies
named in those
_·
treaties
in the same way that he would be authorized
to react
in the event of an attack upon the United states itself.
I
repeat,
however, that the fact that the President
has that
Constitutional
·authority as the result
of those tr(~aties in my
opinion does not necessarily
mean that he wou:Ld use it.
He
would use his discretion,
I think, as to wh~ther or not to
react instantlj,
or whether to get eithe~ a formal-declaration
of war by the Congress, or whether to have consultations
which satisfied
himself that that was the will of the Congress.
That would be discretionary
with the President.
Mr. Secretary,
doesn't the President
under the United Nations Charter itself?
Q.

have that

same power
A.

In

000077

�.

.

-9- ..

Ao

•

....~• .
In my· opin.ion,
' ,

PR 142

rio (&gt;·

Does he not have the power under
st:ttution
as Commander in Chief?

the United

Q.,

A.

.

•:,

Stat~$

C.on:--

To do ·:what?
'

'

..

.

To take military
Congres~?
Qe

a decla1.,a.tion

without

action

of war by
\ ..•

WellJ now you are raising the question
which hae be~n
debated ·ever since our nation was formedc
There are certain~.
ly areae \'lithj_n which a Pres:tdent can' act .:... c~;r•tainly are~s
in which it has been cuatomar;v for Presidents
act -without any formal action by the Congress,c
There is a twilight zone thereo
Nobody has ever attempted t&lt;f defj_ne accurately
that twilight
zone, a~d I, snal,1 p.qt attempt :I:.t.i
herea , , .
.. :· .•. · - .. :,.·:;_., ,'.· /,'. '•";"
.,

A,.

·to

at .one po:tn'tth~i"'k_-~r~u··
s~ia ::it1~
connect,ion
witb con~~ltation
t6 cbnstilt
iri'.mo~t ias~i that-~ou -0an con~
ceive: of. II Would you 'c·onsideri ~ay~ an' attack 'upon the
northe;r'n part of Cap.aqa _an ~ttacl{. upon the ...Uni,ted,., States$
and; ·would you cons\,i:t-t wt.th bth_e':i-•NATO·cfr.nintries '.l:iefor,e-·you·
reacted
to that at'tack?'
'· .r ;:·,;:::-·:·'·
,.

Q., Mr. Secretary,

;. ;_ ..• •

~.

•

' .,.

• I

• ,:··,
' .

l

A. I do not think that: it· 1s wis'e . or· appropriate
to try .to·.
answer a hypothetical
question
of that sort.
In the first
.
place,
it is impossible
to determine .in adyance what.all
of
the su..rrounding circumstances.
are,.·and .it would certainly
· ..
also not be advisable
to give any forel{nowledge to a potential_
enemy as to whether or not he would have any time between.
his attack and having to suffer
the consequences
it.

of

Mr. Secretary,
ference?

Q.

how are plans

coming for

the Geneva Con-

A. The tnformation

I got when I got.back to.my desk yesterday
was that there is some evidence ,in .Moscow of_ delaying. tact:,-cs
with respect
to the practical
arrangements
for ,se.tting up
the conference.
There s,eenis -t;o )?e, ,an:.,i111pr'es_s.~on
_t;~a:t the.
Chinese C'ommunists are riot 'eptireTy' happy',.over, ...the:.:ar_range~
ments which were made for them be:Caus(f -they·h~d e~pected,
hoped to be able to come to the conference·a:s
cine.of the socalled Big Five.
r.t'hat, of c.0J1rse_,. Wq.S: de:qied :to the,m and i:t.
would see1n&lt;as though the .{36Jiet ':pEf,
.....
h'aps havef- got some expla:ining to do. :·And· the result
iff.·at. leas;t :the:re .are some present
de lays •
'
·
··
· · "· · · · '
1

1

,._ ...,

000078

�PR 142

Sir, have you reached a conclusion
John P. Davies?

Q.

yet in the case of

A. No* The situation
in tpe Davie$ case is this:
I went
over the very full summary of the evidence consisting of
about 200 rather closely-t-y;ped pages before I went to
Caracaa.
It seemed that there were some points which called
for explanation,
and the lt;1,wyerin.the Security Office
formulated a request for e~lanationa.
Those were given to
Mr.. Davies, and his counsel.
They have now made a reply.
The reply 1~ being studied in the Security Office, and I
am waiting for their recommendations to me, or report to me,
on the basis of those questions an,d the responses made by
Mr. Davies.
Mr. Secretary,
ha.s . · the Soviet Foreign Off ic_e formally.
informed you of the·dissatistaction
of the Chinese Communist$,
with the arrangements?
Q.

A.

No, that

is inference,

Mr. Secretary,
twenty-three Japanese fishermen suffered
radio-active
burns as a result of the latest explosion?
And
today the Japanese Foreign Minister said that Japan might
ask compensation from the United States.
I was wondering
if you have any comment on the incident and upon his statement.

Q.

A. No, I have no comments to make. I only heard of it today·.
We had a report from our Embassy in Tokyo, which I got this
morning~ But I have no information as to how this unfortunate accident came about --assuming that the facts are as
reported.

Mr. Secretary,
a report was published in London last
week-end to the effect that the United States has told France
that this country would offer economic inducements to Red
...
China to end the Indochina war. Is that correct?
Q.

A.

It is not correct.

Mr. Secretary~ does the October 8 decision
our final postion with respect to a. settlement

Q.

still r~present
in Trieste?

A. You have caught me a little
bit unprepared on that·
question.
I have not had the opportunity to check up-I'm bound to say- ...with the developments in the Trieste matter
since I got back from Caracas.
So you will have to Just
excuse me on that one.
Mr. Secretary,
Senator Dirksen said he would discuss.
with you immediately upon your re:turn from C~acas'the
matter of freeing German confiscated property.
Would you
te.JJ.__u_a
.. wa..t..~.QPl,p.1on
is?
Should
it
be
returned
soon?
-·
Q.

'

A. I

000079

�.

.
-11-

PR 142

A. I don't care to express an opinion on that.
I have an
appointment with Senator Dirksen, and I expect to go over
the matter with him, and until I have done that I do"''t
care to express any opinion.

Q. Mr. secretary,
are the delaying tactics
on the preparations
for Geneva such that they might delay the conference itself?

A.

That is conceivable,

Q.

Thank you, sir.

yes.
Henry Suydam

* * *
State--PB,

Wash., D.C.

000080

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