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                    <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act © e £ e n c e l&gt;±Silst^l^&amp;(#yjU^S&amp;§&amp;fe^r/etf£'Loi
sur Faeces a Finformation

i

TOP
SECRET
February 17, 1955

NAL AFFAIRS DRAFT FOR DISCUSSION PURPOSES

^froblems which might be posed for Canada, if
the United States were to beeome involved in
. hostilities over the Chinese offshore islands

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RE001T h SECRtT

Information has been received that there is a
considerable concentration of Chinese Communist forces
opposite the Matsu Islands, including a substantial
number of planes and a large fleet of junks. There is
a consequent possibility of United States air and naval
forces in the area becoming involved in hostilities in
support of Chinese Nationalist forces. Under the
Congressional resolution, the President may employ
United States armed forces not only to defend Formosa
and the Pescadores, but also "such related positions and
territories" as he judges to be necessary for that purpose.
These Include the offshore islands. From what is known
about United States intentions, it seems likely that the
United States military authorities would ignore harassing
air raids and shelling against the islands* If the Chinese
Communists attacked the islands, and if the Chinese
Nationalists requested help, the United States Government
is expected to give it. It is understood that a formal
National Security. Council decision has been taken to that
effect* Because of the geographical proximity of these
coastal islands to the mainland, there is a risk that
action taken by United States forces in support of the
Nationalists for the defence of the islands might extend
hostilities to the mainland. This paper is intended as
an analysis of the type of problems which might be posed
for the Ganadian Government in the event that the United
States were to beeome involved in hostilities oyer the
offshore islands and is not intended as an appreciation of
the current situation or anticipated developments*
II

Possible extent of involvement of the United States
in military action

Warlike activities arising from possible attacks
by the Communist Chinese forces against the Matsu Islands
might lead to the following contingencies:
(a) Local armed encounters limited to the Matsu
Islands and involving the use of local United
States forces only, acting in support of
Chinese Nationalist forces to repel attempts
at landing;
(b)

extension of the armed encounters to the mainland,
involving counter-action by local United States
forces against concentrations of Chinese Communist
ground, naval and air forces and supplies or
"hot-pursuit" of Communist aircraft;

(e) general war between the United States and China.
(Because of the geographical location of these islands,
contingencies 1 and 2 might tend to merge).

* . • 2
000181

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur Faeces a Finformation

- 2 «

III Possible consequent approaches to the Canadian
Government from the United States Government
Although the Sino-Soviet Treaty specifically
provides for Soviet intervention only in the event of
attack by Japan or an ally of Japan, It must be assumed
that th© possibility of Soviet support in the form of
military intervention cannot be ruled out by the United
States Govemmsat in their evaluation of the risks*
This consideration presumably accounts for the caution
with which the United States military authorities are
conducting their activities in relation to the Chinese
offshore islands. No precise information is available on
Soviet intentions. The Malenkov administration was
thought to bo exercising a restraining influence m the
Chinese Communists* The now Soviet Premier Bulganin,
in a statement in Moscow on February 15» mads at a
reception marking the fifthn anniversary of the Sino-Soviet
Treaty of Alliance, said* China knows it can look to us
not only for sympathy but for help. This help will be
forthcoming whenever necessary*.
Possible United States approaches to the Canadian
Government, therefore* will probably be based on the
assumption that if the United States forces were to become
involved in hostilities against the Chinese Communist
forces, there would be at least a risk of Soviet military
intervention. It must be assumed, therefore, that in
addition to deployments of United States forces in support
of any military action that may he undertaken against
Chinese Communist forces in the area, the United States
Government may take certain precautionary measures against
the possibility of Soviet intervention*
The nature of the possible approaches which might
be expected from the United States Government in relation
to each of the contingencies set out under II above Include
the following*
Contingency I

(fighting limited to the offshore islands)j

(a) request for overflight off Canadian territory
for precautionary deployments of SAC aircraft
and nuclear weapons to bases in Alaska;
(b) precautionary alert of continental air defence*
Contingency 2

(extension of fighting to the mainland)*

(a) a full alert of continental air defence;
(b) precautionary deployment of SAG aircraft and
weapons to Goose Bay*
Contingency 3

(general war between the United States and China):

Request for cooperation in full mobilization measures
of continental air defence and probable request for
activation of base facilities, in addition to possible
requests for overflights preparatory to making air strikes.

• # • 9

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur Faeces a Finformation
•* 3 "*

IV

Canadian Attitude

The Prime Minister defined the Canadian attitude
in a statement in the House of Commons on February 14»
when he said: "I should also like once more to emphasize
this; Canada has no commitments regarding collective
security in the Far East, and indeed no commitments of
any kinji in respect of the Formosa area except those which
arise out of our membership in the United Nations". This
statement confirmed the Government1^ attitude as first
given by the Secretary of State for External Affairs in
the House of Commons on January 25* when he said: "Although
we are not involved in United States commitments in this
area, we are of course deeply concerned over the dangerous
situation existing* there and we, with other free governments,
are anxious that steps should be taken to bring to an end
the fighting which has now been taking place for some time
along the China coast".
In the absence of any United Nations decision
authorizing the United States to take military action in
the defence of the offshore Islands, and in the absence
of any relevant treaty or collective security commitments
binding Canada as indicated in these Government statements,
it remains to examine to what extent, if any, Canadian
interests or any principle are involved in determining
what the reaction should be to the possible United States
approaches outlined above.
It is difficult to identify any precise Canadian
interests in the denial of the coastal islands to the Chinese
Communists* The considerations governing United States
interests in the islands appear to be political rather
than strategic* The islands may have some tactical value
as a site for early warning of attack from the mainland
against Formosa and vice versa and for preventing Chinese
Communist shipping from using the Formosa Strait. The
military importance of the is]ands, however, Is overshadowed
by political considerations such as the possible effect
of their loss on the morale of the nationalists and upon
United States prestige in the cold war.
If the question of principle is taken as a
determining factor, the main consideration which would
seem to arise is the "inherent right of individual and
collective self defence if an armed attack occurs against
a member of the United HatIons" (Article 51 of the United
Nations Charter), If the risk of general war between the
United States and Communist China were assumed to involve
the risk of Soviet retaliation against the United States
with nuclear weapons, the concept of Collective self defence
would presumably include the protection of United States
nuclear retaliatory power as well as other measures of
continental air defence. Thus, especially if there were
any question of nuclear weapons being used in the event
that the United States were to become involved in hostilities
against Communist China# It would be difficult to distinguish
between requests made by the United States Government to the
Canadian Government which were related strictly to the
hostilities with China, as distinct from precautionary
measures which would have to be taken in anticipation of
Soviet intervention.

• • •k

000183

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4t **

The evidence available on the Intentions of the
United States Government, does not indicate the likelihood
of the President authorizing the use of nuclear weapons
in hostilities against Communist China. The President
is on record with a number of statements showing his
abhorrence of nuclear warfare, such as: "War would present
us with only the alternatives in degrees of destruction,
and there could be no successful outcome". The President,
moreover, cannot be unmindful of the deplorable effect
that the use of nuclear weapons against Communist China
would have on Asian opinion. Nonetheless the advantages
that could be gained by striking the first blow in nuclear
warfare are such that if the United States Government were
to apprehend the possibility of Soviet intervention, they
would almost certainly take certain precautionary measures
to prepare their defences including their retaliatory
atomic potential.
This possibility would pose the most serious
problem to the Canadian Government, in that precautionary
measures of the types envisaged might lead to a chain
reaction of events which would tend to precipitate general
war, if the Soviet Union were to interpret such precautionary
moves as indicating a risk of imminent attack, it Is
imperative, therefore, that in the event that the United
States were to beeome involved in hostilities against
Communist China, every effort be made to limit such
hostilities and to bring them to an end without precipitating
general war. For this reason all precautionary measures
of continental air defence would have to be taken in such
a way as not to provoke Soviet reactions and to avoid as
far as possible drawing public attention to them,
V

Conclusions

It iNDuld be premature to recommend any specific
course of action in relation to the conjectural possibilities
outlined above. As a basis for further consideration only
and taking into account the arguments set out above, one
possible course of action might he:
(a) Accede to a request for the precautionary
alerting of continental air defence;
(b) accede to a request for overflights of
Canadian territory for the limited purpose
of precautionary deployments of SAC aircraft
and weapons to Alaska and Goose IBayj
(c) refuse overflights of Canadian territory, or
the use of Canadian bases for the purpose of
carrying out air strikes, and participation
in any full mobilization measures for continental
air defence, in the absence of a prior determination
by the Canadian Government that general war is
imminent.

000184

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