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                    <text>.:

CC:
;',

•

SSEA
US SEA

D.L. (1)/EPBlayk/-sh-._ ·-·---- --. _ _

,

Mr. Dier
Liaison Services

S

5

219--'Jtl-'- -L-

C R E T

.

Ottat·Ia, June 3, 1963.
THE PR::GlE EllUSTZR

Visit of Livingston Uerchant - A UATO F.i:ultilateral
Nuclear Force U-ILF)
You nay lJish to have the following background documents available in anticipation of the
visit this ueek of the USA Special Ambassador Living ...
ston Ilerchant to outline the proposc..ls fer a multilateral nuclear force. These documents are as
follous:
(1)

·It brief prepared by the Departr:1ent of
:external Affairs, on the UATO Iiultilateral nuclear Force. This represents
an up-dating of the brief prepared for
the Hyannis Port meeting.

(2}

An account of the visit on November 15;
1962 of a USA team headed by Gerard
Swith of the State Department and Admiral
Lee, U. s. Navy, to brief Canadian senior
service officers and officials on a multilateral seaborne jJRRi force. Uhile this
docuoent has been overtaken by events,
it is uorth reading for the differences
betueen the approach of the U. s. Govern_ment to this
at that
now.

( 3)

A copy of a
:t;ILF •

us;\ feasibility study of the

BY

W1ARTIN

000039

&lt;

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                <text>Memorandum for the Prime Minister from Paul Martin</text>
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                <text>"NATO - Nuclear weapons - Policy - NATO long term planning," RG25-A-3-b, vol 5960, file 50219-AL-2-40, part 9-1, Library and Archives Canada (LAC). </text>
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                <text>Nuclear Weapons</text>
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                    <text>SECRET
A tl.(tTO l';ult-.tlatersJ, Uuelejlt Fgree

The eosential problem posed by the Uassau
Agreement is ho"1 the United States is to share
control of nuclear treapons 11ith its allies, particularly the Europeans. In recant years the United
States has becooe noro vulnerable to a nuclear
attack by the Soviet Union. In these circuosta.nces som2 Europeans have come to doubt tJhether
the United States 11ould risk its otm destruction in·
a crisis in t7hich European interests trere pricarily
at stake. Successive United States
have atte:npted to devise l'Iays for rea::it.\"iJI'i.ng Europeans by assi.:;ning tJ. s. strategic foreet:; to IlATO
and by proposing different
for g!ving Europeans a ereater sense of participation in the strategic de£ence a.rrangeoents of the Alliance.

The latest of these schemes has been the
proposal for a oultilateral mixed-manned sea-borne
or submarine force aroed with the Polaris missile.

The proposal raises problems or great complexity ·
"Which td.ll take considerable time to clarify.. There
is the question whether the United States Congress
can be persuaded to amend the r.1acrlahon Act so as to
the United States Administration to transfer
the m·mership and control of nuclear 1·rarheads for
such a force to some sort o£ multilateral legal
entity undor llATO. There ia also the question
tJhether satisfactory control arrangements can be
devised trhieh t1ould permit a number of members of
the Alliance to participate in collective decisions
about the use of the weapons in the force.

A cutting edge has been introduced into
the discussions of tho paragraph 8 force by the U.S.

"Oampaiening" for consideration of a force of surfnc·e ships armed \11th Polaris type missiles. This
force eould bo multinationally otmed, controlled,
and manned by G.:\TO in the 1960-70 time period. The
concept of a force of surface vessels armed tdth
s is not ne\1 and predates Ua.ssau. Hot!evcr, the
main evolution in the characteristics of the multi·
lateral nuclear force from those envisaged at the
tlassau oeeting is the inclusion of this mixed-manned
surface eleoent.

Some confusion exists as to the composition of the proposed paragraph g multilateral force.
This confusion in due in part 'to the SOtleuhat free
use of oultiple tams. Hot·Jever,. all versions o£
the UA'i'O rnultilateral nuclear force comprise one or
more of the follolting elements:
(a) A British submarine Polaris force
of as yet unspecified numbers to be
equipped uith U. s .. Polaris missiles
and armed
British nuclear uarheads.

000040

�SECRET

... 2 -

{b)

least

abovo.

is termed 0 UJA forces at
to those in paratt,raph (a) ·

PrL&gt;Oumnbly these .forces could

be either 'iolaris submarines or liinutenmn ICB::i• s ·or some othar. delivery system.
(c) A

oea based 100I,1 £orca.

The tias.sau agreement only makes mention
in parac;raphs
7 and 8. Hol1ever, the curre.."lt u. s. ·proposal for
a surface ship force adds oultilateral ownership
and oixed-oanning to the original plan • It should
be noted in passina that this olernent is referred
to by tho u. s. as ffThe I1ultilateral Foree (r.J.-F)n.

ot a IJATO mUltilateral nuclear force

AlthoU3h thero are reservations among
sooo NATO members, on the eventual composition of

a sea based
force. the u. s. proposal env1saces a force or approximately 25 surface vessels
equipped tdth 8 Polaris type missiles onCh. The
u. s. has produced a detailed feasibility study of
this force and has appointed special Ambassador
Livincston I:IGrchant trlith a team to tour UA.TO capi ...
tals on request and brief notional authoriti.es on
tho major aspects of tho proposal.
Ue understand that tho Uost German Govern-

u.s. Government or its l·r.i.llingness to take part in a HATO
!-1ultilateral lluclear Force. The British Goverrunent
is reluctant to play other than a minor role in
this foreo and the USA is
ensnced in trying to
porouade the British to take n larger role. Italy
ho.s indicated an interest but it
clear, af'ter
the r3oent election results,
this is otill
ment has now officially ·informed the

the ease.

Greece and Turkoy have indicated a

t·Iillingness to take
but are not 1n t\ position
to malce
financial contribution. Tho Belgians
have indicated an interest and, to a
extent,.
so have the Dutch but until a neu ·Dutch Government
is formed tnere is no official Dutch position. The
French do not tr.ish to talte part nor do the Danes
and Horueeians.

Some of the argumanta for and against
Canadian participation in the J;aF are:
tor Cang.d!in s:up:eort.

l)
Tho proposal to establish the ll.LF is
an is.aginative idea tthich by eneourag:Lt\s _a oupra..
nationa1 force l'lithin the Alliance could go soma
tray to creating a nel-1 basis for defence co-opera•
t ion in the tJest.
2)

The experionce gained in

I.UJ? could have important implications for U.

the

peace-keeping machinery an4 the 'establishment o!

the I·ILF could provide useful experience in any

•.. /J
000041

�..

..

.-3future international arcs control organization.
; )
Canadian participation in the I!iLF might
provide . Canada td.th a "1orth11hile military contri•
bution tlithin liATO in the 1970' a. tJhether or not
this '-rould be the case tJould require detailed l;ltudy
by the Department of National Defence.
4)
In vieH o£ the strong commitment to the
establishment of the
on the part of President
Kennedy and the USA Administration, Canadian lack
of interest in participating in the .force could have
an adverse effect on other areas of Canadian-U.s.·
defence co-operation.
5)

German agreement to take part in the I!iLF

and contribute substantially to it will encourage
unity within the Alliance and o£tset to some extent
French efforts to establish a n11ttle Europe" under

French leadership.

6)
has a requirement for a land•
based HftBi.1 force and the HLF although not land..
based l1ould go some l'ray to meet this request.
Argumep.ta aga!p.st Canf+&lt;!!an SUJ2po[-,;.

l)
Since all nuclear weapons systems are
extremely expensive, the sharing or the financial
burden o£ a NATO force vrill raise a major issue
for the Alliance. Even i£ a basis for financial
arrang&amp;"!lent s can be agrQed to in terms o£ current
or knotm systems it is · increasingly difficult to
forecast future requirements for modernization and
replaceoent. Precise 1Y.formation is,
on
long ter.m costs but the current USA esttmate of
total cost is 0500 n annually £or ten years; a
national share is 05 z,l annually.
·
2)
It is by no means clear at this time bOlf
the force tdll fit into the NATO Alliance nor indeed
is there any assurance that this novel concept can
be translated into an effective military force.

3)
The French Government is quite opposed
to the establishment of the MLF and it is questionable whether at this time it is l"lorth pro•
ceeding rdth a policy t1hieh risks a further split
in the Alliance.
4)
t1est Germany's position in the
will
give it an extremely important say in the nuclear
policy of the Alliance and it is for consideration
whether it is in the interests of NATO to give the
tlest Germans such an important role in the force.

5)
The Soviet Union has indicated that it
regards the )fi..F as an absolute increase in Uestern

.•• /4
000042

�- 4-

S ECRET

strategic power which has in it the seeds of an
independent German nuclear capability.. Extreme
Soviet reaction to the establishment of the MLF
is a risk that must be taken into account.
6) . ·
Participants in the MLF may be 'Ulltlble
to spend the additional funds which
be re•
quired to meet their conventional force goals. ,,

7)
It is for consideration 1fbether the
l'lest is ready at this stage for the abandonment
of national sovereignty to the extent vhat tdll
be required if an r..lLF is established.

June

3, 196.3.

000043

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