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NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL

Copy
ORIGINALS ENGLISH

No* I8/7

NATO SECRET
DOCUMENT
'C-M(56')138(Final!

DIRECTIVE TO THE NATO
MILITARY AUTHORITIES FROM
THE NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL
(Approved by the Council at its meeting on
13th December, 1956)(l)

Part I
Analysis of Soviet
Intentions

Part II

The Directive

Palais de Chaillot,
Paris, XVIe»

(1) C-R(56)74
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PART I. ANALYSIS OF SOVIET INTENTIONS
General trends of Soviet policy
The Soviet leaders see international affairs in terms of a struggle
for world domination between two rival ideologies. This concept also
coincides with many aspects of traditional" Russian power policy. They
continue their unremitting efforts to weaken and ultimately to destroy the
" capitalist world", which they look upon as their opponent in this
struggle for power. This assessment has been confirmed by the events which
have taken place in Hungary and the Middle East.
2.
Whatever repercussions these events may have within the USSR,
there is no reason to doubt that the regime will remain sufficiently stable
to go on developing its economic and military strength.
In spite of reductions in manpower, the military strength of the
USSR will not be diminished. On the contrary, it is steadily increasing in
terms of modern weapons for air, land and sea forces. Overall nuclear
capability continues steadily to grow, including a capability for the
delivery of nuclear weapons both within Europe and directly against North
America. In addition to expanding their nuclear capability, the Soviets
appear to be keeping forces able to undertake non-nuclear warfare on either
a large or a small scale. The effects of the upheaval in the satellites
on the military strength of the Soviet Bloc are not wholly clear, but
some of the European satellite forces might not be reliable, depending
on the Circumstances in which aggression occurred.
Changes in the direction of decentralisation and limited
"democratisation" in the Soviet Union have taken place; these changes
have not been so extensive or of such a character as to constitute a basic
change in the Soviet regime.
These developments have also affected Soviet-satellite relations.
The recognition of "different roads to socialism" and the shock of
destalini.sation have imposed very great strains on the structure 6f the
Bloc, and have confronted the USSR with serious policy dilemmas. It is
not clear at present whether the USSR, having apparently miscalculated
the scope and strength of nationalism and anti-Communism in Eastern
Europe, will continue its earlier policy of modifying Stalinist types
of economic, political and military controls in the satellites. It is
clear, however, that there are limits beyond which the Soviet Government
will not permit the satellites to go and they are prepared to take not only
economic and political, but also the most ruthless military measures tp
retain their control over the Bloc.
3.
The rapid growth of the Soviet Union's economic strength gives
added hope to the Soviet leaders that their aims can be achieved without
resorting to a war in the foreseeable future. To accomplish an expansion
of its influence the USSR has attempted to portray itself as a force for
peace, has tried to lessen the suspicion of Soviet intentions in nonCommunist areas, and has made increasing use of traditional diplomacy,
economic ties, and cultural relations. While the Soviets are likely to
continue these policies they may now find increasing difficulties in doing
so, at any rate in the West.
The USSR's continuing and maih 'objective in the NATO area is to
undermine support for Western defence arrangements and thus lead the way to
the dissolution of NATO. At the same time, the Soviet Government are actively
exploiting new possibilities for trouble-making which have arisen in the
Middle East, Asia and Africa. By capitalising on the forces of nationalism
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C-M(56)138~(Final)
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and neutralism, the Soviet Government seek to increase their position of
power vis-a-vis the West and to undermine and outflank the world-wide
positions of the Western Powers. In this process two important weapons
are the Soviet Union's growing ability to make attractive economic offers
on a highly selective basis and its readiness to supply conventional arms
from its large disposable stocks. They will be able to do both with
increasing facility as they continue to maintain a rate of industrial
growth designed to outstrip the West in economic as well as military
power.
Possibilities of Soviet launching of general nuclear war
4.
There is no doubt that the Soviet leaders understand and fear
the consequences of general nuclear war. It can be assumed therefore
that they will not deliberately launch a general war so long as they
know that the West is prepared to retaliate with nuclear weapons in
sufficient strength to devastate the USSR.
Circumstances may develop, however, in which the Soviet leaders
may harden their attitude and be prepared to take greater risks than
heretofore. They have indulged in the use of threats, including the
threat of war and even of nuclear attack^ as blackmail to attain their
ends.
There is, furthermore, a danger of general war arising from
miscalculation on their part. This danger could arise, for example,
through an underestimation of the Western reaction to an aggressive
action by the Soviets or through a misconstruction of Western intentions
which might lead them to conclude that the Soviet Union was about to be
attacked with nuclear weapons.
Possibilities of Soviet action through use of conventional arms
entailinq risk of general nuclear war
5.
The Soviet leaders are fully aware that any attack they might
launch against NATO, even with conventional arms, would entail an
immediate military response by the NATO Alliance and thus risk a
general war. They would almost certainly regard open attacks with
conventional arms across recognised state frontiers outside the NATO
area by Soviet, Communist Chinese or satellite forces as involving,
under present conditions, a serious risk of general war and therefore
as something to be avoided.
The Soviets are thus not likely to launch
such attacks, provided that the West maintains its defence commitments,
such as the stationing of overseas troops in Western Europe, its firm
-purpose to defend itself, appropriate nuclear -retaliatory strength and
adequate conventional forces to ensure that local armed intervention
by Soviet or satellite forces does not offer a prospect of easy success.
6.
However, the following possibilities of action by the Soviet
leaders through the use of conventional arms, but which would, in varying
dedjree, entail the risk of deteriorating into a major war, must be
included among those requiring consideration:

j

(a) General .attacks against NATO. The USSR might launch
general attacks with conventional weapons against NATO if
the Soviet leaders estimated that the Alliance would be
deterred from employing nuclear weapons against the USSR
except in retaliation to a Soviet buclear attack. The
Soviet leaders might believe that NATO would be thus
deterred, for example:
- because of assumed Western reluctance to be the first
to use nuclear weapons;
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C-M(56)l38~(Final)
- 5 - because of assumed fear on the part of the West that it
was more vulnerable than the Soviet Union to nuclear
attack;
- because of assumed Western division or demoralisation.
(b) Local attacks against NATO. If the Soviet believe that NATO
"would be deterred from employing nuclear weapons (except in
retaliation to a Soviet nuclear attack) and were not able to
defend itself against all types of limited aggression, including
local attack (e.g. by a satellite), the Soviets might initiate,
instigate, support or condone such aggression.
(c) Attacks against peripheral non^NATO countries. If the West
is deemed to be deterred from employing nuclear weapons and
if for this or other reasons the Soviet leaders thought that
a non-NATO country on the periphery of the Soviet bloc would
not or could not receive effective support of the Western
powers, the Soviets might be tempted to use their preponderance
in conventional forces either for armed intervention in the
country in question or to exert pressure on it in order to
influence it towards alignment with the Soviet camp.
(d) Insurrection and guerrilla. Armed insurrection or guerrilla
activity under direct or indirect Communist sponsorship '
supported by irregulars or "volunteers-" from the bloc might
occur if the Communists are presented with opportunities
(e.g. serious internal} disorders in a non-Communist country,
disunity in the free world or collapse of its defence arrangements,
etc.)
(e) Indirect intervention outside of NATO area. Situations in
which the relations between countries outside the Soviet
bloc deteriorate will be exploited by the USSR to further
her political, economic and military influence. If the
deterioration of such relations reaches the point of armed
conflict, the USSR may go to the length of sending various
forms of military assistance, including "volunteers",
from the bloc.
(f) Soviet intervention in satellites. Extensive military measures
by the USSR to cope with serious deterioration of its control
over the satellites can produce an explosive situation.

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PART II - THE DIRECTIVE
The North Atlantic Treaty states that the basic aim of
the Alliance is to safeguard the freedom, common heritage, and
civilisation of the peoples of the NATO countries8 Tdlihis end,
a ^collective defence system has been built up for the purpose
of averting war,, This purpose cannot be fulfilled unless the
potential aggressor is confronted by NATO with forces which are
so organizedj disposed, trained and equipped that he will conclude
that the chances of a favourable decision are too small to be
acceptable and that fat£l risks would be involved if he launched
or supported an armed attack, even with superior numbers and the
advantage of surprise,,
2„
In the light of the conclusions contained in Part I of
this paper', a review of NATO defence planning is required in order
to determine how, within the resources likely to be available, the
defence effort of the Alliance and of each individual member can
best achieve the most effective pattern of forces0
3«
For NATO defence and as a major deterrent to Soviet
aggression a fully effective nuclear retaliatory force provided
with all the necessary facilities must be maintained and protected„
h.
Taking into account the role of the nuclear retaliatory
force, the land, sea and air forces available to NATO must be
designed to enable them to defend NATO territory and In particular
to enable them to meet all the following requirements;
(a)

to keep confidence in the military effectiveness
of the NATO defence organization, and thereby to
contribute to the deterrent to aggression, and to
prevent external intimidationj.

(b)

to deal with incidents such as infiltrations,
incursions or hostile local actions by the
Soviets, or by Satellites with or without
overt or covert Soviet supports.

(c)

to identify Soviet or Satellite aggression (on
land, sea or air) |

(d)

to deal with armed aggression, other than that
referred to in (b) above, in accordance with
the concept of "forward strategy", counting
on the use of nuclear weapons at the outset,
and to sustain operations, without any intention
to make a major withdrawal, until the strategic
counter-offensive has achieved its objective;

Ce)

to protect and maintain sea communications as
required in support of the above missions &lt;&gt;

For the purposes of this directive it should be assumed that
British, Canadian and US forces will continue to be stationed in
Allied Command Europec
5o
The .shield forces must include the capability to respond
quickly, should the situation so require, with nuclear weapons to
any type of aggression,, They must, of course, also have the
capability to deal with the situations envisaged in k(b) above
without necessarily having recourse to nuclear weapons.,
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C-M(l?6)138rFinal)

'60
The responsibility of governments to make decisions for
putting NATO military plans into action in the event of hostilities
is not affected by this directive.
7.
Although NATO, defence planning is limited to the
defence of the Treaty area, it is necessary to take account of
dangers which may arise for NATO because of developments outside
that area(l)o
In planning for the most efficient organization and
equipment of NATO forces, account must be taken of the possible
need for certain NATO countries to use some of their.NATO forces
to meet defence commitments elsewhere, such as may arise because
of the various and changing forms of the Soviet inspired Communist
threat on a world front0 This need, however, should, in conformity with their NATO commitments, be harmonised with the primary
Importance of protecting the NATO area,,
80
It is possible that an attack on NATO would be preceded
by a period of acute political tension and heralded by advance
indications involving the application of the ""alert11* system. In
any case the consequences of an attack on NATO without warning are
such that those NATO forces and facilities directly relating to
early warning and the nuclear retaliatory action must be kept in
constant readiness at all timesj all other forces must be maintained at the appropriate NATO standard of readiness.
9c
In deciding on the allocation of total resources,
governments will take account, inter alia0 of the rising cost of
new weapons and of the need for economic resources to deal with the
Soviet threat in all its aspects, without endangering their economic
stability, which in itself is an essential element of their security .
The question of allocation of resources will be kept under constant
review, but meanwhile it should be assumed for planning purposes
that in present circumstances, few, if any, NATO countries can be
expected to make a substantial increase in the proportion of their
resources devoted to defence* The continuing need, however, for
men, money and materiel for NATO defence remains realo

(1) NATO military authorities have no responsibility or authority
except with respect to incidents which are covered by Articles
5 and 6 of the North Atlantic Treaty.

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