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                    <text>Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur Faeces a Finformation

D0WKGRAD31D T3 SECRET
R S M k SECRET TOP

SECRET

Ottawa, Marcif 25 &gt; 1955

MEMORANDUM FOR THE

w

INIS

Paper on the Ni
You asked that consideration should
be given to the implications of the nuclear
deterrent. Mr. Ignatieff has prepared a draft
with the assistance of some other officers of the
Department (notably Mr. Teakles, Mr. Barton, Mr.
Halstead,-and Mr. George), a copy of which is
attached.
2.
The paper of necessity examines the
political factors of the problem only, because
it would require the help of the Department of
National Defence to develop the military factors.
As you know, Mr. Campney has not yet agreed to the
Inter-departmental study of national security policy
in the light of the new weapons and the related
strategy of deterrence, which you proposed to him
as long ago as last November and on a number of
occasions subsequently.
3.
I suggest that as a next step, a
number of the officers of this Department concerned
might, if you agree, have an opportunity of discussing
what should be done with the paper and about the
projected study.,In a separate memorandum I drew your
attention to the preparation of the customary White
Paper on National Defence which has an important
bearing on 'the same problem.
•

*

• &lt;—

000147

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur Faeces a Finformation

TOP SECRET
&gt;

- 2 -

t
&amp;

4-.
If you agree, therefore, I would
arrange to have Mr. MacKay and myself, together

with Mr. I g n a t i e f f and Mr. Teakles, meet with you
a t your convenience.

AM
hs J .

L.

000148

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                <text>Memorandum for the Minister, R.A. Mackay for Jules Leger, "Paper on the Nuclear Deterrent"</text>
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Document disclosed under the Access to information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur faeces a I'information

f

BEST AVAILABLE COPY

"1_)17

DQWNSRADED TO
REDUIT A SECRET

C 0
#

Commonwealth delations Office,

DEF 1 0 6 / 1 8 3 / 5
TOP 3ECI.ET

B-\

Downing Street.

&lt;£^_Z: _

25th March, 1955.

1

i
3
1
4

Dear Pritchard,
•

"'**

12 APR 1955

You vdll remember the proposed history of
Anglo-American co-operation on atomic energy, about which
our last telegram to you was No. 22 Saving of the 12th
February, 1954.
The U.S. draft of the history was received in
London in July last and I understand that a copy was sent
to the Canadians. It has now been considered here and I
enclose a copy of the U.K. redraft, in which our own
amendments are shown underlined in red ink, together with
a note of the major amendments which have been made here.
Our draft has been submitted to Einisters but
not yet approved. Ve have it in mind, moreover, to
suggest to the Americans that in view of developments on
both sides of the Atlantic in 1954 the history should be
brought up to date. If this were agreed, we should write
a piece about the Atomic Ene-rgj
hority and they might
prepare a first draft of a passage on the amendments to
the Mciviahon Act and the new agreements for co-operation.
There will, of course, be some delay before this can be
done. Such delay need not be a matter of any concern as
we hope, again subject to the views of Ministers, to secure
the agreement of the Americans not to publish the document
immediately but to keep it in reserve and only publish it
if a strong public demand arose.
You will doubtless wish to show the enclosed
documents informally to the Canadians and also to explain
to them our intentions on the lines of the preceding
paragraph. In doing so, however, would you please stress
the lack of Winisterial approval.

•. • •

. received through Washington the text of the
Canadian amendments, of which I also enclose a copy.
We have not yet considered them in detail, although it is
clear that we should be able to accept the great majority.
Yours sincerely,

(S;

N. P r i t c h a r d ,
. ..,
Ottawa.

Clark

3—&amp;.,

&lt;^______ar__.

o—_ Qf.y£

fc

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur I'acces a I'information

DOWNGRADE TO SECET
*___. .__*• _

A «-_x_.--v

___ , _ _
TOP SECRET

REDUIT A SECRET
i..istory of ..nglo-American Co-operation in
Atomic Energy.
List of (Major) Amendments to U.S. Draft suggested by U.K.

1.

We suggest that the appendices be omitted and the necessary

material worked into the main narrative.

It is not possible, even

at this date, to quote the whole of the Hyde Park Aide __emoire,
nor of the Llodus Vivendi.

If some documents are given in extenso

and others are not, it will inevitably raise questions as to why
some things have been omitted;

we consider that all the essential

points can quite reasonably be worked into the main story.
2.

We suggest that as a matter of presentation the summary

suggested at the outset of the U.S. draft does not form an entirely
satisfactory introduction and could quite well be omitted.
3.

Page 2: we hope the concluding two sentences of the second

paragraph vdll be accepted as a reasonable comparative estimate
of the U.K.-U.S. contribution up to mid-1941.
4.

Page 4:

it seems to us that paragraph 2, which we have

inserted, is essential in order to explain the difficulties which
arose from the U.K. point of view between the end of 1942 and the
^uebec Agreement in 1943.
5.

Page 6, paragraph 1, last sentence:

the closing down of work

in the U.K. in 1943 should be mentioned.
6.

Page 8:

the Hyde Park Aide Memoire: we think that this

document should appear in its chronological place and not as a
parenthesis of the history of 1946. We are also taking the
opportunity of explaining the object of the Hyde Park meeting.
7.

Page 9:

we have spelled out the passage about the statements

on the Use of the Atomic Bomb, War-time collaboration, and about
the publication of the Smyth Report.

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la loi sur I'acces a I'information

Page 10, paragraph 2: we have included a reference to the
declassification \
9.

dure.

Page 11: we hope the U.S. will agree to the omissio;. of the

last sentence. The same point could be mad^ about the other postwar agreements and in particular about the M
U.S. are parti
should be re-worded;

v.

li.

If the

.us to keep this sentence, ve suggest it
"There was also the difficulty that an

agreement might have been contrary to Article 102 of the U.N.
Charter which requires all international agreements to be registered
with the U.N. Secretariat and to be published."
10.

Page 12: we have slightly reworded, in a form which we hope

will be acceptable to the U.S., the passage which leads up to the
Modus Vivendi.
11. Page 14: we have added a reference to the extension of
Article 2 of the Modus in 1953 (weapons effects).
12.

Page 14: The Fuchs case was not of course the only important

espionage case and we suggest the sentence might be reworded:
"This objective assumed greater urgency with the discovery in
1950 of the Fuchs espionage case in the U.K. and subsequently
of other such cases in the U.K. and U.S.A."
13.

Page 14: we suggest that the final sentence of the American

draft be omitted. We do not give the same publicity to the
security policies and procedures as the U.S. do; and the
inclusion of this sentence might be embarrassing to us. This
paper, if published at all, must be a White Paper presented to
Parliament and therefore subject to debate: we do not want to
present those M.P.'s who are only too ready to criticise the p.v.
procedure vdth a gratuitous opportunity to do so.

2
000319

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.K. HE-DRAFT

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Changes from American d r a f t i n red

"Y

______ __*
. . _j
THE U.S.-U.K.-CANADIAN COLLABORATION IN THE FISLU
OF ATOMIC
ENERGY

1940 - 1945

Early Developments
The conclusion that an atomic weapon based on the fission
of uranium might be technically feasible was reached by both
the United States and the United Kingdom at about the same time.
In the United States President Roosevelt in the fall of 1939
appointed an Advisory Committee on Uranium under the chairmanship
of Dr. L.J. Briggs, Director of the Bureau of Standards. This
Committee was made a Sub-committee of the newly organized National
Defence Research Committee, responsible to Dr. Vannevar Bush, in
1940.
In the United Kingdom in April 1940 a committee of scientists,
headed by Sir George Thomson, was established in the Air Ministry
to co-ordinate existing research and to determine whether the
feasibility of producing an atomic weapon for use during the war
was sufficiently great to justify intensified future effort
toward this end.
During this period contact between the governmental atomic
energy groups in the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada
was informal and unofficial. Each followed the other's activities,
primarily through the medium of visits made back and forth by
British, Canadian and American scientists, generally in
connection with other business.
First Governmental Co-operation, 1940-19_=5
More formal co-operation began as a consequence of an aide
memoire left with President Roosevelt by Lord Lothian, the British
Ambassador on July 8, 1940. There was proposed in this
memorandum a broad interchange of secret technical military
information between the British and American Governments.

J

000320

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4*

TOP SECRET

Although the atomic weapon was not mentioned, it implicitly fell
into this category as work progressed.

Discussions on secret

technical military information were agreed to by the U.S. Secretary
of State and gave rise to a visit to the United States by a British
Scientific Mission headed by sir Henry Tizard, in the autumn of
1940, at which time a full exchange of information on research
and plans for technical military development was approved.
As a result there came into being a close relationship between
the British and American scientific groups engaged in basic
military research which included atomic research, with each keeping
the other informed regarding the nature and scope of theiawork.
At first, partly no doubt owing to the fact that the U.S. was not
yet at war, the information provided by the U.K. scientists was at
least as great as that provided by the U.S.

By mid-1941 however,

the scale of U.S. developments, and also the provision of
information, had increased considerably.
The United Kingdom:

Tube Alloys - 1941

During this period a special study was made in the United
Kingdom to determine whether atomic research should be continued
on a large scale. The conclusions reached in the British study
(which was conveyed to the U.S. authorities) were encouraging and
in September 1941, Mr. (now Sir Winston) Churchill appointed
Sir John Anderson (now Viscount Y.averley) to take charge of the
atomic project in the United Kingdom.

A new division of the

Department of Scientific and Industrial Research was created and
called, for

security reasons, the Directorate of Tube Alloys.

Hr. V..A. (later Sir Wallace) Akers of Imperial Chemical Industries
was appointed director.
The United States: United States Office of Scientific Research and
Development (OSRD. 3-1)
In November 1941 the first American mission concerned
specifically with atomic research was sent to the United Kingdom

- 2-

000321

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Lot sur faeces a I'information

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to become familiar with the British project.

This mission

consisted of two American scientists, Drs. H.C. Urey and
G.B. Pegram, both members of subsections of the Uranium Committee.
In Ifovember 1941 the responsibility for atomic research was
placed directly under a section of the United States Office of
Scientific Research and Development (OSRD) with the code name 3-1.
From December 1941 to the first half of 1942 work on
uranium fission in both countries continued largely on a
laboratory research scale, and during this period the exchange
of information between the Directorate of Tube Alloys and the
OSRD 3-1 Executive Committee was quite informal but complete.
Meanwhile, in the United States sufficient progress was being
made to allow greater emphasis on production problems and less
exclusively on laboratory research.
The United States - Manhattan Engineer District - 1942
In early 1942, Dr. Bush informed President Roosevelt that
research had progressed to the point to permit hope that an
atomic weapon could be produced in time to be of value during
the war and recommended, therefore, that the U.S. Army be given
the responsibility for furthering this project.
In June 1942, by Presidential order, the engineering phases
of the work in the United States were placed under the U.3. Jfcftny
Corps of Engineers. The control of laboratory research remained
for a time with OSRD.

The OSRD gradually transferred all of its

responsibility to General Groves, who was placed in charge of
the entire project (henceforth known as the Manhattan Engineer
District) in September 1942. In 1943 all connections of OSRD
with uranium work were severed and the s-1 Executive Committee
ceased to function.
Discussion between President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill
Mr. Churchill and President Roosevelt had taken a personal
interest in atomic energy developments from the beginning, and

- 3 -

000322

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur faeces a finformation

___________________

ad been in direct contact with each other concerning this
interest from time to time.
This personal interest was of particular value in view of
the difficulties which arose between the U.S. and the U.K. projects
in the latter part of 1942. The U.K., which had by that time
been at war for over three years, was finding it undesirable in view of the war commitments of her industry and of the
exposure of the whole British Isles to bombing - to undertake the
large-scale production which the development of atomic energy by
that time required.

The U.K. wished therefore to make her own

contribution by integrating the work of her scientists and
engineers vdth those working in the U.S. The U.S. however, which
was now committed to a gigantic financial and industrial effort,
was sceptical of the value of British assistance except in a few
isolated parts of the programme.
For these and other reasons Anglo-American co-operation
lagged from the autumn of 1942 until the summer of 1943. During
the first half of 1943, however, a series of conferences was
held among the close advisers of the Prime Minister and the
President;

as a result, an agreed document was signed at Quebec

in August, 1943. This document is known as the Quebec Agreement
and established the formal basis for the further collaboration
in the field of atomic energy between the United States and the
United Kingdom u_il.ll aflsr .lie war. /Cmd:

9123J

;aebec Agreement
The ^uebec Agreement established the mechanism and
principles for.formal co-operation between the two countries;
namely, the Combined Policy Committee as well as basic principles
governing future collaboration in this field.

These principles

were
(1)

that neither country would ever use "this agency"
(i.e. the atomic bomb) against the other, or against
third parties without the other's consent;

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�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la loi sur I'acces a I'information

E w __,•_..._!
(2)

that the disclosure of information to third parties
would be by mutual consent;

(3)

that in view of the heavy burden falling on U.S. war
production, the U.K. would not take advantage after
the war of the industrial applications of atomic energy
save under terms agreed by the President and the Prime
minister.

The purpose of the Combined Policy Committee was:
(1) to agree on the programme of work to be carried out in
the two countries and to review all such activities;
(2)

to allocate materials, plant, etc. in short supply as
necessary.

Exchange of information within the Combined Policy Committee
and between their immediate technical advisers v/as to be complete;
in the field of research and development it would be complete
within the particular sections of the programme.
The Combined Policy Committee was organized vdth the initial
membership (_as specified in the Quebec Agreement^ of the Secretary
of War, Henry Stimson;

Dr. Vannevar Bush;

and Dr. James B. Conant

as the three United States members; Field Marshal

sir John Dill

and Colonel J.J. Llewellin as the United Kingdom members.
Dr. Bush and Dr. Conant had held positions of responsibility in
the U.S. Atomic Energy programme since it first came under the
control of the National Defence Research Committee in June 1940,
while Field Marshal Dill and Colonel Llewellin were at the time,
with the exception of the British Ambassador, the two senior
representatives (military and civilian) of the U.K. Government in
Washington.

Whereas Canada was not signatory to the Agreement,

Canadian participation in the joint effort was recognized by the
appointment of C D . Howe, Canadian Minister of Supply, and Minister
responsible for Canadian activity in the atomic energy field, as the
sixth member of the Committee.
- 5-

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la Loi sur faeces a I'information

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The Committee held its first meeting in September, 1943
and set up a technical Sub-Committee (membership:
Styer,

General W.D.

Dr. R.C. Tolman, Professor (nov; Sir James) Chadwick,

and Dr. C.J. Mackenzie) to examine the state of the British and
American programmes and the possibilities in the various projects
for the exchange of information.

The Committee soon arranged for

an exchange of information over a wide field of research and in
December 1943 submitted its report which was approved by the full
Policy Committee.

The report, among other things, made

recommendations on the division of the program of work and the
assignment of British scientists to various portions of the
Manhattan Engineer District laboratories and facilities.
These arrangements recognized that the most efficient division
of effort called for the concentration of work on the atomic
energy project in the United States, v/here the United States'
resources, manpower and materials could be put to the best
use, secure from enemy action. As a result of these agreements
many U.K. scientists were transferred to North America and
almost all work on atomic energy in the
United Kingdom was then, or shortly after, brought to a close.
Canadian Role in Co-operation
Early in 1943 a large Canadian-British research establishment
had been set up in Montreal under the general direction of the
National Research Council of Canada. Practically the entire
slow neutron research group at Cambridge, England, under
Bans Halban was at that time moved to be nearer the corresponding
D.S, work at Chicago.

In April 1944, following the recommendation

of a Sub-Committee specially appointed by the Combined Policy
-0;;_nittee to report on the Joint Development of a Heavy Water Pile,
it was agreed to "undertake the design and construction of a
heterogeneous heavy water pilot pile as a joint American-BritishCanadian project". It was anticipated that ultimately there
would be made a comparative study of the Hanford and Canadian
pile operations,
00032!

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In May and June 1944, General Groves, Sir James Chadwick
and Dr. Mackenzie met to discuss the contributions the U.S. would
make in the project. The primary results of these meetings were
the final drafting of the agreement delineating the role of the
U.S. in the joint project and the establishment of the U.._.
Evergreen Area Office in Montreal to handle interchange matters.
Exchange of information vdth Canada was limited, the latter having
access to information developed at the Metallurgical Laboratory and
the Clinton Laboratories, but not at Los Alamos and Hanford.

The

combined effort at Montreal was formally directed toward research
and development of a high flux heavy water reactor ultimately to
be constructed and operated at Chalk River, Ontario. The small
Zero Energy Experimental Pile (ZEEP) went into operation in
September 1945, and the large heavy water reactor, the NRX, in
July 1947.
The Combined Development Agency
On June 13, 1944 another agreement v/as signed by President
Roosevelt and Mr. Jhurchill, entitled "Declaration of Trust",
which referred to the objectives set forth in the Quebec
Agreement and established the principle of collaboration in
uranium research and procurement between the United States and
the United Kingdom.

To implement this principle, an agency known

as the Combined Development Trust was established in Washington,
to be composed of and administered by six members appointed by the
Combined Policy Committee.

The Canadian Government did not sign

the agreement though, in view of her membership of the Combined
Policy Committee, she was associated with the Trust and vdth the
appointment of its members.

The objective of the Trust was to

seek out and develop the production of uranium supplies to be
allocated among the member governments.

The original trustees

of the Combined Development Trust were:

- 7000326

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act Document divulgue en vertu de la loi sur I'acces a I'information

TOP SECRET

United States - General L.R. Groves, Mr. G. Harrison, and
Dr. C.K. Leith;
United Kingdom- Sir Charles J. Hambro and Mr. (nov; Sir Frank)
Lee;
Canada

- Mr. G.C. Bateman.

Development of the First Weapon
As a result of the Quebec Agreement, teams of U.K. scientists
were integrated into the program in the U.S. and Canada, working
at the following locations:

los Alamos, Berkeley, Oak Ridge,

Washington, New York and Montreal.

The joint objective was

achieved, in the explosion of the world's first atomic weapon on
July 16, 1,945 at Alamagordo, New Mexico. British personnel
participated in this test, as they did in the later test at Bikini
in July 1946.
Hyde Park Aide Memoire
The Quebec Agreement was followed by a conversation held,
after the second Quebec Conference, at Hyde Park, New York, between
President Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill on September 19, 1944. The
aide memoire

summarising the conversation records agreement that

"when a bomb is finally available" it might "after mature
consideration be used against the Japanese".

The main purpose of

the meeting however was to discuss the post-war problems of U.S./
U.K. collaboration and of international control. A paragraph of
the aide memoire called for the continuation of full collaboration
between the United States and British Governments in developing
"Tube Alloys" for military and commercial use after the defeat of
Japan unless and until terminated by joint agreement. As to
international control, the aide memoire noted "the suggestion that
the world should be informed regarding Tube Alloys with a view to
an international agreement regarding its control and use is not
accepted" and that complete secrecy should be maintained.
A A copy of this aide memoire was given to U.S. authorities by the
British in the Spring of 1945, after a search of the Department of
State, the War Department and the White House records disclosed no
evidence that a copy existed in the United States.
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On June 1, 1945, the "Interim Committee", which had recently
been set up and was charged with advising the President of the
United States on the questions raised by the apparently imminent
success in developing the atomic weapon, recommended unanimously
that the bomb should be used against Japan.

This recommendation

was concurred in by the United Kingdom, in accordance with the
requirements of the ^uebec Agreement, at a Combined Policy
Committee meeting on July 4th, 1945.

On July 24, 1945, at the

Potsdam Conference Prime Minister Stalin v/as informed by President
Truman, with British concurrence, that an atomic weapon had been
developed and would probably be used with decisive effect on the
Japanese.

Consequently, Hiroshima was bombed on August 6 and

Nagasaki on August 8. Following immediately on the dropping of the
first weapon on Japan by the United States, statements were issued
(on 6th August 1945) by President Truman and jointly by Mr. Attlee,
then Prime Minister, and Mr. Churchill.

These referred very

briefly to the vast effort devoted in the two countries to the
project and to the arrangements that had been made for
collaboration, and went on to warn the Japanese of the dread
consequences of a continued resistance.

Both statements also

referred to the need to ensure that atomic energy might become
a powerful and forceful influence towards the maintenance of world
peace.
Statements on Atomic Energy Development and Wartime Collaboration
These statements

were amplified, and details were given of

some of the scientific work carried out, in further statements* by
statement by the President of the United States" - White House
Release, August 6, 1945.
"Statement of the Secretary of War" - U.S. War Department Release
August 6, 1945.
"A General Account of the Development of Methods of Using Atomic
Energy for Military Purposes under the Auspices of the U.S.
Government" by H.D. Smyth, August 1945.
"Statements by the Prime Minister and Mr. Churchill issued on
Monday, August 6, 19_:5.
"Statement issued by the Directorate of Tube Alloys (Department
of Scientific and Industrial Research)", August 12, 1945.
NB. Both U.K. statements reprinted in "Statements relating to the
Atomic Bomb", HMSO 1945.
Canadian Information Service Statement, "Canadian Role in Atnml£
Bomb Drama" August 13, 1945.
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the American Secretary of State for V.ar (6th August 1945) by the
U.K. Department of Scientific and Industrial Research (12 August
1945) and by the Canadian Minister of Supply (13 August 1945).

A

fuller account of the basic scientific research undertaken and the
administrative arrangements within the United States (the Smyth
Report on "Atomic Energy for Military Purposes") was published on
10 August 1945.
Prior to the release of these statements and in viev/ of the
agreement at Quebec not to reveal information concerning the
project to third parties without mutual consent, the three
statements had been sent to the other countries for comment.
The U.K. approach to the U.S. releases was considerably more
cautious than the

American, and the former indicated concern that

such full disclosure regarding the technical processes for the
production of weapons was contemplated. U.K. consent to both
the press release and the Smyth Report was finally obtained;

the

outcome of this discussion on the release of information was
the establishment of a U.S.-U.K. sub-committee to draw up
the principles and conditions which would govern the further
release of scientific information concerning the atomic project.
In later years, the release of information became a tripartite
concern, and U.S.-U.K.-Canadian conferences on the
"declassification" of secret information are now held at regular
intervals.
The Problem of Post-War Collaboration
With the end of the war, the three governments re-examined
their relationships in the field of atomic energy in view of the
fact that the objectives of the co-operation established by the
^uebec Agreement had been achieved wdth the victories over
Germany and Japan. President

Truman and Mr. Attlee, then Prime

Minister, met in November 1945, and a public declaration was
released on November 15, signed by President Truman, Mr. Attlee
and Mr. Mackenzie King, Prime Minister of Canada, stating that the
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000329

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three governments agreed to co-operate in promoting the internatbnal control of atomic energy.
On November 16, another statement, which was not made public,
was signed by the same three signatories;

it declared that the

Combined Policy Committee and ths Combined Development Trust
should continue, as well as full and effective co-operation in
the field of atomic energy.

The Combined Policy Committee was

instructed to consider and recommend appropriate arrangements to
achieve this objective.
In discussing, in the special sub-committee appointed by
the Combined Policy Committee these arrangements, the . ....
representatives in Washington had argued that the U.S. had already
agreed to continue full co-operation in the field of atomic energy
between the two governments and cited the provisions of the
Quebec agreement and of the Hyde Park Aide Memoire.

The Combined

Policy Committee however was not able in the Spring of 1946 to
agree on arrangements for full co-operation which the United
States could regard as consistent with the support of an
international control system.
The Organisation of the British Atomic Energy Project
Mr. Attlee, then Prime Minister, announced on October 29,
1945, in the House of Commons, that the British Government had
decided "to set up a research and experimental establishment
covering all aspects of the use of atomic energy", and that
responsibility for this function was being transferred from the
Department of Scientific and Industrial Research to the Ministry
of Supply.

The new arrangements, which launched an extensive

programme of research and development, were given statutory form
in the U.K. Atomic Energy Act of 1946, after the Prime Minister's
announcement, on January 29, that the Government planned to
produce fissionable material in sufficient quantity to enable the
United Kingdom to develop a program for the use of atomic energy
as circumstances might require.

The first announcement that the

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U.K. were developing atomic weapons was made by the U.K. Minister
of Defence in the House of Commons on May 12, 1948. The Ministry
of Supply continued to be responsible for the U.K. project until
the end of 1953.
The Establishment of the United States atomic Energy Commission
On August 1, 1946, the Congress of the United States passed
the United States Atomic Energy Act (the McMahon Act) which
established a new Atomic Energy Commission and contained provisions
which severely limited co-operation in this field with other
countries.

The functions of the Manhattan District were

transferred to the United States Atomic Energy Commission on
January 1, 1947.

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ven before the imposition of restrictions on international
co-operation under the McMahon Act, there had been - as has
been said - differences of opinion on the type and extent of
co-operation that was desirable and permissible.

The question

remained unresolved throughout 1946 and 1947.
At the same time there remained also the problem of
determining an appropriate allocation between the United Kingdom
and the United States of the raw materials v/hich had been
acquired by the Combined Development Trust. By the

latter part

of 1947 it had become apparent, in view of the obstacles to the
international control of atomic energy which had been encountered,
that it was desirable that the existing United States atomic energy
plants be used to their capacity for the production of fissionable
material in the interest of the common defence.

To support these

plants and the additional plants required for defence purposes,
it was necessary for the United States to obtain a substantial
lortion of all the uranium available to the two Governments.
For these reasons, therefore, both the U.S. and the U.K.
were ready to re-open negotiations and a series of Combined
Policy Committee discussions on the problem of uranium allocations,
000331

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|the problem of technical co-operation and other matters began
in the latter part of 1947 and resulted in that Committee's
adoption on January 7, 1948, of a Modus Vivendi consisting of the
following main points:1.

An agreement to continue arrangements for the promotion of

and control of the production of uranium and thorium and for the
allocation of available supplies, including special arrangements
to satisfy U.S. demands for 1948 and 1949.
2.

A recognition that there v/ere "areas of information and

experience in v/hich co-operation would be mutually beneficial
to the three countries" and an agreement to co-operate as fully
as permitted by the laws of the respective countries in certain
defined areas of technical co-operation.
3.

An agreement for prior consultation before the disclosure of

classified information to other countries and for continued
co-ordination of the declassification of classified information.
4.

A recognition that in the event of international agreement

on the control of atomic energy, the special relationship between
the U.S., U.K. and Canada v/ould need reconsideration.

Policy on

international control remained as set out in the Tripartite
Declaration of November 15, 1945 (see p. 10).
5.

An agreement that the Combined Policy Committee and The

Combined Development Trust (renamed the Combined Development Agency)
should continue, but that other agreements should be considered
null and void.

This provision abrogated any parts of the Quebec

agreement and the Hyde Park aide memoire as might at that time
have been held to be in force.
Co-operation Under the Modus Vivendi
After the modus vivendi was approved and after the Technical
Co-operation Program was put into effect, differences of opinion
developed between the United States and the United Kingdom on the
definition of areas. The British view of the problem was that
the areas should be interpreted in a liberal and broad sense.
From the United States point of view it became increasingly ooo332

�Document disclosed under the Access to Information Act '-i « pocumerrf dtyulgue en vertu de la Loi sur faeces a I'information

fficult to differentiate between atomic energy information on
the basis of whether or not it related to the production of
materials for weapons. The United States considered that
production and weapon information was not a part of the Technical
Co-operation Program and that such exchange was prohibited by the
terms of the U.S. Atomic Energy Act. Discussions were initiated
between the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States in order
to determine whether a new basis for co-operation could be agreed
upon, but in the early part of 1950 they were suspended by
informal agreement and since that time technical co-operation has
taken place within the limited framework of the modus vivendi of
1948, except for an extension of co-operation in 1955 to cover the
exchange of information on certain aspects of the effects of atomic
explosions.
Security
In the development of the modus vivendi it was agreed that an
objective of the three governments would be the establishment of
common standards of security in the atomic energy field.

This

objective assumed greater urgency with the discovery in 1950 of the
Fuchs espionage case, and subsequently of other such cases in the
U.K. and U.S.A.
In June 1950, in Washington, there was held the first
tripartite conference on security matters among officials of the
U.S. Atomic Energy Commission, the British Ministry of Supply
and the Canadian Atomic Energy Control Board to discuss policies
and procedures with respect to establishing closer comparability
of security standards among the three countries. A second
conference was held in London in July 1951 and a third in
Washington in May 1952. Since that time there have been several
exchanges of visits by small working groups and a close and
continuing co-operation has resulted.

- 14 -

000333

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